Autor: Marek, Safjan, - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Europejskie wyzwania wobec prawa zobowiązań
Autorzy:: Marek, Safjan,
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/902639.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:: specificity of European private law mechanisms
autonomy of concepts
impact of the European law on national obligation law: instruments
sources of tensions
role of the EU Court of Justice case-law
adopting legal framework proper for the coexistence of the national private law systems and the European private law
Opis:: At the current stage of the European integration, the problems occurring as a result of the coexistence of the European private law, including contract law, and the national legal systems, find their origins in the differences in legal concepts underlying these legal orders, defined by different goals and hierarchies of values. In European private law, the tendency to protect the weaker party of the contractual relationship is stronger than in national legal systems, or at least some of them. This results from the fact that the European legislator confers particular importance to the consumer protection, employment, public health and access to the public utility services (transport, telecommunications and Internet services, energy). In these very fields, European law limits the parties’ formal autonomy in order to guarantee their actual autonomy. The regulatory functions of the European law determine the content of legal relationships in order to compensate the “deficiency of equality” by strengthening the weaker party and limiting the professional’s rights. By these means a perspective based on the distributive axiology rather than on the commutative function typical for the civilistic relationships is being introduced into private law. This trend is reflected in the EU Court of Justice case-law. The abovementioned tendencies clearly correspond with the ongoing evolution of the national systems of private law under the influence of European law. In other words, the impact of the European law is getting stronger, and this not only by way of introducing new regulations, but also due to the alteration of the methods of legal interpretation and applying the law, by putting emphasis on the wider context of legal mechanisms. This process leads more and more often to consequences, which legal scholars use to characterize as a “publicization” or “constitutionalisation” of the private law.
Źródło:: Studia Iuridica; 2016, 64; 43-60
0137-4346
Pojawia się w:: Studia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: Wyzwania dla państwa prawa - frustracje, oczekiwania, rzeczywistość
Challenges for the State Governed by the Rule od Law - Expectations and Reality
Autorzy:: Safjan, Marek
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/904303.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2010
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie, Małopolska Szkoła Administracji Publicznej
Tematy:: postawy społeczne
państwo prawne
przekształcenia ustrojowo-systemowe
social attitudes
state governed by the rule od law
systemic transformation
Opis:: Celem tego wykładu jest próba częściowej odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego w 20 lat po rewolucji 1989 r. jesteśmy społeczeństwem sfrustrowanym, niewierzącym w swoje szanse i pesymistycznie postrzegającym najbliższą przyszłość. (fragment tekstu)
Źródło:: Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance; 2010, 2(12); 5-30
1898-3529
2658-1116
Pojawia się w:: Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: The Constitutional Tribunal after thirty years – experience and the future
Trybunał Konstytucyjny po trzydziestu latach – doświadczenie i przyszłość
Autorzy:: Safjan, Marek
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/783610.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017-07-13
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Fundacja Krakowski Instytut Prawa Karnego
Opis:: This article tries to answer three different questions: Did we create a stable and strong constitutional culture in Poland after collapse of the communist system? Has the model of constitutional review enshrined in the Polish Constitution confirmed itself over the 30 years of its application by the Constitutional Tribunal, notably considering the alternative model to the Tribunal’s concentrated review, i.e. the so-called dispersed constitutional review exercised directly by the common courts? As a third topic, the article deals with the perspectives of the constitutional review and necessary changes in that regard. It could serve as an instrument for the future improvement of constitutional culture as well as ensure a more effective influence of the basic constitutional values and principles on the entire legal order in Poland, notably through a stronger presence of the constitutional axiology in the judicial practice. The conclusion of the first part of the article is that Polish constitutional culture is not sufficiently enrooted in the tradition and awareness of the Polish society – this concerns average citizens, as well as members of the political elite. This is one of the essential reasons why the Polish constitutional system, founded on a good institutional framework for the state ruled by law, has become so fragile with regard to the recent political and legal changes, which have an extremely negative impact on the legal order and which undermine the basic democratic principles, starting with the independence of the judiciary. This conclusion draws upon the author’s postulate that the constitutional legal order of the democratic state ruled by law must necessarily be strengthened by a well-organized civil society and by a good constitutional practice shaped in compliance with fundamental rights, basic values and principles. The second part of the article presents arguments in favor of the centralized (concentrated) constitutional review model, which could in principle be maintained in the future. This model is better adapted to the Polish legal traditions and to the structure of the Polish judiciary, whereas the opposite model of decentralized judicial review could seriously weaken the principle of legal certainty. However, it is argued that this approach should not be understood as a categorical refusal of a direct application of constitutional norms, principles and values by common judges. On the contrary - the modern concept of judicial interpretation and application of law requires an openness towards the larger context of the legal order, including the constitutional, supranational and international texts, and presupposes observance of the basic rights and values which are guaranteed by these texts and universally recognized. However, the definitive elimination of legal provisions from the legal order should in principle be a prerogative of the constitutional court in conformity with the logic of the model of centralized constitutional review. At the present time, which sees the model of constitutional review paralyzed by prolonged constitutional crisis, and a clear violation of the independence of the constitutional justice by the parliamentary and governmental majority, the necessity of striving for a specific instrument to effectively apply the constitutional guarantees in the legal order must not be ignored. The author argues that this exceptional situation justifies a temporary replacement of the concentrated model of constitutional review by concrete judicial review, which means that the ordinary judges can refuse the application of statutory legal rules in specific cases if they do not comply with the constitution. In the final part of this publication, focusing on the future perspectives, the author discusses necessary improvements of the constitutional review, in line with a more flexible approach allowing common judges to refuse in some situations the application of non-constitutional rules without referring a question of law to the constitutional court. The author also posits the necessity of introducing some modifications to the model of constitutional complaint and argues for an enlargement of the competences of the constitutional court, covering not only the review of the constitutionality of norms, but also the review of conformity with fundamental rights in their application.
Źródło:: Przegląd Konstytucyjny; 2017, 1
2544-2031
Pojawia się w:: Przegląd Konstytucyjny
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: Prawda i pojednanie
Autorzy:: Safjan, Marek.
Powiązania:: Rzeczpospolita 1999, nr 256. Dod. "Prawo co Dnia", s. 1, 2
Data publikacji:: 1999
Dostawca treści:: Bibliografia CBW

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: Polityka a Trybunał Konstytucyjny. Konstytucja – ostatni środek obrony przed polityką
Politics and the Constitutional Tribunal. The Constitution – the last line of defence against politics
Autorzy:: Safjan, Marek
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/693682.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:: judicial independence
politics and the judiciary
appointment of judges of the Constitutional Tribunal
hard cases
direct applicability of the Constitution
hierarchical structure of norms
niezależność sędziowska
polityka i sąd
wybór sędziów sądu konstytucyjnego
bezpośrednie stosowanie Konstytucji
hierarchiczna struktura norm
Opis:: In the first part of this paper an attempt is made to answer the question to what extent the fact that judges of the Constitutional Tribunal are appointed by a political organ (the Seym of the Republic of Poland) determines the political character of the Tribunal itself. Based, among otherthings, on his own experience, the author, a retired judge of the Constitutional Tribunal, states that the search for a iunctim between the political appointment of constitutional judges and their adjudicating activity is unjustified, as can be seen from the example of particular judgments delivered by the Constitutional Tribunal in what might be termed hard cases. Judges endowed with very strong guarantees of independence are capable of remaining impartial in their judgments and making decisions independently of their personal beliefs. The real threat to the independenceof the Constitutional Tribunal is political pressure exercised by government, which manifests itself in, for example, direct and personal criticism of Constitutional Tribunal judges or a refusal to implement judicial decisions issued by the Constitutional Tribunal. A particularly dangerous situation arises when a legislator attempts to intervene in the internal procedural autonomy of the Constitutional Tribunal with a view to determining the order in which the matters before the Tribunal should be dealt with, setting a 2/3 qualified majority for decisions ‘when sitting as a full court’ or determining the required quorum at a level which may paralyse the work of the Constitutional Tribunal altogether. In the second part of the paper the question is asked whether the Constitutional Tribunal may examine the constitutionality of the procedures being introduced by a new law on the Constitutional Tribunal before it proceeds to apply them. The answer to this question is in the affirmative, followed by arguments calling for the direct application of the Constitution which in such cases becomes the only point of reference when new procedural regulations are to be evaluated.
Przedmiotem artykułu jest ‒ w pierwszej części ‒ próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jakim stopniu fakt powoływania sędziów Trybunału Konstytucyjnego przez organ polityczny, tj. Sejm RP, determinuje polityczny charakter samego Trybunału Konstytucyjnego. Autor wskazuje m.in. na podstawie swoich własnych doświadczeń sędziego TK, że poszukiwanie iunctim pomiędzy aktem politycznego wyboru sędziów a ich aktywnością orzeczniczą nie znajduje uzasadnienia, co wyraźnie potwierdzają przykłady konkretnych rozstrzygnięć sądu konstytucyjnego w tzw. hard cases. Sędziowie wyposażeni w bardzo silne gwarancje niezawisłości potrafią zachować obiektywizm ocen i niezależność także od swoich własnych przekonań politycznych. Prawdziwym zagrożeniem niezależności Trybunału Konstytucyjnego jest natomiast presja polityczna wywierana przez rządzących, której przejawem jest np. bezpośrednia personalna krytyka sędziów TK lub odmowa wykonywania orzeczeń sądu konstytucyjnego. Szczególnie niebezpiecznym instrumentem jest próba ingerowania ustawodawcy w sprawy wewnętrznej autonomii proceduralnej TK, zmierzająca m.in. do narzucenia kolejności rozpatrywanych spraw, wprowadzenia większości kwalifikowanej 2/3 przy podejmowaniu orzeczeń w pełnym składzie czy określenia quorum na takim poziomie, który może paraliżować funkcjonowanie sądu konstytucyjnego. W drugiej części artykułu podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy Trybunał może zbadać konstytucyjność procedur wprowadzonych nową ustawą o TK, zanim przystąpi do stosowania tych procedur. Autor udziela odpowiedzi twierdzącej na to pytanie, przytaczając argumenty na rzecz bezpośredniego stosowania Konstytucji, która w takich wypadkach staje się jedynym punktem odniesienia oceny nowych regulacji proceduralnych.
Źródło:: Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny; 2016, 78, 1; 35-42
0035-9629
2543-9170
Pojawia się w:: Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Politics-and Constitutional Courts (Judge’s Personal Perspective)
Autorzy:: Safjan, Marek
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929534.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2009-03-30
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:: constitution building
democracy
non-majoritarian institutions
political culture
political representation
public opinion
fundamental/human rights
judicial review
transparency
Opis:: The paper deals with different forms of political impact on the constitutional justice. The main subject of presentation is the analysis of recent Polish experiences which can help to identify better the threats to the independence of the constitutional justice in democratic space. The first part takes the effort to describe the specific phenomenon of political pressure exerted on the constitutional justice through indirect influence (so called “political mobbing”). The argumentation developed in the paper proves that even such indirect and sometimes subtle interferences from the political elite create the very danger for accountability of constitutional justice and have a negative impact on constitutional awareness of the society. The second part deals with typical reasons (ongoing in all constitutional courts) of inevitable “politization” of the constitutional review, first of all the political procedure of appointments of the judges and the political nature of constitutional cases. The thesis is defended through the analysis of Polish experiences which indicate that the presence of politics, inherent element of the constitutional justice, cannot be automatically identified with lack of the objective and independent judgments issued by the judges. Internal independence and formal external guarantees of it allow us to avoid the pathological impact of politics. Two factors have a particularly great impact on the attitudes of judges and support them in fulfilling their responsibility: the continuity of jurisprudential lines, accumulation of constitutional experience (acquis constitutionnel) and the permanent dialogue between the constitutional courts and the international courts or among the constitutional courts in the European space.
Źródło:: Polish Sociological Review; 2009, 165, 1; 3-26
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:: Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki