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Tytuł:
Definitions and Legal Aspects of the Term “War” and the Related Terms
Autorzy:
Kołodziejczak, Malwina Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1803989.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-10-29
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
war
time of war
state of war
legal definitions
Opis:
Normative acts applicable in the Republic of Poland do not lack a multitude of formulations of terms such as: war, state of war or time of war. The lack of legally binding definitions and the inconsistency of the use of identical definitions lead to different, often contradictory interpretations of particular situations, which may have different legal consequences. Only a precise and detailed definition of these concepts, preferably by incorporating them into national or international law, would dispel many doubts and close the way to sometimes contradictory interpretations, which is particularly important for security and defence concepts and issues. Therefore, in this paper the author will present definitions and regulations resulting from Polish legal acts, relating to war, war time and the state of war.
Źródło:
Roczniki Nauk Prawnych; 2018, 28, 4; 39-50
1507-7896
2544-5227
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Nauk Prawnych
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Time of war and martial law, relations, mutual dependencies and legal, organisational and functional dillema
Autorzy:
Żaboklicka, Ewa
Stankowski, Daniel
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2134020.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Wojskowa Akademia Techniczna im. Jarosława Dąbrowskiego
Tematy:
security
martial law
State of war
time of war
Opis:
Objectives: The aim of the article was to solve the research problem included in the question: Can we adopt specifically defined procedures that define imposing of "martial law", "state of war" and "time of war"? Methods: The methods adopted in the research process are primarily critical analysis of a wide spectrum of source materials, including compact items, scientific articles, legal acts, theoretical methods characteristic for security science, i.e. analysis, synthesis, comparison, inference and abstraction, were supplemented by participatory observation. Results: Although the procedures for imposing "martial law", "state of war" and "time of war" have been defined at the level of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and ordinary legislation, the applicable legal order does not formulate norms that would systematically develop these concepts in a defined form. This problem, which at times takes on the consequences of the lack of a common position of theoreticians and practitioners, raises concerns from the point of view of the legal system. Conclusions: The conclusions of the article show that it is difficult to clearly set the procedures defining the direct use of the definitions of "martial law", "state of war" and "time of war". A lot of scientists are having a discussions about this. There is also a whole range of documents and legal acts that do not generally regulate the security and defense of the state, but some of their provisions refer to "time of war", "state of war" and "martial law".
Źródło:
Przegląd Nauk o Obronności; 2022, 7, 13; 115--126
2450-6869
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Nauk o Obronności
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
State Security of Socialist Republic of Croatia and events in Poland 1980-1982
Autorzy:
Barić, Nikica
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2043569.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia
Socialist Republic of Croatia
Polska
Solidarity
state of war in Poland
State Security Service of Socialist Republic of Croatia
Opis:
The Socialist Republic of Croatia, as one of republics of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, possessed its State Security Service (Služba državne sigurnosti, SDS), equivalent to similar political security services in other communist states. At the Yugoslav level there was also the Federal State Security Service. The State Security of Croatia dealt with both internal and external threats to the communist system and gathered intelligence information. In the early 1980s the State Security of Croatia gathered sizeable amount of information on the events connected with activities of „Solidarity” in the People’s Republic of Poland and the crisis that ultimately led to the imposition of state of war in Poland, as well as reaction to these events in Croatia. The main aim of this paper is to present State Security reports about with Poland in the period between 1980 and 1982.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2021, 28, 2; 117-139
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
State Immunity and War Crimes: the Polish Supreme Court on the Natoniewski Case
Autorzy:
Kaldunski, Michal
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/706713.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
STATE IMMUNITY
WAR CRIMES
Opis:
The article critically assesses the decision of the Polish Supreme Court in Natoniewski v. Federal Republic of Germany. It argues that the decision as such reflects contemporary international law practice. Consequently, the holding of the Supreme Court that State immunity is applicable to acts de iure imperii committed on the territory of the forum State during an armed conflict even though they may amount to war crimes seems to be correct. This conclusion also means that the Court refused to engage in law-making activity by declining to endorse interpretation, which would permit to reject State immunity by attaching superior importance to human rights. Although the article recognizes that the reasoning of the Supreme Court as well as the choice of arguments is well-balanced and convincing, it also identifies certain instances in which the Court is not entirely persuasive. In the opinion of the author, one of the most important drawbacks in the reasoning relates to the characterization of State immunity as a procedural, rather than substantive, issue.
