Informacja

Drogi użytkowniku, aplikacja do prawidłowego działania wymaga obsługi JavaScript. Proszę włącz obsługę JavaScript w Twojej przeglądarce.

English (EN)·Polski (PL)·Yкраїнський (UK)
Przejdź do strony domowej biblioteki Centralna Biblioteka Wojskowa Link otwiera się w nowym oknie Logo biblioteki Prolib Integro - strona głównaCentralna Biblioteka Wojskowa

Wyszukujesz frazę "Radicalism," wg kryterium: Temat

  Lista filtrów
Wyrównaj
    Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3
    Tytuł:
    Техніка «санітарного кордону» до радикальних партій у країнах Центрально-Східної Європи
    Technika stosowania „kordonu sanitarnego” wobec radykalnych partii w państwach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
    Autorzy:
    Романюк, Анатолій
    Литвин, Віталій
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489394.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    “cordon sanitaire”,
    party,
    elections,
    parliament,
    cabinet,
    strategy of cross-party cooperation, radicalism,
    Central-Eastern Europe
    Opis:
    The article is dedicated to reviewing the “cordon sanitaire” technic towards radical parties in electoral and parliamentary-cabinet aspects of their activity at the example of Central and Eastern European countries. The authors identified types of cross-party cooperation’s strategies between traditional and radical left-wing and right-wing parties. They are co-optation of party, collaboration of party, ignoring the party, isolation of party. The authors also determined attributes of legal and political containment of radical parties in Central-Eastern European countries, analyzed different parameters of severity (power) and effectiveness, implications and conclusions of the “cordon sanitaire” technic at the example of Central-Eastern European countries. The focus of the article is verification and application of the «cordon sanitaire» technic in Central and Eastern European countries, at the example of Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 130-144
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Еволюційні тенденції у діяльності ліворадикальних організацій Західної Європи (Італія, Іспанія, Франція, Німеччина)
    Evolutional Tendencies in the Activity of the Left Radical Organizations in Western Europe (Italy, Spain, France and Germany)
    Autorzy:
    Рева, Тетяна
    Вільчинська, Ірина
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489537.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    left radicalism
    far left political parties
    Western Europe
    anti-capitalism
    revolution
    «society of justice»
    democratic centralism
    terrorism
    Opis:
    The main evolution tendencies of the radical left organizations of the largest counties of Western Europe (Italy, Spain, France and Germany) are researched in the article. It consists of the analysis of their origins, development and modern condition. The actuality of the article is the necessity of the political historical analysis of forms and manifestations of the phenomenon. It is also important to study such its features as variety, ideological transformations and dynamic processes. The researching of the new tendencies of left-wing political parties and movements in the well-developed European countries is very useful for Ukraine in the context of the decommunization process. The term «radicalism» ( from Latin, radix – root) is used to characterize the extreme-orientated organizations, parties, movements and groups which show their inclination to the radical reformation of the modern social political institutions to solve different social problems. Left radicalism is the social political phenomenon, based on the aspiration of political active groups of some people for destruction of the existed system of the state authority to put in practice the ideas of the «society of justice» and communist conceptions of ХІХ-ХХ centuries. The main tendencies of the modern leftwing groups are: 1) Revolutionary idea. They support the idea of the transformation and the elimination of the existed social regime by the upheaval; 2) Anti-capitalism. Left radicals rudely criticize the world economic system as the form of the slavery of the end of XX century – the beginning of XXI century. It is characterized by the domination of the great corporations’ interests; 3) Democratic centralism. A man has the right of choice in the different fields of social life. Only one political party or group gets the state power; 4) Strategy of protest. Left radicals take part in single terroristic acts or organisations and various movements of protests. 5) Armed struggle. Using of the violence is one of the main methods to influence the community. For example in the second half of XX century, many powerful extreme-left terroristic groups acted in Western Europe. They are «RAF» (Germany), «Red Brigades» (Italy), «GRAPO» Spain, «Action Directe» (France). The fundamental principles of the left radicalism are the idea of the society of justice and critical analysis of state imperialist policy. Left radicals call for the elimination of the capitalist system and building of the socialism by the revolutionary-armed fight. The most part of the left movements and political parties are anti-American. They fight against the political influence of the USA as the centre of world imperialism and call states for leaving such imperialistic organisation as the NATO. There is the ideological regionalism of the political radicalism in Europe. Its various kinds dominate in the different parts of the country. These ideological orientations depend on many social economic and historical factors. For example, we can see the ideological regionalism in Italy between North (right wing radicalism) and South (left wing radicalism) and in Germany between West (far left) and East (far right). In general, in the modern Europe comparing extreme right and extreme left, we can see the decadence of the far left and the activation of the far right political tendencies. The main reason of extreme right success is the modern migrant crisis in European countries. Left radicals are popular only in the countries with political economic crisis and associated with populism. The researchers of left radicalism distinguish three potential electoral groups of far left political parties and movements: 1) Extreme left subcultures. They are groups or people who have taken part in the various demonstrations and have been a member of the far left political party for a long time; 2) Left centrists. They have neutral political position and prefer vote for “green” parties; 3) Protesters. They are groups of young people who support the populist tactics and join different demonstrations against globalization and the EU. In the second half of the XX century left radicalism was more aggressive then the right one in the biggest countries of Europe. The most powerful terroristic organisations of this period were left wing. They are «Red Brigades», «RAF», «GRAPO» and «ETA». The scientists connect the “revival” of left ideologies in Western Europe after the Second World War with the spreading of anti-fascist ideas in the former fascist and national-socialist countries (Italy, Germany, Spain, Romania, Hungary and Portugal etc.). Today political radicals actively influence the internal and external policy of the European Union. The main vectors of their activity are the fight against the EU enlargement, the limitation of immigration, the revision of the social guarantees for migrants and their families and the state control in all spheres of a society. All these issues were manifested in the attempt to stop the temporary regime of the implementation of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement in September 2014. The activity of the Eurosceptics led to the enlargement of the number ( 99 up to 124) of the representatives of right and left out-system organisations in the European parliament in 2014. The European left parties even established political block, called «European United Left – Nordic Green Left (GUE-NGL)».
