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Wyświetlanie 1-4 z 4
Tytuł:
Політичний компроміс як засіб урегулювання конфліктно-кризових ситуацій
Political Compromise as a Means of Settling Conflict-crisis Situations
Autorzy:
Абуржейла, Самер
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489353.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political compromise
conflict
crisis
comparative method
historical method
political and legal approach
sociological approach political decisions
Opis:
In modern terms the crucial issue is research on conflict settlement issues and crises through political compromise. These studies help to identify the causes and minimize the effects of conflict, crisis, namely to find out the factors abrupt change of state-government relations, the destabilization of economic processes under conditions of market abuse group interests and the emergence of social contradictions; identify the causes of unexpected displays of aggression within a country or between two countries; to establish the role of international organizations, national political parties and influential people who make decisions in complex social and political situations; analyze the effectiveness of settling disputes regarding the specification of borders between countries, violation of the sovereignty of individual states, the manifestations of separatism; understand the nature of officials in achieving the various kinds of temporary or long-term agreements, arrangements etc. For comprehensive understanding of the conflict logic and settlement of crises a methodology and technologies settlement of conflicts should be used. In the context of justification of political compromise as a means of conflict resolution, the usage of the comparative method allows: to trace the history and the actual content of the events associated with the use of the settlement of conflicts and crisis situations within individual countries and on international arena; delve into the complex twists and turns of a new world order, demonstrating both success and failure in achieving peace and social cohesion; trace capabilities for monitoring recent developments in the context of their impact on international political relations and democratic development in general. The historical method lets analyze competition in a globalized, knowledge and fill clarify contradictions possibility of a political settlement. History shows various options for the use of political compromise. In particular, in extremely difficult conditions applied so-called «bailout» tradeoffs that ignores fundamental ideological differences and contradictions associated with the operation of the opposing political systems. It is primarily about the anti-Hitler coalition as an opportunity to overcome the hazards common to the world. Another historically proven option should be considered as the best compromise that is associated with a particular unique situation of long-term crisis. This compromise, in particular, can be considered Spain transition from authoritarianism to democracy, without bringing the matter to the escalating conflict, negotiate ruling forces of the moderate and democratic opposition. Political and legal approach in the context of research policy facilitates compromise standards and features action legislation and necessary relations arising from their content. Compromise recorded in the legal act may conceal the danger in case if it ignores the realities of political life. These compromises, in particular, include the Munich Agreement of 1938, which, despite all politicians’ expectations have not been able to contain the aggression of Nazi Germany. In modern terms this can be considered a dangerous compromise Minsk II as an attempt to extinguish the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in Donbas. Such compromises can be seen as self-deception, political error unconscious surrender to the aggressor. Application sociological approach shows that the study of political issues take into account the interaction of social relations and resolving social conflicts, and compliance with existing social norms. Watching as political processes, phenomena and functioning of national political systems can be attributed to many causes and consequences of conflict within individual countries and between different countries. The sociological approach to record formal relations that have pseudo-democratic content in political, economic, social, cultural, military and social life and can lead to a complex problem. Political decisions in conditions of conflict-crisis situations involving the possibility of partial or final changes to stop undesirable developments or negative trends. Under these conditions, a policy designed to provide theoretical and practical policy approaches involving the use of compromise. There are a number of options that can be easily used in domestic political decisions, but the level of external change is much more difficult, since international commitments still unable to make a decisive impact on participants in international relations.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 299-305
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Військова і безпекова складові внутрішньої та зовнішньої політики Російської Федерації у 2007–2014 рр.