Źródło:
Polish Yearbook of International Law; 2010, 30; 236-262
0554-498X
Pojawia się w:
Polish Yearbook of International Law
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
‘New’ and ‘old’ wars – the changing dimensions of warfare
Autorzy:
Antczak, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/615931.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
war
conflict
state
use of force
crisis
privatization of war
Opis:
The article aims to present the issue of ‘old’ versus ‘new’ wars in relation to their specific features. It focuses on the characteristics of both phenomena, as well as providing an analysis of the causes and sources of armed conflicts and their changing dimensions. Methods of waging war have changed along with the political, economic, social and technological developments which have been observed over the years. The very philosophy of war has undergone changes in a similar way. The article aims to identify the direction of changes in the dimensions of war. It also provides an insight into the privatization of warfare and the constantly growing importance of non-state actors in shaping the international order, and therefore their role in post-modern wars.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 3; 199-216
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Selected sectors of Poland’s security concerning the migration of Ukrainian refugees
Autorzy:
Marciniak, Zofia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/17878595.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Ukraine
state security
emigration
armed aggression
war
Opis:
The nature of the modern military operations conducted on Ukrainian territory has generated a wave of mass emigration focused on the nearest safe areas. Poland, too, as one of the neighbouring countries, is a fundamental migration target for war refugees. Russian armed aggression began in February 2014, and on February 24, 2022 turned into a regular war. As a result of martial law, a number of children, women and the elderly (over 60 years of age) range seek protection on Polish territory. The influx of people became the basis for the creation of an important law of March 12, 2022 on assistance to citizens of Ukraine in connection with the armed conflict on the territory of that country. The legislation regulates the rules of legalization of residence, guarantees access to the labour market, health care, as well as benefits and social assistance. A number of aid measures issued for Ukrainian migrants, high inflation as well as Russian propaganda used for information warfare have negatively affected public sentiment towards factors shaping security. Therefore, an analysis of selected security sectors identifies threats as well as problem areas along with opportunities to ensure security.
Źródło:
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka; 2023, LI, 2; 67-77
1899-6264
2451-0718
Pojawia się w:
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prisoners of War in Early Medieval Bulgaria (Preliminary Remarks)
Autorzy:
Hristov, Yanko M.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/682336.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
prisoners of war
captives
the First Bulgarian state
Byzantine-Bulgarian relationships
early medieval history
peace/war studies
Opis:
The work is concentrated on the problem of war prisoners in the chronological period of the existance of the so-called First Bulgarian state. The analysis is based predominantly on various Byzantine and selected Latin and Bulgarian sources from the epoch. With some exceptions, mostly for 707/708, 754/755, 763/764 and 774, the notices are concentrated around the events of 811–815/816, 837/838; 894–896, 917–30s and for a moment or two from the period of 971–1018. In his preliminary remarks the author comes to the conclusion that in the Early Middle Ages prisoners of war (in the broadest medieval sense) were an integral part of the efforts to achieve the political objectives of the Bulgarian rulers. Response mechanisms against prisoners of war were highly dependent on the course of the conflict and their attitude towards their own warriors and subjects caught up in enemy hands. They included a wide range of solutions, which could be grouped into three main areas: the first one refers to killing (and/or mutilation) of war prisoners; the second main line was connected with preserving the lives of the captives; the third group of measures was due to the fact that an immediate effect is not always haunted.
Źródło:
Studia Ceranea; 2015, 5; 73-105
2084-140X
2449-8378
Pojawia się w:
Studia Ceranea
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Diritto alla pace, giustizia e “guerra giusta”
THE RIGHT TO PEACE, JUSTICE AND A “JUST WAR”
Autorzy:
Dammacco, Gaetano
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1591771.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:
peace
justice
just war
Church
State
pace
giustizia
guerra giusta
Chiesa
stato
Opis:
Oggi esiste la terza guerra mondiale a pezzi (papa Francesco), contro le attese nate dopo la caduta del sistema bipolare. I conflitti oggi sono guerre di quarta generazione, in cui sono cambiati i soggetti e lo scenario geopolitico. Le guerre pongono il problema del rapporto con la pace e con la giustizia. Il diritto alla pace (come diritto umano e come valore costituzionale) non è ancora riconosciuto: questo diritto renderebbe illegittime tutte le guerre. Il diritto alla pace richiede l’eliminazione delle ingiustizie, generate dalle guerre giustificate da ragioni e parole deviate. Vi sono parole, come pace e giustizia, che non possono avere un significato relativistico perché esse esprimono un valore superiore, esprimono il “giusto”. La legittimazione della guerra (ius ad bellum) e le regole di condotta (ius in bello) interessano diversi settori (teologico, filosofico, storico, giuridico). Il cristianesimo costituì un punto di svolta circa il tema della “guerra giusta”. L’illuminismo iniziò la riflessione sul valore della pace in modo parallelo alla mentalità comune, per cui la guerra prescinde da ogni valutazione morale e serve solo per conseguire altri obiettivi politici (Clausewitz). Questa concezione nel secolo XX ha prodotto disastri drammatici, generando due guerre mondiali e altri violenti conflitti armati. Il tema della guerra giusta nel secondo dopoguerra ha impegnato pensatori e teologi. Nel mondo laico di particolare interesse sono le posizioni di Norberto Bobbio (sostenitore del pacifismo giuridico) e di Michael Walzer (la guerra giusta come difesa per necessità). Queste idee sono rappresentative e importanti ma limitate, perché non tengono conto dei valori religiosi. I valori religiosi sono importanti per costruire la pace anche secondo il Vangelo. La riflessione sulla guerra giusta nel cristianesimo fu avviata da Sant’Agostino e fu proseguita da San Tommaso d’Aquino. Ma le guerre attuali vogliono uno sviluppo della riflessione anche sulla base del magistero pontificio (Giovanni XXIII, Paolo VI, Giovanni Paolo II, Benedetto XVI e Francesco), dal quale vengono alcune indicazioni: la guerra è sempre ingiusta, la guerra di difesa è giusta se per difendere l’uomo, i suoi diritti e il bene comune. Le religioni hanno il compito di costruire la pace attraverso il dialogo.
Today, a third world war is taking place in pieces (Pope Francis) against the expectations born after the fall of the bipolar system. Conflicts today are fourth-generation wars, in which the subjects and the geopolitical scenario have changed. Wars pose the problem of the relationship between peace and justice. The right to peace (as a human right and as a constitutional value) is not yet recognized: this right would make all wars illegitimate. The right to peace requires the elimination of injustices generated by wars justified by deviant reasons and words. There are words, such as “peace” and “justice”, which cannot have a relativistic meaning because they express a higher value; they express the “just”. The legitimation of war (ius ad bellum) and the rules of conduct (ius in bello) affect various sectors (theological, philosophical, historical, juridical). Christianity was a turning point on the theme of the “just war”. The Enlightenment began the reflection on the value of peace in parallel with the common mentality, for which war is independent of any moral evaluation and only serves to achieve other political objectives (Clausewitz). This conception produced dramatic disasters in the twentieth century, generating two world wars and other violent armed conflicts. The theme of just war after World War II has engaged thinkers and theologians. In the secular world, the positions of Norberto Bobbio (supporter of legal pacifism) and Michael Walzer (just war as a defence out of necessity) are of particular interest. These ideas are representative and important but limited because they do not consider religious values. Religious values are important for building peace, according to the Gospel. The reflection on just war in Christianity was initiated by St Augustine and was continued by St Thomas Aquinas. But the current wars demand the development of reflection on the basis of the papal magisterium as well (John XXIII, Paul VI, John Paul II, Benedict XVI, and Francis), from which some conflicting indications arise: war is always unjust, or war of defence is just if it is used to defend man, his rights, and the common good. Religions have the task of building peace through dialogue.
Źródło:
Colloquia Theologica Ottoniana; 2020, 36; 37-65
1731-0555
2353-2998
Pojawia się w:
Colloquia Theologica Ottoniana
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Carl Schmitt Revisited by the United States and the Terrorist
Carl Schmitt na nowo odczytany przez Stany Zjednoczone i terroryzm
Autorzy:
Mendecka, Karolina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/927315.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-01-01
Wydawca:
Stowarzyszenie Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej – Sekcja Polska IVR
Tematy:
Carl Schmitt
war on terror
state of exception
wojna z terroryzmem
stan wyjątkowy
Opis:
In the article “Carl Schmitt Revisited by the United States and the Terrorist” it is shown that Carl Schmitt’s morals, standards and views can be noticed in the United States policy in the context of so-called “war on terror”. According to the article, Islamic terrorists are a mirror image of Schmittan revolutionary partisan. It is discussed how terrorists are, as a problem, treated by the USA, which in author’s opinion displays many Schmittan features. Schmitt is one of the few who claim that the sovereign state is above the legal order and can set boundaries. It is therefore shown that the USA seem to have rushed into Schmittan “state of exception”, where norms are suspended in order to achieve security, resembling the thinking of the G.W. Bush administration. It is illustrated how the USA seem to be following Schmitt’s ideology, especially by making exceptions to international rules, but also putting the terrorist outside of the scope of international regulations. Lastly, author tries to answer the question if it is justified to follow Schmitt and obey to the rule of law.
Źródło:
Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej; 2015, 1(10); 69-78
2082-3304
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Questions important now like never before. Asymmetry of war or of warfare?
Autorzy:
Piątek, Jarosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1963332.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
war
asymmetric warfare
armed forces
state
symmetry
military strategy
factors of asymmetry
soldier
time
terrain
terrorists
Opis:
Asymmetry of warfare, or more often asymmetric warfare, is an issue often referred to in descriptions of contemporary political and military relations affecting the state. It is even presented as an entity threatened by these hostilities. Meanwhile, these acts are a form of an armed conflict in which opposing sides have different military potentials. One of the potentials is the power of the state. We must wonder then how the state uses it. Is it not an entity who uses it in a way disproportionate to the situation of conflict? The paper argues that a contemporary state is not without sin and it is not just that it is not able to protect its interests from asymmetric threats. Warfare still is, which many forget, the basis for hostilities (war). In the author’s understanding (erroneous perhaps?) asymmetry does not only occur at the level of war, but it also happens in its key dimension – warfare. It has emerged not only through the change in the status of the fighting party, but also through the time of warfare and using the warfare terrain.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2018, 9; 44-58
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Russian: A Monocentric or Pluricentric Language?
Autorzy:
Kamusella, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/508744.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Slawistyki PAN
Tematy:
de-ethnicization
hybrid war
language politics
monocentric languages
non-Russian Russophones
pluricentric languages, Russian language
Russophone states
Russo-Ukrainian war
state varieties of Russian
Opis:
Russian: A Monocentric or Pluricentric Language?All the world’s ‘big’ languages of international communication (for instance, English, French or Spanish) are pluricentric in their character, meaning, that official varieties of these languages are standardized differently in these states where the aforesaid languages are in official use. The only exception to this tendency is Russian. Despite the fact that Russian is employed in official capacity in numerous post-Soviet states and in Israel, it is still construed as a monocentric language whose single and unified standard is (and must be) solely controlled by Russia. From the perspective of sovereignty, this arrangement affords Moscow a degree of influence and even control over culture and language use in these countries where Russian is official. This fact was consciously noticed and evoked some heated discussions in Ukraine after the Russian annexation of the Ukrainian region of Crimea in 2014. However, thus far, the discussions have not been translated into any official recognition of (let alone encouragement for) state-specific varieties of the Russian language. Rosyjski: język monocentryczny czy pluricentryczny?Wszystkie „duże” języki komunikacji międzynarodowej na świecie (na przykład angielski, francuski lub hiszpański) są pluricentryczne, czyli oficjalne odmiany tych języków są inaczej standaryzowane w tych państwach, w których te języki są używane jako oficjalne. Jedynym wyjątkiem w tym zakresie jest język rosyjski. Pomimo faktu, że rosyjski funkcjonuje jako język oficjalny w wielu państwach postsowieckich oraz w Izraelu i Mongolii, to nadal uważa się go za język monocentryczny, którego normatywnie jednolity standard jest (i musi być) kontrolowany wyłącznie przez Rosję. Układ ten sprzeczny jest z zasadą suwerenności, bowiem zapewnia on Moskwie wpływ, a nawet kontrolę nad kulturą i używaniem języka w tych krajach, w których rosyjski to język urzędowy. Fakt ten został świadomie zauważony i wywołał gorące dyskusje w Ukrainie po rosyjskiej aneksji ukraińskiego regionu Krymu w roku 2014. Jak dotąd dyskusje te jednak nie przełożyły się na żadne oficjalne uznanie przez ukraińskie władze (nie mówiąc już o konkretnymwsparciu) ukraińskiej odmiany języka rosyjskiego.
Źródło:
Colloquia Humanistica; 2018, 7
2081-6774
2392-2419
Pojawia się w:
Colloquia Humanistica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Asymmetric Warfare – Not every war has to end?
Autorzy:
Petener, Zrinko
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/576449.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-06-27
Wydawca:
Akademia Sztuki Wojennej
Tematy:
war
asymmetric warfare
terrorism
International humanitarian law
Hague
Convention
Geneva Convention
Al Qaeda
Islamic State
Daesh
Caliphate
Opis:
The study of warfare, throughout its history, as well as efforts to legally regulate the resort to war and the conduct of war, were concentrated exclusively on one form of warfare - interstate conflict. Only since the terrorist attacks on Washington and New York in 2001 and the following ‘Global War on Terrorism’ has a discussion on a potentially new kind of warfare - asymmetric warfare - moved into the spotlight. Despite all the scientific attention, the concept of asymmetric warfare remains undefined or ill-defined until today, resulting in a proliferation of its use and limiting its value. Hence, restraint in the use of the term is necessary, in order to reinforce its analytical value and applicability. Defining asymmetric warfare as a conflict among opponents who are so different in their basic features that comparison of their military power is rendered impossible, is such an attempt to limit the term to a substantially new form of warfare, witnessed in a conflict that is often commonly called the Global War on Terrorism. The past two years, since the upsurge of the so-called Islamic State to the forefront of the salafi jihadi movement, have witnessed a significant change in this war. Superficial analysis could lead to the conclusion that the proclamation of the Islamic Caliphate on the territories of Iraq and Syria (for now) seems to have recalibrated this conflict into traditional inter- state war again, making the concept of asymmetric warfare obsolete and diminishing it into just a short-term aberration in the history of warfare. Nothing could be further from the truth. The enemy in the Global War on Terrorism was and remains a global and territorially unrestricted ideological movement whose numbers cannot even be estimated, which fights its battles wherever it chooses to, and whose ultimate goal is the annihilation of the international system of sovereign states, not the creation of a new state within this system. The Islamic Caliphate in its current boundaries is nothing more than the “model Islamic state”, as envisioned by Osama bin Laden in his 1996 fatwa as part of Al Qaeda’s 200 year plan for the establishment of God’s Islamic World Order. This grand strategy is the guiding blueprint of the salafi jihad that is waged against the Westphalian state system in a war that is truly asymmetric. We have to adjust to this strategic asymmetry if we are to prevail in this struggle, fighting a long war against an indefinable enemy on battlefields that are still unknown.
