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    Wyświetlanie 1-9 z 9
    Tytuł:
    Люстрація в Польщі та Чехії: розбіжність типів, чинників та наслідків
    Lustracja w Polsce i w Czechach: odmienność typów, czynników i konsekwencji
    Autorzy:
    Мінєнкова, Наталія
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489444.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    lustration,
    postcomunìsm, systemic transformation, political regime
    Opis:
    It has been defined the specific scientific definition of lustration, as political practices in the countries of postcomunìsm. In particular, two approaches in its interpretation are outlined: the traditional – removing individuals from participating in political life or legal punishment for actions during the previous regime, retroactive – disclosure of information about certain actions, and the persons that were recognized as criminals, punishment in this case carried primarily a moral character. It has been outlined the five factors that determine the success of the lustration practices: the moral authority and the political will of the new Government; support the idea of cleansing, upgrading power structures in society; the presence of the legislative framework that carries the standards of international law, which is based on the world experience; saving archives (documents), based on which one can set the criminal actions of the authorities; the existence of personnel, capable and worthy to carry out the lustration law. It has been defined that in Poland and the Czech Republic the identified factors have had a different weight, but the common features to both countries were: the process of “wildlife lustration”, as well as the avoidance of the lustration procedures of significant part of the past regime collaborators. It has been determined the specifics of lustration in Poland and Czech Republic in the period of postcomunìsm. In particular, in Poland lustration started much later than the systemic transformation, the present process is not completed (not in the legal field, or in the practical implementation). It has been taken place the retrospective type – which is aimed, mainly, on the restoration of historical justice. In the Czech Republic, on the contrary, the lustration started simultaneously with the transformation changes, aimed to protect, first of all, the new State from abuse authoritarian last (a promising type). The Czech Republic is one of the few countries of postcomunìsm where this practice had the completed character in the legal aspect. It is emphasized that these different types of lustration in Poland and the Czech Republic were caused by different types of transformation. In Poland reformist and compromise nature of systemic changes actually made the conduct of lustration fast and efficient. In the Czech Republic revolutionary transformation, on contrary, have caused rapid adoption of laws on lustration law: under the pressure of society’s new elite were forced unpopular changes which were contrary to the persuasion and personal prejudice.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 153-157
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    «Рашизм» як квазіідеологія пострадянського імперського реваншу
    „Raszyzm” jako quasi-ideologia postradzieckiego rewanżu postimperialnego
    Autorzy:
    Дем’яненко, Борис
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489313.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    ruscism
    putinism
    ideology
    quasi-ideology
    power
    political regime
    Opis:
    The article is devoted to the «ruscism» – the political neologism that arose at the beginning of the 21st century to denote the quasi-ideology and social practice of the modern political regime in the Russian Federation. Key definitions of the proposed article are «ideology» as a system of beliefs and ideas, views on society and its political life, that reflects ideals, worldview, interests, mindset of people, social classes, political parties, social movements, and also includes values, normative and target tendencies and the ways of their achievement, in particular its modern concept of «expanding» (according to T. Parsons) that is being interpreted as a particular society’s system of values that is serving the universal orientation for the socio-political activities; «quasi-ideology» in the sense of «false», «imaginary» ideology and an eclectic synthesis of certain postulates; «ruscism» as the unofficial name of the quasi-ideology and social practice of the ruling regime in the Russian Federation at the beginning of the 21st century, which is an eclectic mix of imperial neo-colonialism, great-power chauvinism, nostalgia for the Soviet past, religious traditionalism, and acts as an identification mechanism within the system (recognition of «friends» and «enemies»), engagement (attracting of the new «friends»), and legitimization of conditional offenders on which all kinds of freedom supporters make claims. The author relies on a wide range of approaches to the definition of the semantic and ideological content of the «ruscism» by Russian scholars and political analysts who represent a predominantly critical view of the current political regime of the Russian Federation (S. Belkovsky, L. Gudkov, A. Melnikov, A. Piontkovsky, A. Skobov), political and military figures of the post-Soviet space (Sh. Basayev, J. Dudayev), Ukrainian researchers (O. Grinov, O. Kaftan, O. Kostenko, O. Leusenko, V. Tkachenko, M. Tomenko and etc.), expresses own opinion regarding this phenomenon. It is stated that the manifestation of «ruscism» in the domestic policy is the violation of human rights for freedom of thought, the persecution of dissidents, the use of mass media for misinformation of the own society and the neglect of democratic procedures. In foreign policy «ruscism» manifests itself in violation of the international law principles, the imposition of the world’s own version of historical truth, the justification of the barbarian geopolitics of the Russian Federation aimed at occupation and annexation of the other states’ territories based on the local cooperation and support of the Russian fifth columns. Nowadays «ruscism» acts as the ideological basis of the non-democratic regime in the Russian Federation also known as «putinism». It is predicted that «ruscism» as an ideological basis of «putinism» and «putinism» itself as a kind of authoritarian political regime of the present Russian Federation can exist after Putin’s departure (resignation, escape, natural or violent death, etc.). In this case the role of the key figure of the regime will be played by another successor and such a modernization of the quasi-ideology of «ruscism» and the facade of «putinism» may be beneficial to the financial oligarchy, since it can hypothetically reduce the impact of international sanctions and isolation.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 35-40
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Ruch po okręgu, czy wyjście z pułapki?