Składniki wojskowe i bezpieczeniowe wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej polityki Federacji Rosyjskiej w latach 2007–2014
Autorzy:
Демартино, Андрій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489524.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
internal politics
foreign policy
geopolitical space
political radicalism
Munich speech V. Putin
military reform
strategic decisions
international relations
Opis:
The radical actions of the Kremlin, which led to the annexation of the Crimea and the support of the separatists in the East of Ukraine, were conditioned by fundamental changes in Russia’s domestic and foreign policy, which began much earlier and were connected with the historically determined irrational aspirations of Russians to territorial expansion. The turning point of radical changes in Russia’s domestic and foreign policy can be considered the famous speech of Putin, which he spoke at the Munich Security Conference on February 10, 2007, and openly said that he «really thinks about the problems of international security.» The main points of this report are the following: the unacceptability and impossibility for a modern world of a unipolar model of international relations; the need to find a reasonable balance between the interests of all actors in international politics; the inadmissibility of the invasion of the United States of America in all spheres of world development and the imposition of rules of the game to other states; the admissibility of the use of military force as the last argument only on the basis of the UN Charter; termination of the provocative NATO expansion to the East as reducing the level of mutual trust in the world; the hopelessness of the West’s economic policy towards the Third World countries; stopping the process of transforming the OSCE into a tool for securing the foreign policy interests of one or a group of countries relative to other countries; the formation of a just, democratic world order capable of ensuring prosperity not only for the elected but for all. Putin’s speech served as an occasion for controversy in the Western political circles to restore the «cold» war. By the Russian side, the Munich speech of Putin was seen as a further program of foreign policy of Russia in the late 2000’s - early 2010’s. External causes of radical change in the course of the Russian Federation: 1) the enlargement of NATO and the EU to the east in 2004, which took place without taking into account the interests of the Russian Federation, and this is against the backdrop of the intensified declaration of Putin after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 supporting the American strategy to combat terrorism; 2) «color revolutions» that took place in 2003-2005 in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, and were actively supported by the United States and the leading European countries. The conservative part of the Russian elite perceived them as an offensive against Russia’s interests in the post-Soviet space. Internal reasons: 1) the rise in oil prices on the world market since the early 2000’s, accompanied by a surge of foreign direct investment and a cessation of capital outflow. In conjunction with the dependence of European countries on the supply of Russian energy resources, all this generated in the higher political elite a sense of Russia’s new status as an «energy superpower» and claims to restore its role in world politics; 2) the defeat of the big business (Berezovsky, Khodorkovsky) in the struggle for power in the Russian Federation and the growing influence of the federal bureaucracy and security forces, which led by Putin to gain mass support in the parliamentary and presidential elections of 2003-2004. After Munich in Russia, a whole series of conceptual, legislative, structural changes and organizational measures aimed at adapting state institutions and politics under new conditions was launched. The preparation and conduct of the presidential elections in Russia, which resulted in the «return» of Putin to a senior position in the state, finally severed the Kremlin, even with the possibility of establishing a pragmatic cooperation with the West, which attempts were made during the reign of D. Medvedev within the framework of the «reboot» from the United States and «Partnership for Modernization» programs with Germany and the EU. Thus, the evolution of the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Federation in 2007-2014 is largely due to the imperial essence of the state and society of this country, due to all its historical historical development. In addition, the subjective factor associated with the activities of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin and his oligarchic leadership headed by his desire for personal enrichment and indivisible domination in the post-Soviet geopolitical space, played a role in changing the country’s political course. Accordingly, Russian aggression against Ukraine, which began in February 2014, should be considered a natural result of the expansionist aspirations of the ruling class in Russia.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 28-34
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Використання індикатора інверсії кривої різниці доходностей для визначення поточної фази фондового ринку
Application of the Yield Curve Inversion Indicator to Determine the Current Phase of the Stock Market
Autorzy:
Benenson, Olga
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/21288252.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-01
Wydawca:
Dnieprowski Uniwersytet Narodowy im. Ołesia Honczara
Tematy:
рецесія
індекс фондового ринку США
ефективність управлінських інвестиційних рішень
Recession
US Stock Market Index
Effectiveness of Managerial Investment Decisions
Opis:
Мета роботи: Встановлення можливості застосування індикатора інверсії кривої різниці прибутковості 10 річних та 2-річних казначейських облігацій США для визначення поточної фази фондового ринку, прогнозування подальшого напряму руху ринку та для підвищення ефективності управлінських інвестиційних рішень. Дизайн / Метод / Підхід дослідження: При написанні роботи використовувалися методи: емпіричний – для здійснення експериментальних перевірок виявлених закономірностей; графічний – для наочного уявлення результатів досліджень; систематизації та узагальнення – для узагальнення наукових концепцій, розробок та пропозицій; статистичний – для реалізації кількісного підходу до вивчення даних. Як базу для проведення досліджень було обрано фондовий ринок США. Дослідження проводилися шляхом статистичної обробки даних про значення індикатора інверсії кривої різниці прибутковості 10-річних та 2-річних казначейських облігацій США та індексу фондового ринку Standard & Poor’s – 500  за період із 1989 по 2022 рр. Результати дослідження: Встановлено, що індикатор кривої різниці прибутковостей 2-річних і 10-річних казначейських облігацій США є досить надійним інструментом для визначення рецесії в економіці, що наближається але при цьому визначити точний час настання рецесії не є можливим. Показано, що цей індикатор доцільно застосовувати для завчасного попередження про можливе падіння міжнародних фондових ринків. При цьому було виявлено, що не після кожної інверсії кривої різниці доходностей слідує падіння фондового ринку, але кожному падінню передує інверсія. Відзначено, що поточна динаміка кривої різниці доходностей сигналізує про можливе значне падіння фондового ринку США в недалекому майбутньому. Теоретична цінність дослідження: Встановлення особливостей роботи індикатора інверсії кривої різниці прибутковості 10-річних та 2-річних казначейських облігацій США в умовах сучасної економіки. Практична цінність дослідження: Практичне застосування результатів дослідження дозволить більш точно визначати поточну фазу міжнародних фондових ринків та отримувати завчасні сигнали про майбутні падіння ринків, що сприятиме підвищенню ефективності інвестування. Оригінальність / Цінність дослідження: Дане дослідження розширює знання про особливості використання індикатора кривої різниці прибутковостей 2-річних та 10-річних казначейських облігацій США при визначенні ймовірного настання рецесії в економіці та можливості падіння міжнародних фондових ринків, пропонує оновлену модель використання цього індикатора при прогнозуванні напряму руху міжнародних фондових ринків. Результати дослідження можуть бути цікавими фахівцям, які працюють у сфері інвестування на міжнародних фінансових ринках. Обмеження дослідження / Майбутні дослідження: Результати роботи, наведені в цій статті, створюють основу для проведення аналогічних досліджень для можливості використання інших індикаторів з метою підвищення точності встановлення моменту настання рецесії в економіці або початку падіння на міжнародних фінансових ринках. З погляду автора, насамперед, слід вивчити такі показники, як рух цін на золото, динаміку зміни облікової ставки ФРС та індикатора У. Баффета. Це дозволить розробити ефективний прикладний механізм прийняття інвестиційних рішень і сприятиме підвищенню ефективності інвестування.
Purpose: To establish the possibility of using the indicator of the inversion of the difference in the yield curve of 10-year and 2-year US Treasury bonds to determine the current phase of the stock market, predict the future direction of market movement and improve the efficiency of managerial investment decisions. Design/Method/Approach: The following methods were used when writing the paper: empirical – to carry out experimental checks of the revealed regularities; graphic - for a visual presentation of research results; systematization and generalization - for generalization of scientific concepts, developments, and proposals; statistical - to implement a quantitative approach to studying data. The US stock market was chosen as the base for research. The research was carried out by statistical processing of data on the value of the indicator of the inversion of the yield curve difference of 10-year and 2-year US Treasury bonds and the Standard & Poor's stock market index - 500 for the period from 1989 to 2022. Findings: It has been established that the indicator of the difference of the yield curve of 2-year and 10-year US Treasury bonds is a fairly reliable tool for determining the approaching recession in the economy, but at the same time it is not possible to determine the exact time of the recession. It is shown that this indicator is expedient to use for early warning about a possible fall in international stock markets. At the same time, it was found that not every inversion of the yield curve is followed by a fall in the stock market, but every fall is preceded by an inversion. It was noted that the current dynamics of the yield curve are signaling a possible significant drop in the US stock market in the near future. Theoretical Implications: Establishing the peculiarities of the indicator of the inversion of the yield curve difference of 10-year and 2-year US Treasury bonds in the conditions of the modern economy. Practical Implications: The practical application of the research results will allow us to more accurately determine the current phase of the international stock markets and receive early signals about the future decline of the markets, which will contribute to increasing investment efficiency. Originality/Value: This study expands knowledge about the peculiarities of the use of the indicator of the yield curve difference of 2-year and 10-year US Treasury bonds when determining the likely onset of a recession in the economy and the possibility of a fall in international stock markets, offers an updated model of the use of this indicator when forecasting the direction of movement of international stock markets. The results of the research may be of interest to specialists who work in the field of investing in international financial markets. Research Limitations/Future Research: The results of the work presented in this article create a basis for conducting similar research on the possibility of using other indicators in order to increase the accuracy of establishing the moment of recession in the economy or the beginning of a fall in international financial markets. From the author's point of view, first of all, such indicators as the movement of gold prices, the dynamics of changes in the Fed's discount rate, and Buffett’s indicator should be studied. This will make it possible to develop an effective application mechanism for making investment decisions and will contribute to increasing investment efficiency.
Źródło:
European Journal of Management Issues; 2022, 30, 4; 235-242
2519-8564
Pojawia się w:
European Journal of Management Issues
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Мотиваційні детермінанти політичної волі
Determinanty motywacyjne woli politycznej
Autorzy:
Смірнова, Валентина
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489468.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political will
political responsibility
collective political will
individual political will
political compromise
arbitrary rule
unpopular political decisions
voluntarism
freedom of will
Opis:
Political will acts as a key component of the political process, the understanding of the essence of political events and the development of mechanisms for the modernization of socio-political life. The systematization of the motivational factors for implementing political will in decisions of the ruling elite and consolidation of the social outlook within the framework of the national identification process will allow establishing the essence of the determination of the political process, as well as identifying the key problems of balancing the socio-political environment and rationalizing the methodology of public policy development. Of particular importance is the above-mentioned problem within the Ukrainian socio-political space. The complexity of modernizing management institutes, regulating channels of power-public interaction and leveling up the confrontation of social initiatives requires the urgent development of algorithms for the transformation of a political system based on the materialization of social political will and the reconciliation of public expectations with the functional guides of key political actors. A prerequisite for these progressive advances is the theoretical understanding of the processes of practical implementation of the political interests of civil society in political decisions of the ruling elite, which is possible on the basis of studying the motivation of political will as the basis for reforming the socio-political sphere and the driving force of the gradual improvement of the political arrangement of the state system. Understanding the will as a regulator of human behavior and activity is expressed in the ability to overcome internal and external difficulties in the process of the implementation of purposeful actions and actions. It is the will to control the incentive to act and act in accordance with the purpose. Will and her motivation are the most important components of the deliberate behavior of a statesman. If the motivation is primarily responsible for initiating behavior (the formation of intentions), the will is responsible for their implementation. Considering the essence of the concept of «political will» through the prism of the practical measurement of the political process, the extraordinary value in the context of the search for the root causes and the development of mechanisms for modernizing public administration is to prevent the negative phenomena of politics - the centralization of political power and authoritarianization of the political system. After all, the greatest potential and opportunities for the implementation of motivated political will are fixed by the political actors endowed either by democratic procedures or through the form of organization of the political regime of power preferences. As with the functioning of representative democracy of the Western model with the prevalence of the legislative institution and the presidential form of the organization of political power inherent in certain countries of the post-Soviet political space, the implementation of a functional program for modeling state policy is de facto consolidated by representatives of the authorities. In any case, the political will of a separate political actor in the implementation of national policies should not prevail over the collective initiatives of civil society. Only then, representative democracy, based on the articulation of public interests by democratically oriented politicians, will not turn into a state system of an authoritarian type, where the definition of the course of foreign and domestic policy of the country will be in the plane of individual beliefs of one or more political actors. Expansion of the motivational paradigm of political will becomes especially relevant for defining the content of democratization processes in the post-Soviet political space, including in Ukraine. The long process of formation of Ukrainian statehood was accompanied by the arrival of a number of political forces, which were marked by different political views and a change in the constitutional matrix of the organization of political space. However, not always the political will of the country’s elite to form the course of state policy was in the field of national benchmarks of the Ukrainian public. As a result, the dissonance of the political will of the authorities and public institutions has led to political activation of the public and reformatting political power on the basis of popular will. The coincidence of various factors of a subjective and objective nature put the Ukrainian state in front of the choice of a vector for further political development. Challenges are not only in the field of consolidation of public landmarks, but also in rationalizing the administrative and management system and improving the program of political actions of the ruling elite. So, as a general conclusion, we note the following. Whatever the active role played by the will in the activity of a statesman, one can not completely deny that it is determined by a set of objective conditions and subjective factors, the material relations in which a person is. Will, as a driving force, is the concentration of energy that the subject receives from society, a form of manifestation of political activity, which includes the political consciousness and behavior of the subject of politics, and is directed, first of all, to the realization of interests and needs, related to the achievement of power, its maintenance, strengthening and use. An essential characteristic of political will is the ability of a political entity, through the appropriate volitional effort, to consistently pursue its goals and objectives in the field of political life, which involves the development, clear and clear articulation of political requirements and programs, the ability to adjust its goals and actions in relation to certain circumstances. The main motivational factors and at the same time the semantic core of the realization of political will are political values and the installation of social and individual consciousness, the political and legal culture of the subject of political activity. Volitional efforts can be related to biologically determined predispositions of the individual. Along with this, the motivation of political leaders in resolving political problems by volitional efforts is often caused by external factors, which indicates a significant reduction in their role of internal moral control. External motives can drive a policy maker in favor of a solution that will bring immediate benefits, but its long-term consequences will be negative. Therefore, when making decisions, one must always take into account the voice of conscience and think about how one or another solution will affect other people. Ideally, volitional activity of subjects of political activity should be limited not only to moral values, but also to the corresponding rules and norms. Only in this case, it will meet the idea of achieving the public good.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 214-222
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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