Źródło:
Security and Defence Quarterly; 2016, 11, 2; 30-44
2300-8741
2544-994X
Pojawia się w:
Security and Defence Quarterly
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ideological Determinants of the Current Saudi-Iranian Rivalry in the Middle East
Autorzy:
Osiewicz, Przemysław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/615710.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Iran
Saudi Arabia
the Syrian war
religious ideology
the Islamic State
Arabia Saudyjska
wojna w Syrii
ideologia religijna
Państwo Islamskie
Opis:
W styczniu 2016 roku miały miejsce niebezpieczne napięcia w stosunkach irańsko-saudyjskich. Bez wątpienia zarówno Iran, jak i Arabia Saudyjska reprezentują dwa odmienne systemy polityczne i dwa różne podejścia w kwestii formułowania celów polityki zagranicznej. Ważkie z badawczego punktu widzenia wydaje się wyjaśnienie przyczyn takiego stanu rzeczy, skoro podstawę obu systemów stanowią wartości islamu. Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest wskazanie najważniejszych ideologicznych różnic pomiędzy Iranem a Arabią Saudyjską, które mają bezpośredni lub tylko pośredni wpływ na prowadzoną przez nie politykę zagraniczną. Główne pytanie badawcze dotyczy z kolei ich możliwego wpływu na obecny stan stosunków na linii Iran–Arabia Saudyjska. Podstawę źródłową artykułu stanowią oficjalne dokumenty, opublikowane przez ministerstwa spraw zagranicznych obu państw, jak również wybrane monografie i artykuły naukowe.
The Saudi-Iranian rivalry reached a dramatic climax at the very beginning of January 2016. Unodoubtedly, Iran and Saudi Arabia represent two distinct political systems and two different approaches to foreign policy making. The question is, however, what are the reasons for these differences. It is a well-known fact that both Iranian and Saudi political systems are based on Islamic values. Yet the main difference is that their main principles stem from two divergent interpretations of Islam. The main aim of the article is to point up the main ideological differences between Iran and Saudi Arabia which directly or indirectly shape their foreign policies. Do they play a decisive role as far as the current tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia are concerned? As far as sources are concerned, the analysis is based on official documents issued by Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Iran and Saudi Arabia as well as selected monographs and academic articles.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2016, 2; 115-126
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
State at War: The Phenomenology of the Russian World by Max Scheler and Kurt Stavenhagen
Autorzy:
Gniazdowski, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2197132.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-03-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Filozofii
Tematy:
phenomenology
two sides theory of the state
legal positivism
pure theory of law
First World War
Russian imperialism
Ukrainian affair
Opis:
The aim of the paper is to reconstruct the theoretical background and practical meaning of the so called war writings which emerged within the phenomenological movement during the First World War. The author exemplifies it by researching the works of two German representatives of this movement, Max Scheler and Kurt Stavenhagen. He focuses on their application of the phenomenological method to the analysis of Russian national identity, and historical as well as cultural foundations of Russian state. The paper’s main thesis is that the politicization and militarization of phenomenology consisted in both “personalization” and “sociologization” of the phenomenological approach to the problem of the state. While interpreting Scheler’s personalism as an exemplification of the approach to the state as a problem of social ontology, the author reconstructs the theoretical conditions of analyzing the Russian imperial state in terms of the “world.” The focus of the paper is particularly on the phenomenology of, as Scheler put it, Russian collective personality and Russian national consciousness or “soul” as well as on the question of legitimacy of Ukrainian resistance against Russian imperialism.
Źródło:
Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture; 2022, 6, 4; 107-122
2544-302X
Pojawia się w:
Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 26

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