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    Wyświetlanie 1-6 z 6
    Tytuł:
    The Idea of Freedom in Radical and Delibe-rative Models of Democracy
    Autorzy:
    UFEL, WOJCIECH
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/628501.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2012
    Wydawca:
    Fundacja Pro Scientia Publica
    Tematy:
    deliberative democracy, radical democracy, freedom, Habermas, Mouffe, pluralism, deliberation, postmodernism
    Opis:
    Basing on the idea of freedom brought by I. Berlin we can derive to classical models of democracy: liberal and republican. Refl ection on postmodern theories of democracy – radi-cally plural and deliberative – points that they do not strongly differ from the traditional ones, but rather give them new challenges. Radical democracy of Ch. Mouffe and E. Laclau praising pluralism and negative freedom is a deconstruction of a liberal model, while delib-erative project of J. Habermas, praising community and negative freedom, remains in a republican tradition. In the end of the article the author also presents the understanding of the educative role of society and tradition in both classical and postmodern models of democracy.
    Źródło:
    Journal of Education Culture and Society; 2012, 3, 1; 73-81
    2081-1640
    Pojawia się w:
    Journal of Education Culture and Society
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Educational contexts of cultural resistance in Poland and Portugal. An introduction to research
    Autorzy:
    Guerra, Paula
    Zańko, Piotr
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1789411.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-11-03
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
    Tematy:
    cultural resistance
    critical pedagogy
    punk pedagogy
    radical democracy
    Poland and Portugal
    Opis:
    The goal of this article is to present the main theoretical and methodological assumptions of an international research project on the educational contexts of cultural resistance in Poland and Portugal. In this article, we will first analyse, in a resumed way, the various lines of thought related to cultural resistance, radical democracy critical pedagogy; then we will present an example of a critical pedagogy, the punk pedagogy, in order to demonstrate that the reality we describe is not only present at the abstract level; then, and finally, we proceed with the research methodology that we intend to trigger in order to analyse the educational contexts of cultural resistance in Portugal and Poland. In this article we are talking about two countries with very dissonant stories. Even today, in the context of membership of the European Union, the course of both countries seems to diverge. However, we argue that the comparison between these two distant and different countries may open new perspectives on the contexts of cultural resistance and critical pedagogy. Like the example of punk, these practices of cultural resistance can serve as a way to empower active civic and political participation, going beyond the simple act of voting every four years and promoting a radical democracy.
    Źródło:
    Kwartalnik Pedagogiczny; 2019, 64(3 (253)); 155-172
    0023-5938
    Pojawia się w:
    Kwartalnik Pedagogiczny
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Syriza in power (2015-2019): A Review of Selected Aspects
    Autorzy:
    Lorencka, Małgorzata
    Aravantinou Leonidi, Giulia
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514537.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
    Tematy:
    Syriza
    radical left party
    coalition government
    Greek democracy
    Prespa Agreement
    Opis:
    What are the consequences of Syriza coming to power in Greece in 2015? Did it become a new Weimar Germany for the future Europe? In this article we test the hypothesis that winning two consecutive parliamentary elections in 2015 and forming a government contributed to a farther institutionalisation of this party within the rules of Greek democracy. This article is based on data from the Greek Ministry of Interior and the website of the Greek parliament. This text aims at presenting the process of transformation of Syriza - a radical, left-wing, anti-establishment and anti-austerity party into a governmental entity, pro systemic and accepting the principle of the democratic state of law. All this was due to the establishing of the governmental coalition with ANEL, a nationalist party; social-economic reforms; the reform of the electoral system for parliamentary elections; the proposal of a constitutional reform and the ending of the nearly 30-year dispute with Macedonia. The electoral failure during the parliamentary elections on the 7th of July 2019 finishes a 4-year governance of Syriza and enables us to try to evaluate this experiment for the first time. A key finding of our investigation is the need to highlight the respect for the democratic rules by Syriza during its government and its further institutionalisation as one of the main groupings of the contemporary party system in Greece.
    Źródło:
    Political Preferences; 2019, 24; 5-26
    2449-9064
    Pojawia się w:
    Political Preferences
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    The Future of American Democracy
    Autorzy:
    Deneen, Patrick
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/421248.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2012
    Wydawca:
    Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
    Tematy:
    Liberty
    American Democracy
    Self-Government
    Radical Individualism Locke
    Tocqueville
    Aristotle
    Human Anthropology
    Opis:
    Drawing on Aristotle this paper contrasts two conceptions of liberty – one, as ‘ruling and being ruled in turn’, the other as ‘doing what one likes’. It claims thatAmericacan be said to have had two foundings. The first was that of the Puritan settlers who adopted the notion of self-government and self-restraint; the second, ‘official’ founding heavily influenced by the social contract philosophy of Locke who understood government as existing only to secure our rights and advance our individual freedom.  Unlike the first understanding it does not seek to foster conditions in which our souls are educated in self-government. The author concludes that the future of American democracy will depend on which of these two conflicting conceptions becomes the dominant understanding ofAmerica’s liberty.
    Źródło:
    Horyzonty Polityki; 2012, 3, 4; 63-73
    2082-5897
    Pojawia się w:
    Horyzonty Polityki
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Muqtada al-Sadr from Opposition to Power: Democracy of the Cleric in Iraq After 2003
    Муктада аль-Садр от оппозиции к власти: демократия духовенства в Ираке после 2003 года
    Autorzy:
    Khalaf, Yousif Naem
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1934146.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021-06-30
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    Muqtada al-Sadr
    Shiite
    Iraqi democracy
    Radical Islam
    Mahdi army
    Муктада аль-Садр
    шииты
    иракская демократия
    радикальный ислам
    армия Махди
    Opis:
    According to learned scholars, radical political movements change their behavior when participating in formal politics. Muqtada al-Sadr, a Shiite cleric, used violence in order to protect his movement. At its inception, the Sadrist movement became an armed militia called the Mahdi Army. This paper will examine al-Sadr’s transition from opposition to power in the new political system in Iraq. In 2004 al-Sadr turned to politics by recognizing the political system in Iraq. Learned scholars suggest that al-Sadr should have transferred his movement into a political party to interact with the state political system and should then have been responsible for its outline. Al-Sadr returned to violence in 2006, threatening the new democracy in Iraq. If he recognized the political game, why did he resort to violence? This work suggests that to be in politics in post-2003, he should have formed a military wing to achieve political and material goals to maintain his movement.
    Согласно предположениям ученых, радикальные политические движения изменят свое поведение, участвуя в формальной политике. Муктада аль-Садр – это духовный лидер шиитов, который применял насилие для защиты своего политического движения. Движение садристов вначале было вооруженным восстанием, так называемая «Армия Махди». В статье анализируется переход аль-Садра от оппозиции к власти в новой политической системе Ирака. В 2004 году аль-Садр обратился к политике, признав политическую систему Ирака. Научная литература предполагает, что аль-Садр должен был преобразовать свое движение в политическую партию, чтобы взаимодействовать с государственной политической системой и отвечать за ее основные принципы. В 2006 году Муктада аль-Садр вернулся к насилию, угрожая новой демократии в Ираке. Почему же он продолжает применять насилие, если распознал политическую игру? В статье аргументируется, что для того, чтобы быть в политике после 2003 года, необходимо иметь военное крыло для достижения политических и материальных целей и для поддержки своего движения.
    Źródło:
    Studia Orientalne; 2021, 1(19); 7-26
    2299-1999
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Orientalne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Are Defenders of Liberal Democracy Its Gravediggers?
    Autorzy:
    Kamiński, Antoni Z.
    Kamiński, Bartłomiej K.
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/781995.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
    Tematy:
    liberal democracy
    illiberal democracy
    populism
    authoritarian populism
    libertarian populism
    cultural silent revolution
    citizenship
    democratic backsliding
    primaries
    nation state
    nationalism
    patriotism
    the rule of law
    immigration
    open borders
    globalization
    modernism
    post-materialism
    radical egalitarianism
    competitive individualism
    metropolitan elitism
    EUI Democracy Index
    Opis:
    Recent years have witnessed the publication of a number of research papers and books seeking to assess threats of electoral victories of anti-establishment politicians and political parties, described as authoritarian populists. This essay focuses on three books directly addressing the origins and threats of authoritarian populism to democracy. It consists of six sections and the conclusion. The first section presents findings (Norris and Inglehart) based on surveys of values of voters of various age cohorts concluding that authoritarian populism is a temporary backlash provoked by the post-materialist perspective. The second section examines the contention, spelled out in Levitsky and Ziblatt, that increase in openness of American political system produced,  unintentionally, a degradation of the American political system. The third section continues brief presentations focusing on to the causes and implications of “illiberal democracy,” and “undemocratic liberalism” (Mounk). The fourth section examines developments in the quality of democracy in the world showing that despite the decline in Democracy Indices, overall there was no slide towards non-democratic forms of government in 2006–2019. The next two sections deal with dimensions missing in reviewed books; the notion of nation-state, international environment, civic culture and, in particular, dangers of radical egalitarianism to democracy. The last section concludes with regrets that the authors ignored rich literature on fragility of democracy and failed to incorporate in their analyses deeper structural factors eroding democracy: by the same token, return to the pre-populist shock trajectory is unlikely to assure survival of liberal democracy.
    Źródło:
    Kultura i Społeczeństwo; 2019, 63, 4; 151-176
    2300-195X
    Pojawia się w:
    Kultura i Społeczeństwo
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
      Wyświetlanie 1-6 z 6

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