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 169-178
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Військова і безпекова складові внутрішньої та зовнішньої політики Російської Федерації у 2007–2014 рр.
    Składniki wojskowe i bezpieczeniowe wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej polityki Federacji Rosyjskiej w latach 2007–2014
    Autorzy:
    Демартино, Андрій
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489524.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    internal politics
    foreign policy
    geopolitical space
    political radicalism
    Munich speech V. Putin
    military reform
    strategic decisions
    international relations
    Opis:
    The radical actions of the Kremlin, which led to the annexation of the Crimea and the support of the separatists in the East of Ukraine, were conditioned by fundamental changes in Russia’s domestic and foreign policy, which began much earlier and were connected with the historically determined irrational aspirations of Russians to territorial expansion. The turning point of radical changes in Russia’s domestic and foreign policy can be considered the famous speech of Putin, which he spoke at the Munich Security Conference on February 10, 2007, and openly said that he «really thinks about the problems of international security.» The main points of this report are the following: the unacceptability and impossibility for a modern world of a unipolar model of international relations; the need to find a reasonable balance between the interests of all actors in international politics; the inadmissibility of the invasion of the United States of America in all spheres of world development and the imposition of rules of the game to other states; the admissibility of the use of military force as the last argument only on the basis of the UN Charter; termination of the provocative NATO expansion to the East as reducing the level of mutual trust in the world; the hopelessness of the West’s economic policy towards the Third World countries; stopping the process of transforming the OSCE into a tool for securing the foreign policy interests of one or a group of countries relative to other countries; the formation of a just, democratic world order capable of ensuring prosperity not only for the elected but for all. Putin’s speech served as an occasion for controversy in the Western political circles to restore the «cold» war. By the Russian side, the Munich speech of Putin was seen as a further program of foreign policy of Russia in the late 2000’s - early 2010’s. External causes of radical change in the course of the Russian Federation: 1) the enlargement of NATO and the EU to the east in 2004, which took place without taking into account the interests of the Russian Federation, and this is against the backdrop of the intensified declaration of Putin after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 supporting the American strategy to combat terrorism; 2) «color revolutions» that took place in 2003-2005 in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, and were actively supported by the United States and the leading European countries. The conservative part of the Russian elite perceived them as an offensive against Russia’s interests in the post-Soviet space. Internal reasons: 1) the rise in oil prices on the world market since the early 2000’s, accompanied by a surge of foreign direct investment and a cessation of capital outflow. In conjunction with the dependence of European countries on the supply of Russian energy resources, all this generated in the higher political elite a sense of Russia’s new status as an «energy superpower» and claims to restore its role in world politics; 2) the defeat of the big business (Berezovsky, Khodorkovsky) in the struggle for power in the Russian Federation and the growing influence of the federal bureaucracy and security forces, which led by Putin to gain mass support in the parliamentary and presidential elections of 2003-2004. After Munich in Russia, a whole series of conceptual, legislative, structural changes and organizational measures aimed at adapting state institutions and politics under new conditions was launched. The preparation and conduct of the presidential elections in Russia, which resulted in the «return» of Putin to a senior position in the state, finally severed the Kremlin, even with the possibility of establishing a pragmatic cooperation with the West, which attempts were made during the reign of D. Medvedev within the framework of the «reboot» from the United States and «Partnership for Modernization» programs with Germany and the EU. Thus, the evolution of the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Federation in 2007-2014 is largely due to the imperial essence of the state and society of this country, due to all its historical historical development. In addition, the subjective factor associated with the activities of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin and his oligarchic leadership headed by his desire for personal enrichment and indivisible domination in the post-Soviet geopolitical space, played a role in changing the country’s political course. Accordingly, Russian aggression against Ukraine, which began in February 2014, should be considered a natural result of the expansionist aspirations of the ruling class in Russia.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 28-34
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
      Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3

      Ta witryna wykorzystuje pliki cookies do przechowywania informacji na Twoim komputerze. Pliki cookies stosujemy w celu świadczenia usług na najwyższym poziomie, w tym w sposób dostosowany do indywidualnych potrzeb. Korzystanie z witryny bez zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies oznacza, że będą one zamieszczane w Twoim komputerze. W każdym momencie możesz dokonać zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies