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Tytuł:
Ability to formulate challenges and priorities of the Polish presidency
Autorzy:
Piątek, Jarosław J.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139008.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
polish presidency in the European Council
polish foreign politics
Europeanization
priorities of polish presidency
Opis:
Organizational preparations to the Polish Presidency are in progress at full steam. We began accomplishment of some tasks in 2007 starting from the analysis of experiences of other countries. In 2008, the Government Plenipotentiary for the Polish Presidency in the EU was appointed and in January 2009 the Polish government passed a comprehensive program of preparations to this historical event. Moreover in 2009 the financial resources for organization were provided, logistic preparations as well as trainings for Polish officials and first promo and information activities were undertaken. On July 1, 2011 Poland will assume the Presidency of the EU Council. It is not only a great challenge requiring strategic planning, full political and organizational activity on domestic and European level but also, what the representatives of the current government emphasize, a big opportunity for Poland in shaping the EU. According to them, the Presidency gives a possibility of a bigger and real influence on decisions taken in the EU. To the public opinion, they send messages that we will have an opportunity to present in the EU arena the priorities of Polish policy, emphasize the most important area, submit our own ideas and initiatives. Only few emphasize the fact that the Presidency is mainly the continuation of previous activities of the EU, providing its coherent functioning and guaranteeing the vote in the worldwide important matters.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 69-90
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Aspects and determinants of good presidency – provisions and proposals for Poland
Autorzy:
Osiecka, Agnieszka
Stankiewicz, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139009.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
polish presidency in the European Council
postulates for polish presidency
Eastern Partnership
EU-Ukraine relations
Opis:
The authors have taken in their article topic about the Presidency of the Council of the European Union because of the impending coverage for Poland the presidency in that organ. Briefly, the three countries have been characterized that are part of the so- called Second Presidency Trio (Federation of the French Republic, the Kingdom of Sweden and the Czech Republic). The article in authors opinion is aimed at selecting the most important and the most useful aspects and determinants of good Presidency. Each of the countries that are part of this Trio has been subjected to detailed analysis in terms of goals and their final implementation. According to the authors of the text, for the Polish Presidency of the European Union the most will be to stick to the pre- designated purposes such as European Union enlargement to Croatia, or take action for the Eastern Partnership and the Region of the Baltic Sea.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 46-68
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Europe at the end of the first decade of the 21st century – crisis, development, change? A few remarks/comments concerning the period previous to the assumption of the EU presidency by The Republic of Poland
Autorzy:
Ranke, Andrzej L.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139000.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
polish presidency in the European Council
external relations of European Union
Eastern Partnership
priorities of polish presidency
Opis:
The European Union resembles only partly a community in the way it works. The internal differences between the member countries, disclosed in their full strength by the financial crisis, dilute the foundations of the European unity. Will the EU survive this bend, as it has in the past, or will it share the fate of other unsuccessful political and economical unions known from history? Considering the latter possibility remains, in any case, no longer just an exercise in political fiction. The fact that the Union is not uniform has been known since it ceased to be a safe, close union of six founding countries. Yet only the extension to the East in 2004, accepting simultaneously ten new countries, gave rise to a heated discussion, whether an Union of 27 countries can work jointly at all, taking into consideration the increasingly visible disproportions between its members. It also quickly turned out that the Lisbon Treaty is just partly an answer to this dilemma. An institutional reform did not protect the Union from new, huge shocks, which the financial crisis brought with it. These phenomena create a challenge for Poland, which will take up its half-year EU presidency in the middle of 2011. They will not always agree with the plans and means concerning the realization of the planned actions.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 108-124
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Selected Aspects of France's Foreign Policy towards the United States during Emmanuel Macron's Presidency from 2017 to 2022
Autorzy:
Pruchnicka, Paulina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2106284.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-09-19
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
foreign policy
France
United States
Emmanuel Macron presidency
Opis:
The French diplomatic tradition has been going on for centuries and has influenced other parts of the world. One of France's most essential foreign policy directions is relations between France and the United States. It can be said to be friendship and hatred at the same time. The deep-rooted anti-Americanism in the French and the desire by Paris to return to great power status makes these relations even more difficult. In this article, I review France's foreign policy toward the United States from 2017 to 2022. In particular, I focus on analysing the aspect of superpower status, NATO membership and UN membership. I prove that these aspects have the greatest impact on Franco-American relations.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2022, 30, 1; 49-59
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Legal President’s Position in the Structure of State Organs (after 1993)
Autorzy:
Gardocki, Sylwester
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2023466.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
presidency model
Russian law
structure of state organs
Opis:
The difficult and dramatic birth of the Constitution of the Russian Federation in December 1993 does not mean that it is a statute burdened by numerous faults and chaotic as the situation in which it originated. This is quite a consistent constitutional act looking for a strong presidency model, similar to the Fifth French Republic. It is doubtful, however, that, according to an eminent scholar of Russian law, William E. Butler, at that time “enacting of the truly democratic constitution for the first time in Russian history” took a place.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2012, 41; 144-186
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Obama Doctrine - U.S. Strategic Retrenchment and its Consequences
Autorzy:
Woźniak, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/526954.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Collegium Civitas
Tematy:
U.S. Foreign Policy
retrenchment strategy
presidency of Barack Obama
Opis:
In this article the author writes about the features of a strategy of retrenchment and how it can be applied to the analysis of the foreign policy of the United States during the presidency of Barack Obama. Many of the decisions made by the United States in the international arena resulted from a desire to limit involvement in world affairs, to reduce military spending, and to persuade allies to take a greater responsibility for their own security. Such a policy was motivated by strengthening the weakened position of the USA, but it also contributed to the growth of chaos in the world.
Źródło:
Securitologia; 2015, 2 (22); 57-67
1898-4509
Pojawia się w:
Securitologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The secret service – the vanguard for the safety of a state and the European Union
Autorzy:
Ronowski, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2138999.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Polish Presidency in the European Council
international security
secret service
Opis:
The article is the attempt of introduction to the subject of the Polish Presidency the security perceived through the functioning of the national and the European Union’s (EU) secret services. The secret service understood as the service of the intelligence and counterintelligence (of security), legally authorized. The subject issues are presented in the aspect of the approaching Polish Presidency. During this time Poland can and should contribute to the improvement of security measures of the continent through its commitment and contribution to the construction of the secret service of the EU. Europe, if it wants to be a taken into the account player on the political, economical and cultural arena, needs to integrate. Otherwise it will still be a marginal continent. This determinant should effectively defeat the national prejudices and phobias. It needs to be remembered that the current crisis, consistently called economical, has deeper sources and wider roots. It generally concerns the whole, so called western lifestyle which is determined by the political and economical society structure. The countries of the EU of the Central- Eastern area can bring many new and positive values integrating Europe and thereby limit the barriers in the aspect of building the measures of partnership and trust.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 125-161
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
European Union’s security in the conclusions of the presidency – in the years 2005–2010
Autorzy:
Wojnicz, Luiza
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139029.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
European Union
International security
terrorism
Presidency in the European Council
Opis:
The Presidency of European Union (EU) plays an important role in the functioning of the whole organisation. First of all, it is the propelling force for new decisions and policies in every area. Interior and exterior security of the EU (especially terrorism and its prevention) has become major issues in recent years. Terrorist attacks in London and Madrid not only made us realise that interior security was threatened, but also that this problem is connected to the exterior environment. In eff ect, many documents referring to fi ghting terrorism have come into existence. It have shown a big demand for creating instruments that would deal with security issues. Moreover, many of the Union’s institutions have been granted rights to combat it. That is why it is legitimate to look closer at the output of previous Presidencies in the area of freedom, security, and justice. This paper aims at listing matters connected to the EU’s security through the analysis of priorities and conclusions of the Presidencies in years 2005–2010, and the effects coming from Work Programmes’ guidelines with simultaneous pointing to often different goals set by particular countries.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 202-214
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Determinants of the Polish Presidency in the EU – 2011
Uwarunkowania polskiej prezydencji w Unii Europejskiej w 2011 r.
Autorzy:
Master, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2168180.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
presidency
Treaty of Lisbon
Poland in the European Union
European integration
Opis:
Chairing the Council of the European Union underlines the importance of the state in integrated Europe. However, the recent amendments to the Treaty have given rise to significant changes in the functioning of this institution. Our understanding of this concept as well as of its functions and methods has changed. This is particularly important for Poland, which in July 2011 will take over the half year presidency. The new conditions of operation pose both opportunities and challenges. This article presents the model of the Presidency and its role both before the Treaty of Lisbon and immediately after it. It also discusses the ability of countries holding presidency, especially Poland, to handle these changes. The author examines the conditions, strengths and weaknesses of Poland with respect to exercising this function.
Prezydencja w Unii Europejskiej podkreśla i wyróżnia znaczenie państwa w zintegrowanej Europie. Niemniej, ostatnie zmiany traktatowe pociągnęły za sobą dość istotne zmiany w funkcjonowaniu tej instytucji. Zmianie uległo samo rozumienie tego pojęcia, jej funkcje i metody działania, a to także wpłynęło bezpośrednio na kształt modeli. Jest to szczególnie ważne dla Polski, która w lipcu 2011 roku przejmie na pół roku przewodnictwo w Radzie. Nowe warunki działania stanowią zarówno szansę, jak i wyzwanie. Artykuł przybliża oblicze prezydencji i jej roli zarówno przed Traktatem z Lizbony, jak i bezpośrednio po nim oraz bada możliwości działania, jakie po tych zmianach stoją przed państwami sprawującymi prezydencję, w tym przede wszystkim Polską. Autorka analizuje uwarunkowania, mocne i słabe strony tego państwa oraz ocenia proces przygotowań do sprawowania tej funkcji.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2011, 29; 199-224
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
About communication in social media – an analysis of the Polish PresidencyFacebook Profile from a perspective of social communication theory
Autorzy:
TOMICZEK, MARTYNA
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/628361.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Fundacja Pro Scientia Publica
Tematy:
Polish Presidency, Facebook, Facebook Profi le, communication, public diplo-macy, new dimension of education
Opis:
The half year of the Polish Presidency on the one hand was a great challenge but from the other hand a tremendous chance to promote the country and society. Activities were taken up in many different areas – using new technologies was an important part of the project, including new media which by the creation of the Polish Presidency FacebookProfi leturned out to be an integral part of Presidency. Using the possibility of providing a two--way communication proved that the potential of Facebook was understood. Running the fan page also showed a new face of diplomacy putting it in the area of public diplomacy.
Źródło:
Journal of Education Culture and Society; 2012, 3, 1; 47-60
2081-1640
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Education Culture and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The role and meaning of the Western Balkans in the Polish foreign policy on the eve of the Polish presidency in the EU
Autorzy:
Podgórzańska, Renata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139002.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Polish foreign politics
polish presidency in the European Council
Western Balkans
external policy of European Union
Opis:
The goal of the article it to present the role and meaning of the Western Balkans for the Polish foreign policy on the eve of the Polish Presidency in the EU. It is worth wondering if the fact of running the Presidency causes the change of character of the Polish foreign policy toward the region. The final answer will be possible after its end but some divagations are possible today, after the analysis of initial aims of the Polish Presidency. A question, if there is a necessity of enhancing the Polish activity and Polish presence in this part of Europe, is also legitimate. Experiences of the last years show that the interest of the Polish diplomacy in the region of the Western Balkans was limited and even if we showed some activity, it was the support for realization of the strategic aims of the foreign policy. The turning point in the Polish policy towards the Western Balkans could be a membership in the EU. Then there appeared a possibility of widening the field of influence of the Polish policy on the Balkans with the use of not only the own resources and political instruments but also the instruments at the EU disposal. It is worth considering whether it is not worth to use the moment to dynamize the Polish actions towards the region, especially when the region is very important for the EU and when the EU functions also as a promoter of stabilization, transformation and permanent development of the Western Balkans.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 91-107
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
German presidencies in the European Union in the 1990s. The term and the specificity of the presidency in the European Council
Autorzy:
Żurek, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2139026.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Germany in the European Union
European Council
Modern history of Germany
Presidency in the European Council
Opis:
A very important element of the structural and substantive functioning of the Council of the European Union is a cyclic Presidency (leadership) held for a period of six months by each Member State in turn in the system of the intergovernmental councils (the Council of the European Union and the European Council). The author of the present article would like to focus on the first two presidencies of the unifi ed Germany. Both took place in the 1990s – in the first decade of the country’s functioning after reunification. They also exemplify the ‘new’ Germany’s approach to the European integration, its deepening and widening. Germany wanted to dispel the doubts of the other EU Member States whether, as the united country, it would still support the process of integration. The 21st century proved the fears pointless.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2011, 2; 235-271
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Volodymyr Zelensky: What has Been Done in the Past Year? What’s Next?
Wołodymyr Zelenski: Co zrobiono w minionym roku? Co dalej?...
Autorzy:
Donaj, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1012014.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Ukraine
European Union
Revolution of Dignity
presidency
prospects for European integration
Ukraina
Unia Europejska
rewolucja godności
prezydentura
perspektywy integracji europejskiej
Opis:
The paper sets out to assess the first year of Volodymyr Zelensky’s presidency. By analyzing the decision-making process followed by Zelensky (using the decision-making, institutional-legal, systems, induction and deduction methods), the author attempts to answer whether the process serves Ukraine and its long-term interests. By identifying the determinants affecting Ukraine’s foreign policy, the author tries to show the long term prospects for the country.
Treścią publikacji jest próba oceny pierwszego roku prezydentury W. Zełenskiego. Dokonując analizy procesu podejmowania decyzji przez W. Zełenskiego (posiłkując się metodą decyzyjną, instytucjonalno-prawną, systemową oraz indukcją i dedukcją) autor próbował odpowiedzieć, czy jest to działanie służące Ukrainie i jej dalekosiężnym interesom. Określając determinanty wpływające na politykę zagraniczną Ukrainy, autor starał się ukazać, co w dalszej perspektywie czeka kraj nad Dnieprem.
Źródło:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej; 2020, 14; 101-112
1899-6256
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Donald Trump and America Divided against Itself
Donald Trump i Ameryka podzielona przeciw samej sobie
Autorzy:
Bryk, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2029635.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Donald Trump’s Presidency
American Conservatism
liberal oligarchy
populism
identity liberalism
fragmentation of American socjety
prezydentura Donalda Trumpa
konserwatyzm amerykański
oligarchia liberalna
populizm
globalizacja
liberalizm tożsamościowy
fragmentacja społeczeństwa amerykańskiego
Opis:
Donald Trump became the president of the United States because he was able to see the deep division of the American society into 80% of the population comprising the lower and middle classes and the caste-like oligarchic elite, which is made up of the richest 1% and 19% of the upper-middle class population. These 20% justifies its privileged social position by referring to meritocracy, the ideology of identity liberalism and to globalism, delegitimizing any opposition as a manifestation of ignorance, pathological aggression or social maladjustment (“the deplorables” of Hillary Clinton). Trump turned to the remaining 80% of society, angered not only by the effects of globalization implemented by the liberal elites as the only possible and rational economic policy, but also despised by the liberal upper middle class and forced by political elites to submit to the dictates of the ideology of emancipatory liberalism of personal autocreation, leading to the breakdown of social and family ties and the destruction of authorities. Trump won the support of angry voters because he raised issues that were very close to much of the electorate but were absent from the dominant discourse of political elites, both in the Democratic Party and the Republicans. This was his “populism”, which was in fact democratic and conservative patriotism or mild nationalism. Nevertheless, this provoked vehement opposition from both the liberal left, part of the federal administration (“deep state”) and cancel culture, and from some republicans (“Never Trumpers”). However, the “resistance movement” that emerged after Trump’s election was able to appeal only to ideological arguments, including the perception of America’s and the West’s civilizational heritage as a structure of immanent oppression that Trump wants to renew and strengthen. Thus, a narrative was born presenting Trump as a usurper in a metaphysical sense, an enemy of the only legitimate moral and social order, i.e., the order of identity liberalism with its axioms of emancipation and moral autocreation of individuals. The violation of this quasi-religious order is to cause an escalation of violence and oppression motivated by hatred, racism, xenophobia and religious fanaticism. Such a narrative, referring to the theory of the “end of history” by Francis Fukuyama, was not confirmed either in the politics or in the legislation of the Trump administration, demonstrating flaws in the liberal-left understanding of the so called “populism”.
Donald Trump został prezydentem USA, gdyż zdołał dostrzec głęboki podział społeczeństwa amerykańskiego: na 80% ludności obejmujące klasę niższą i średnią oraz przypominającą kastę elitę oligarchiczną, na którą składa się 1% najbogatszych oraz 19% ludności zaliczanej do wyższej klasy średniej. Te 20% swą uprzywilejowaną pozycję społeczną uzasadnia, odwołując się do merytokracji, ideologii liberalizmu tożsamościowego oraz globalizmu, delegitymizując sprzeciw jako przejaw ignorancji, patologicznej agresji lub nieprzystosowania społecznego (“pożałowania godni” – Hillary Clinton). Trump zwrócił się do pozostałych 80% społeczeństwa, rozgniewanego nie tylko skutkami wdrażanej przez liberalne elity – jako jedyna możliwa i racjonalna polityka gospodarcza – globalizacji, lecz również pogardzanego przez liberalną wyższą klasę średnią i zmuszanego przez elity polityczne do poddania się dyktatowi ideologii liberalizmu emancypacyjnego, prowadzącego do rozbicia więzi społecznych i rodzinnych oraz zniszczenia autorytetów. Trump zyskał poparcie rozgniewanych wyborców, gdyż poruszył tematy, które były bardzo bliskie znacznej części elektoratu, jednak nie były obecne w dominującym dyskursie elit politycznych – ani Partii Demokratycznej, ani republikanów. Na tym polegał jego “populizm”, będący w rzeczywistości demokratycznym i konserwatywnym patriotyzmem. Wywołało to gwałtowny sprzeciw, zarówno ze strony lewicy liberalnej, części administracji federalnej (deep state) i cancel culture, jak i ze strony części republikanów – zdeklarowanych przeciwników kandydatury Donalda Trumpa na prezydenta. Jednakże “ruch oporu”, który uaktywnił się po wygranej wyborczej Trumpa, był w stanie odwołać się jedynie do argumentów ideologicznych, w tym postrzegania dorobku cywilizacyjnego Ameryki i Zachodu jako struktury opresji, którą Trump chce odnawiać i wzmacniać. Zrodziła się tym samym narracja prezentująca Trumpa jako uzurpatora w sensie metafizycznym, wroga jedynie legitymowanego porządku moralnego i społecznego, tj. porządku liberalizmu tożsamościowego i emancypacji. Naruszenie tego porządku ma doprowadzić do eskalacji nienawiści i motywowanej rasizmem, ksenofobią i fanatyzmem religijnym przemocy, czyli “populizmu” w negatywnym sensie. Narracja taka, odwołująca się do teorii “końca historii” Francisa Fukuyamy nie znalazła jednak potwierdzenia ani w polityce, ani w prawodawstwie czasów administracji Trumpa, wskazując na niedostatki w lewicowo-liberalnym pojmowaniu tzw. populizmu.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2021, 1; 47-84
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Shakespeare Comes to Bengal
Autorzy:
Chaudhuri, Sukanta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/39766684.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Shakespeare
Bengal
Calcutta
Bengali translations
Bengali theatre
Hindu College
Presidency College
Kalidasa
Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay
Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar
Michael Madhusudan Datta
Haraprasad Shastri
Hirendranath Datta
Rabindranath Tagore
Girishchandra Ghosh
Opis:
India has the longest engagement with Shakespeare of any non-Western country. In the eastern Indian region of Bengal, contact with Shakespeare began in the eighteenth century. His plays were read and acted in newly established English schools, and performed professionally in new English theatres. A paradigm shift came with the foundation of the Hindu College in Calcutta in 1817. Shakespeare featured largely in this new ‘English education’, taught first by Englishmen and, from the start of the twentieth century, by a distinguished line of Indian scholars. Simultaneously, the Shakespearean model melded with traditional Bengali popular drama to create a new professional urban Bengali theatre. The close interaction between page and stage also evinced a certain tension. The highly indigenized theatre assimilated Shakespeare in a varied synthesis, while academic interest focused increasingly on Shakespeare’s own text. Beyond the theatre and the classroom, Shakespeare reached out to a wider public, largely as a read rather than performed text. He was widely read in translation, most often in prose versions and loose adaptations. His readership extended to women, and to people outside the city who could not visit the theatre. Thus Shakespeare became part of the shared heritage of the entire educated middle class. Bengali literature since the late nineteenth century testifies strongly to this trend, often inducing a comparison with the Sanskrit dramatist Kalidasa. Most importantly, Shakespeare became part of the common currency of cultural and intellectual exchange.
Źródło:
Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance; 2023, 27, 42; 31-46
2083-8530
2300-7605
Pojawia się w:
Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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