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Tytuł:
Wasyl Szpicer, Wołodymyr Moroz, Krajowyj Prowidnyk Wołodymyr Tymczij – „Łopatynśkyj”, Wydawnictwo „Afisza”, Lwiw 2004, ss. 256
Autorzy:
Motyka, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/971813.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2006, 2(10); 357-361
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Marzenie o zmianie narodowego imaginarium. Uwagi o książce Andrzeja Ledera
Dreaming of Changes in the National Imaginary: Remarks on Andrzej Leder’s Book
Autorzy:
Motyka, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1372995.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-03-26
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
memory of the past
history of Poland after the Second World War
Holocaust
agricultural reform
pamięć przeszłości
historia Polski po drugiej wojnie światowej
Holokaust
reforma rolna
Opis:
In connection with Andrzej Leder’s book Prześniona rewolucja. Ćwiczenie z logiki historycznej [The Missed Revolution: Exercise in Historical Logic] (2014), the author of the article considers the question of examining difficult areas of the past, which he believes has still not been accomplished in Poland. The issue has been addressed in regard to the Holocaust only to become a major point in the public dispute between the conservative right and leftist and liberal camps. The author decidedly supports the need for historical and moral reflection in this regard, yet he also expresses reservations about excessive concentration on the economic consequences of the Holocaust and on the postwar agricultural reforms and nationalization (which largely form the subject of Leder’s reflections). He points out that all settling of accounts in regard to history are extraordinarily complicated. In his opinion, the equally — if not more — important sphere of “unconscious and denied guilt” in Polish society is its general and conformist engagement on the side of the Polish communist party (PZPR).
Źródło:
Kultura i Społeczeństwo; 2018, 62, 1; 205-213
2300-195X
Pojawia się w:
Kultura i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ćwiczenia z polityki wobec pamięci
A Discussion of the Politics of Memory
Autorzy:
Motyka, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1373550.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-05-12
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia in 1943-1945
Ukrainian Insurgent Army
politics of memory of Poland and Ukraine
zbrodnie na Polakach na Wołyniu i w Galicji Wschodniej w latach 1943-1945
Ukraińska Powstańcza Armia
polityka historyczna Ukrainy i Polski
Opis:
This essay contains a description and critical appraisal of the contemporary Ukrainian state’s policy in regard to memory of the Volhynian and Galician massacres of 1943–1945. The author engages in polemics with Tomasz Stryjek, who recently published a book on this and other issues: Ukraina przed końcem Historii. Szkice o polityce państw wobec pamięci [Ukraine Before the End of History: Essays on State Policy in Regard to Memory]. In the author’s opinion, Stryjek one-sidedly, or even naively, places hope in the idea that the EU, in the not-too-distant future, will exert effective pressure on the government in Kiev to make it adapt its narrative about the activities of the OUN and UIA against Poles and Jews to European standards of memory about the Second World War. In the author’s opinion, the Ukrainian narrative about the activities of the OUN and UIA is based on the erroneous conviction—which is comfortable for the Ukrainian side—of equal guilt in the Polish-Ukrainian conflict of 1939–1947. He argues that there should be no cessation of efforts to remind Ukrainian historians and authorities about the responsibility to condemn, unambiguously, the mass crimes committed by national independence groups.
Źródło:
Kultura i Społeczeństwo; 2015, 59, 2; 247-255
2300-195X
Pojawia się w:
Kultura i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dywizja SS „Galizien” („Hałyczyna”)
Autorzy:
Motyka, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/477493.pdf
Data publikacji:
2002
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
SS Galizien
Schutzstaffel
Ukraine
OUN-UPA
Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists Ukrainian Insurgent Army
Volhynia
Volhynian massacres
Eastern Galicia
genocide
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2002, 1; 109-119
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zbrodnia wołyńska 1943 roku i mit buntu ludowego
Autorzy:
Motyka, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/608665.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
OUN
UPA
Zbrodnia Wołyńska (The Volhynian Massacre)
genocyd
czystka etniczna (ethnic cleaning)
Opis:
The Volhynian Massacre of 1943 and the Myth of a Peasant RevoltThe discussion about the events, which took place in Volhynia in 1943, includes a hypothesis presenting the anti–Polish outbreaks as an expression of a spontaneous revenge of the local Ukrainian peasants for the discrimination experienced at the time of the Second Republic. The author of the article based himself on unknown documents to demonstrate that in reality the mass–scale massacre of the Poles was organized by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists–Bandera (OUN–B) Underground and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) partisan units it commanded. The peasants participating in the events were mobilised (at least partly by force) to special auxiliary detachments, ordered by the Bandera–led superiors to set fire to Polish settlements and to kill their inhabitants. Both in Volhynia and in Galicia peasants were incorporated into groups attacking localities inhabited by the Poles, despite the fact that partisan forces sufficed to destroy them. The victims were cruelly murdered with axes and other tools so as to produce the impression among the observers that they were dealing with a local Jacquerie while in reality the massacre was a planned ethnic cleansing campaign. The idea to resolve the Polish–Ukrainian territorial controversy with the assistance of an ethnic purge had been devised by the OUN already prior to 1939. Initially, it was assumed that the future Ukrainian state would be devoid of all landowners and colonists who settled down in the conflict–ridden terrains after 1918, but in time the opinion calling for ”ejecting” the entire Polish population became increasingly popular. The population in question was to be murdered at least partly by the incited local peasants. At the beginning of 1943 UPA detachments commenced a battle against the Germans and Soviet partisans while simultaneously initiating the so–called anti–Polish campaign. The organised de–Polonisation operation, inaugurated on 9 February 1943 by attacking the village of Parośle in Volhynia, lasted until 18 May 1945 and claimed the lives of about 100 000 victims.
Źródło:
Dzieje Najnowsze; 2016, 48, 1
0419-8824
Pojawia się w:
Dzieje Najnowsze
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kolaboracja na Kresachm Wschodnich II Rzeczypospolitej 1941–1944
Collaboration in the Eastern Borderlands (Kresy Wschodnie) of the Second Republic of Poland, 1941–1944
Autorzy:
Motyka, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/477718.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Opis:
Collaboration is a topic arousing many debates and controversies and therefore rather avoided by historians. The assessment of the collaboration in Eastern and Central Europe is hampered by the fact that the inhabitants of those territories lived in between two totalitarian regimes and on numerous occasions they had to chose the lesser evil. That is why many communities deciding to co-operate with the Third Reich fi rst did it because of patriotic motives and only then possibly ideological ones. Poles for the whole period of the WWII considered Germans their main enemy and that is why the Polish underground always opted against any military co-operation with the Third Reich, even local one in the face of the threat posed by Soviets. In turn, the national Lithuanian, Ukrainian, Belorussian communities perceived the USSR as their main enemy, and treated Germans as a potential ally and even a guarantor of gaining – or regaining – their independence. That is why when the Germany attacked the USSR in Lithuania and the socalled Western Ukraine the anti-Soviet insurrections broke out. Both the Ukrainian and Lithuanian nationalists created their own governments but they were not recognized by the Germans. The most vivid example of the collaboration in the eastern Borderlands was the service in the German police formations and SS. Among others the Waffen SS ‘Galizien’ division created in 1943 was composed of Ukrainians. Although such formations were perceived by many people as a substitute for national army, they were a very important element of the German military system. They relieved the Nazi of many duties connected with the participation in anti-partisan or pacification operations. The Ukrainian, Lithuanian and Belorussian auxiliary police also participated in the extermination of Jews organized by Germans. In turn, Polish units of the police in Volhynia participated in different operations against Ukrainians, but also protected Polish citizens against UPA (Ukrainian Insurgent Army). However, the decision whether someone was or was not a collaborator cannot be based solely on the membership in one formation or the other but in what way he or she fulfi lled the orders issued by the German authorities. Murdering civilians cannot be justifi ed in any way. That is why whether a given formation committed such murders or not is a decisive factor of its assessment. That is why, among others, the disputes concerning the participation of Ukrainians in suppressing the Warsaw Uprising or pacifi cation of the village of Huta Pieniacka take on so emotional overtones.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2008, 1(12); 183-197
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 110

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