    Autorzy:
    Мацієвський, Юрій
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/686946.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
    Tematy:
    Ukraine, political regime, hybrid regime, institutional trap, systemic vulnerability, informal institutions
    Україна, політичний режим, гібридний режим, інституційна пастка, системна уразливість, неформальні інститути
    Opis:
    This paper examines the changes within the political regime and the state two years after the revolutionary changes of government. There are three questions in focus: whether the regime has changed, whether there has been a renewal of elites and what are the prospects of slipping out of the institutional trap, where Ukraine had fallen in the mid 90's. The analysis shows that the institutional core of the regime has hardly changed, meaning that the regime remains hybrid. Despite greater than in 2004 quantitative renewal of elites, qualitative change has not occurred again. Preserving informal institutional core of the regime and the lack of a genuine elite renewal are the two critical factors that impede the Ukraine’s movement towards sustainable development. One strategy to help Ukraine to start moving forward would be a closer institutional "binding" of Ukraine to the Western institutions and structures.
    Метою статті є аналіз політикуму й держави через два роки після революційної зміни влади. У фокусі уваги три питання: чи змінився режим, чи відбулося оновлення еліт і чи здатна країна вислизнути з інституційної пастки, куди вона потрапила ще в середині 90-их років. Проведений аналіз свідчить, що інституційне ядро режиму майже не змінилося, тобто режим як був, так і залишається гібридним. Попри більше ніж у 2004 р. кількісне оновлення еліт, якісного оновлення знову не відбулося. Збереження неформального інституційного ядра режиму і відсутність глибокого оновлення еліт є двома вирішальними чинниками, що гальмують рух України на шляху до сталого розвитку. Виправити ситуацію могла б тісніша інституційна «прив’язка» України до західних структур і інститутів.
    Źródło:
    Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne; 2016, 2, 1
    2450-4866
    Pojawia się w:
    Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Внутрішньополітична безпека України крізь призму концептуалізації гібридних викликів та загроз (2014-2018 рр.)
    Wewnątrzpolityczne bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy poprzez pryzmat konceptualizacji hybrydalnych zagrożeń i wezwań
    Autorzy:
    Гулай, Василь
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489309.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    security
    internal security
    hybrid aggression
    political regime
    political elites and leaders
    Opis:
    The combination of military and non-military means of power struggle in interstate relations faced in recent years by countries such as Georgia, Moldova, Syria, Ukraine, Montenegro and others can not be considered entirely new phenomenon in world history, but with the development of information technology and the globalization of the financial and economic system has brought new opportunities for the use of economic, informational, political and military means of pressure. Positively evaluating the achievements of Ukrainian researchers in disclosing the institutional and procedural principles of the state system functioning and political provision of national security of Ukraine, it should be pointed out that the problem of conceptualization and response to internal political risks for its national security remains unresolved in the context of the continuation of wide-ranging implementation by Russia of theoretical and methodological and applied aspects. Hybrid war combined forces and means, including in the political sphere of Ukrainian society. Some aspects of this problem were presented by the author in Polish scientific publications. The work hypothesis found that the degree and nature of the destructive influence of individual events, phenomena and processes in the domestic political sphere, the economy, the social sphere, information activities, the fight against organized crime and corruption in Ukraine are not only conditioned by the corresponding undisguised intervention of the aggressor country, but also have an intra-Ukrainian nature, caused by the implementation of the latent interests of prominent representatives of the post-war political ruling class in Ukraine (Petro Poroshenko Bloc / People’s Front A. Yatsenyuk, A. Avakov and O. Turchinov / «Vinnytsia» group of Prime Minister of Ukraine V. Groysman). The main components of Ukraine’s internal security at the present stage in confronting the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation are considered: the system of ensuring political security and its subjects, internal political and interconfessional stability, public accord, civil society and political power, political regime and political security, state security, political elites and leaders, political movements, state-church relations, religious organizations, constitutional order, territorial integrity of Ukraine. It is necessary to take into account the fact that the special organs and advocacy machine of the aggressor country in the process of information war against Ukraine attaches the highest priority to the demoralization and disintegration of Ukrainian society and discretisation of the security and defense sector. Russian propaganda for destabilizing the situation in Ukraine is actively used by the growth of negative attitudes among Ukrainian citizens. An important problem that has emerged since the onset of hybrid aggression against Ukraine is the activity of Russian agents of influence in the parliament, political parties, local authorities and civic organizations. The simulated nature of the overwhelming majority of institutional and procedural components of the reform of the social life of the Ukrainian state while simultaneously marginalizing social protest actions in the short term create the illusion of social stability of the new / old dominant political and business groups as a collective embodiment of kleptocracy, clientism and corruption. hybrid political regime in post-war Ukraine. The ruling from 2014, based on client-patronage ties and faith through informal political practices, the consolidated power groups of the Bloc of Petro Poroshenko and the People’s Front are not able to overcome the crisis of confidence in power as an integral institutional and procedural system. They explain the growing internal protest potential of the Kremlin’s influence. The potential of the ruling political class of Ukraine is also aggravated by the fact that in its hands the most powerful material resources, administrative and technical-organizational means, funds, sources and means of information transmission, ideological and legal mechanisms, etc., are concentrated. The specifics of the ruling political class of Ukraine are manifested in the implementation of strategies for self-enrichment, which obviously leads to neglect of public interests and uncontrolled and permissiveness. Taking into account the growing scope of domestic political risk potential of national security in the projection of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019, a process of political consolidation of the most active part of Ukrainian citizens around common values and interests, overcoming of existing political contradictions and achieving socially acceptable standards of living may be worthy of scientific analysis, consequently, ensuring the security of the individual, society and the state, preserving its independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty and file progressive development of Ukraine.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 119-126
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Репресії сталінського режиму щодо Римсько-католицької церкви на Волині і в Східній Галичині у 1939–1941 рр.
    Repression of the Stalinist regime against the Roman Catholic Church in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia 1939–1941
    Autorzy:
    Baran, Wołodymyr
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/488063.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014
    Wydawca:
    Towarzystwo Nauki i Kultury Libra
    Tematy:
    stalinizm
    Kościół Rzymskokatolicki w ZSRR
    Stalinist regime
    Roman Catholic Church in USSR
    Opis:
    The article analyzes the situation of the Roman Catholic Church in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia in 1939–1941. The author discusses the Stalinist policy towards religion and the Church, forms and methods of government pressure on religious organizations, believers and clergy (intimidation, summoning for questioning, the introduction of high taxes, the use of a variety of administrative harassment, etc.). This paper shows the activity of the Soviet state security organs to the distribution of religious communities, to discredit priests and church leaders, as well as the persecution and repression against the most stubborn and rebellious priests. However, even such action could not undermine the authority of the clergy and tear items of local people on the maintenance of a constant tradition, and the Christian faith.
    Źródło:
    Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja; 2014, 3; 49-63
    2299-890X
    Pojawia się w:
    Komunizm: system – ludzie - dokumentacja
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Ціннісні орієнтири в Україні в умовах формування тоталітарного менталітету 1920 – 1930-х рр. (Cinnisni orіentiri v Ukrainі v umovakh formuvannja totalіtarnogo mentalіtetu 1920 – 1930-kh rr.)
    Values in Ukraine in the Formation of a Totalitarian Mentality in the 1920s and 1930s.
    Ценностные ориентиры в Украине в условиях формирования тоталитарного менталитета 1920 – 1930-х гг
    Autorzy:
    Тарапон (Tarapon), Оксана (Oksana)
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2178644.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    values
    totalitarian mentality
    Ukraine
    Soviet regime
    ценностные ориентиры
    тоталитарный менталитет
    Украина
    советский режим
    Opis:
    Mental origins of Soviet totalitarianism were formed after the brutal military conflict during the establishment of the Soviet regime in Ukraine. Protracted military confrontation of several military and political forces exposed civilians to violence and lawlessness. Mass sufferring devalued a human life and intensified social disappointment. Physical and psychological injuries affected daily life and values of the society. The values of survival and self-preservation became dominant under conditions of permanent violence against society. The main characteristic of the totalitarian mentality was the fear, which consolidated the position of non-interference and passivity. During the 1920s and 1930s it facilitated Soviet authorities to use violence against some classes and groups of the society (requisition of bourgeoisie property, abuse of intellectuals, clergy, etc.). Sharp inversion of values, philosophical and moral foundations of the nation, multiplied by the forcible practices of the Soviet policy, resulted in the erosion of values, distorted traditional behavioral patterns of the society and caused deep injuries of mass consciousness.
    Ментальные истоки советского тоталитаризма формировались с момента жестокого военного конфликта в период установления советского режима в Украине. Затяжное военное противостояние нескольких военно-политических сил сопровождалось насилием, погромами, беззакониями над мирными жителями, массовые страдания обесценили человеческую жизнь, усилили разочарование общества, физические и психологические травмы отразились на последующих практиках повседневной жизни, ценностных ориентациях общества. Ценности выживания и самосохранения стали доминирующими в условиях перманентного насилия над социумом. Главной чертой тоталитарного менталитета стал страх, который укрепил позицию невмешательства и пассивности, что на протяжении 1920 – 1930-х гг. облегчило советским органам возможность применять практику насилия над отдельными классами, группами общества (реквизиции имущества буржуазии, издевательства над интеллигенцией, духовенством и т.д.). Резкая инверсия ценностных ориентиров, мировоззренческих и моральных основ нации, умноженная на силовые практики советской политики, обусловили эрозию ценностей, исказили традиционные модели поведения социума, вызвали глубокие травмы массового сознания.
    Źródło:
    Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe; 2016, 2; 9-25
    2543-9227
    Pojawia się w:
    Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Селянське питання в політиці РКП(б) – КП(б)У 1918 – 1923 рр.: витоки тоталітаризму (Seljanske pitannja v polіticі RKP(b) – KP(b)U 1918 – 1923 rr.: vitoki totalіtarizmu)
    The Peasant Question in Policy of RCP(b) – CP(b)U in 1918 – 1923: Sources of Totalitarianism
    Крестьянский вопрос в политике РКП(б) – КП(б)У 1918 – 1923 гг.: истоки тоталитаризма
    Autorzy:
    Ковальова (Kovalova), Наталія (Natalіja)
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2178646.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    RCP(b)
    CP(b)U
    peasant question
    Ukrainian Bolshevik
    totalitarian regime
    РКП(б)
    КП(б)У
    крестьянский вопрос
    украинский большевик
    тоталитарный режим
    Opis:
    The article analyses attitude of Bolshevik congresses of RCP(b) and CP(b)U to agricultural question in 1918 – 1923. It marks out the main features of Bolshevik policy as for peasantry that caused forming of totalitarian regime: ignoring of the entire social class interests, absence of scientific explanation and party discussion of the ways as for solving agricultural question, declarative character of Bolshevik policy especially in Ukraine. RCP(b) did not develop their own program of solving peasant question when rising to power in 1917. RCP(b) could determine its position only at the beginning of 1919 and in 1923. Ukrainian Bolsheviks stayed between the necessity to implement principles of proletarian internationalism and the reaction of merely Ukrainian environment to it. The peculiarity of CP(b)U activity was in earlier appeal to peasant question in 1918, but Ukrainian Bolsheviks underestimated the potential of peasants movement. Alexander Shumskyi, Yakov Yakovlev, Volodymir Zatonskyi and Andrey Bubnov supported Ukrainian peculiarities in agricultural question.
    В статье анализируется отношение большевистских съездов РКП(б) и КП(б)у к крестьянскому вопросу в 1918 – 1923 гг. Определены основные черты большевистской политики в отношении крестьянства, которые содействовали формированию тоталитарного режима: игнорирование интересов целого общественного класса, отсутствие научного обоснования и партийного обсуждения путей решения крестьянского вопроса, декларативный характер большевистской политики, особенно на Украине. Собственной программы решения крестьянского вопроса после установления власти в 1917 г. РКП(б) не разработала и свою позицию смогла определить только в начале 1919 г. и в 1923 г. Украинские большевики находились между необходимостью осуществлять принципы пролетарского интернационализма и реакцией на них украинского населения. Особенностью деятельности КП(б)У было более раннее обращение к крестьянскому вопросу в 1918 г., однако потенциал крестьянского движения украинские большевики недооценили. Украинские особенности в крестьянском вопросе защищали Александр Шумский, Яков Яковлев, Владимир Затонский, Андрей Бубнов.
    Źródło:
    Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe; 2016, 2; 44-54
    2543-9227
    Pojawia się w:
    Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Вплив правового режиму воєнного стану на забезпечення права на таємницю кореспонденції в Україні
    The Influence of the Legal Regime of Maritime on Ensuring the Right to the Secret of Correspondence in Ukraine
    Autorzy:
    Левченко (Levchenko), Аліна (Alina)
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2187875.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2022-06-30
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    воєнний стан
    право на таємницю кореспонденції
    правовий режим
    конституція
    обмеження
    martial law
    the right to secrecy of correspondence
    legal regime
    constitution
    limitation
    Opis:
    The article is devoted to the study of the influence of the legal regime of martial law on ensuring the constitutional right to secrecy of correspondence, telephone conversations, telegraph and other correspondence. Martial law and restrictions on human rights and freedoms are not common in any country in the world. However, today, in connection with the imposition of martial law in Ukraine due to Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine, this topic is quite relevant. The author investigates the essence of restrictions on human rights and freedoms in martial law, legal grounds, models, conditions and principles of restrictions on human rights and freedoms in martial law, in particular the right to secrecy of correspondence. The foreign experience of martial law in the country and restrictions on the right to secrecy of correspondence and other human rights and freedoms under such conditions are considered. The mechanism of martial law in Ukraine or in some of its territories is analyzed, its shortcomings are identified, which can significantly affect human rights and freedoms in martial law. A comparative description of the Ukrainian and foreign mechanisms of martial law and restrictions on human rights under martial law has been made. In order to avoid unjustified or illegal restriction of the human right to secrecy of correspondence in wartime, substantiated recommendations are provided to eliminate the shortcomings of the mechanism of martial law in Ukraine.
    Статтю присвячено дослідженню питання впливу правового режиму воєнного стану на забезпечення конституційного права на таємницю листування, телефонних розмов, телеграфної та іншої кореспонденції. Правовий режим воєнного стану та обмеження у зв’язку з цим прав і свобод людини не є звичною ситуацією для будь-якої країни світу. Проте нині у зв’язку із запровадженням в Україні воєнного стану через збройну агресією Росії проти України ця тема є досить актуальною. Досліджено питання сутності обмежень прав і свобод людини в умовах воєнного стану, правові підстави, моделі, умови та принципи обмеження прав і свобод людини в умовах воєнного стану, зокрема права на таємницю кореспонденції. Розглянуто зарубіжний досвід введення в країні воєнного стану та обмеження за таких умов права на таємницю кореспонденції та інших прав і свобод людини. Проаналізовано механізм запровадження воєнного стану в Україні або на окремих її територіях, виявлено його недоліки, які можуть суттєво впливати на права і свободи людини в умовах воєнного стану. Здійснено порівняльну характеристику українського та закордонного механізму введення воєнного стану та обмеження прав людини за умов воєнного стану. З метою уникнення необґрунтованого чи незаконного обмеження права людини на таємницю кореспонденції в умовах воєнного часу надано аргументовані рекомендації щодо усунення недоліків механізму запровадження воєнного стану в Україні.
    Źródło:
    Copernicus Political and Legal Studies; 2022, 2; 86-95
    2720-6998
    Pojawia się w:
    Copernicus Political and Legal Studies
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Радянська стратегія та практика політичної мобілізації населення Західної України в умовах військово-політичного протистояння на завершальному етапі Другої світової війни
    Radziecka strategia i praktyka politycznej mobilizacji ludności zachodniej Ukrainy w warunkach wojskowo-politycznego konfliktu w końcowym okresie drugiej wojny światowej
    Autorzy:
    Докаш, Оксана
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489502.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    The Second World War,
    Western Ukraine,
    Stalin’s totalitarian regime,
    military-political confrontation,
    political mobilization,
    the party nomenclature,
    manipulating-raising tools of influence
    Opis:
    The political regime, which was rebuilt in the Western Ukraine at the final stage of world war II and can be defined as a kind of Soviet subtype of totalitarianism – Stalinism, has been characterized. It has been revealed the essential characteristics of the political activity of the population of the Western regions of the USSR in conditions of liberation from Nazi occupation, and stands of Stalin totalitarian regime, which was aimed at prevention of any manifestations of negative political mobilization. In the article it has been analyzed the political, legal, institutional and procedural mechanisms of the formation of structures of the Stalinist totalitarian regime in Western Ukraine, in the period after the liberation of the region from the fascist occupation, that were in the restoration and consolidation of the dominant role of the party committees and the formation of a controlled their range workers Soviet, Komsomol, economic organizations, organs of the NKVD and KGB, as an organized force to control political mobility of the local population. The violent nature of the political mobilization of the population in the Western regions of the Ukrainian SSR in support of the new political regime in countering departments of the UPA and OUN underground has been shown. It has been revealed the communicative manipulating-raising mechanisms of the formation among the population of the Western region of positive political mobilization against the new government. The negative consequences of the spread and dominance among the population liberated from the Nazi occupation of Western Ukraine controversial type of political mobilization of the contemporary socio-political conditions and present are under the analysis.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 224-234
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
      Wyświetlanie 1-9 z 9

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