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    Wyświetlanie 1-6 z 6
    Tytuł:
    The cognitive and religious dimension of the writer and the Grand Marshall of Lithuania Ignacy Potocki’s stay in Rome and his educational voyage in the years 1765–1771
    Poznawczy i religijny wymiar pobytu w Rzymie i podróży edukacyjnej po Europie pisarza i marszałka wielkiego litewskiego Ignacego Potockiego w latach 1765-1771
    Autorzy:
    Kucharski, Adam
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1193887.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015
    Wydawca:
    Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
    Tematy:
    education
    polish nobles
    Grand Tour
    anthropology of journey
    Opis:
    Among the representatives of the Polish magnates traveling around Europe there distinguishes the figure of the Grand Marshall of Lithuania Ignacy Potocki – one of the leaders of the Polish Enlightenment – famous for preparing a programme of political reforms of the state, which were later presented by him in the Constitution of 3 May. As a young man, he stayed abroad in the years 1765-1771 when he was preparing himself to take holy orders in Rome, which was to open the door for his further career. The general ambiance of uncertainty in the Church along with his family and personal tragedy after he had lost his parents changed the objective of his educational voyage. The study visit in Rome changed into a voyage of the Grand Tour type in the years 1770-1771. In total he visited several states – European leaders in politics, economy and culture (Germany, Bohemia, Austria, Italy, France, Spain). The accounts from the journey included in the diaries and letters reveal a noticeable cognitive element in his remarks; they prove that Ignacy Potocki was an acute observer of the political, social and economic situation in the countries he visited. It allowed him to draw far-reaching conclusions concerning the reasons for the power held by the countries which dominated in Europe, and to form drafts of possible reforms to improve the situation in Poland. Potocki was prone to aesthetic stimuli; he relished the beauty of architecture, art and landscape. In this way, he revealed a new type of sensitivity allowing the holistic perspective of the reality observed abroad.
    Źródło:
    Zapiski Historyczne; 2015, 80, 4; 21-47
    0044-1791
    2449-8637
    Pojawia się w:
    Zapiski Historyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    The Attitude of Ruthenian Magnates and Nobles toward the Union of Lublin (1569) and the Problem of the Autonomy of Ukrainian Lands within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
    Autorzy:
    Kempa, Tomasz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1178408.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
    Tematy:
    magnates
    nobles
    Ruthenia
    Ukraine
    Union of Lublin
    law
    Orthodoxy
    Polonization
    Catholicization
    Opis:
    For a long time, historiography was dominated by a dualistic view on what had happened at the Sejm of Lublin in 1569. Thus, when describing the conclusion of the Union of Lublin, scholars focused on the Polish-Lithuanian dispute and the decisive role of King Sigismund Augustus in signing the agreement in Lublin. Recently, however, there have appeared publications highlighting the important role in the conclusion of the Lublin Union played by the Ruthenian nobility and noble representatives of the lands incorporated into the Polish Crown in 1569, that is Volhynia, eastern Podolia (Bracław Land) and the region of Kiev. The article sums up the existing knowledge on this subject, stressing the fact of the separate interests of the Ruthenian magnates, especially from Volhynia – where many well-known princely families had their family nests – in comparison to the Lithuanian magnates on the eve of the conclusion of the Union of Lublin. It facilitated the decision of the Ruthenian nobles to support not only the union itself, but also the incorporation of the above-mentioned provinces into the Polish Crown. Also thanks to this attitude of the princes and noblemen of Volhynia, Bracław Land and the region of Kiev, these areas gained relatively broad autonomy allowing them to preserve their cultural identity. There is no doubt, however, that the Union of Lublin accelerated the process of Polonization of these lands to some extent, although the process had begun well before 1569. Another important event from the point of view of maintaining the cultural identity of these provinces was the conclusion of the Union of Brest (1595–1596), as a result of which – upon the decision of most Orthodox bishops of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth – the Kiev metropolitanate became subordinated to the Holy See. On the one hand, the majority of Ruthenian nobility from the aforementioned provinces reacted in defense of the Orthodox faith, and to some extent also of the Ruthenian region, which stimulated them to strengthen their identity. In this context, noble tribunes of Ruthenian origin, such as Adam Kisiel, and Orthodox polemic writers, such as Melecjusz Smotrycki (who later became a member of the Uniate Church), began to indicate the existence of a separate Ruthenian nation, also pointing to its different features and de facto forming the foundations of its historical tradition. Zaporizhian Cossacks, who consistently defended the Orthodox faith, also joined the process to some extent. On the other hand, in the long run, the Union of Brest led to the Catholicization of local noblemen. Most of Ruthenian nobles eventually converted to the Roman Catholic denomination. However, the fact that the Uniate Church existed might have led to the situation that at least some of the Ruthenian nobles remained in the Ruthenian cultural circle even in the 18th and 19th centuries. Meanwhile, in the 17th century the role of the Ruthenian language tended to decrease in the above-mentioned territories, as it was the case in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In the second half of the 17th century the Ruthenian language ceased to be the official language for the benefit of the Polish language.
    Źródło:
    Zapiski Historyczne; 2019, 84, 4; 41-72
    0044-1791
    2449-8637
    Pojawia się w:
    Zapiski Historyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Main currents in views on the reorganisation of the apparatus of executive power in the eighteenth-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
    Zasadnicze nurty w poglądach na reorganizację aparatu władzy wykonawczej w osiemnastowiecznej Rzeczypospolitej
    Autorzy:
    Malec, Jerzy
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1931242.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021
    Wydawca:
    Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
    Tematy:
    Republic of Nobles
    executive power
    reforms of administration
    administrative Thought
    Rzeczpospolita szlachecka
    władza wykonawcza
    reformy administracji
    myśl administracyjna
    Opis:
    In the eighteenth century, and particularly in its second half, concepts of rebuilding the state administration began to emerge in Poland, the basic structure of which dates back to the times of the estate monarchy and did not meet the needs of the modern state of the Age of Enlightenment, and at the same time differed substantially from the solutions functioning in the absolute monarchies neighbouring Poland, where it was based at that time on the principles of centralism and bureaucracy. Meanwhile, in the Republic of Nobles, all offices were filled for life, without any particular emphasis on the professionalism of the candidates. In the first half of the eighteenth century, along with penetration of the idea of the Enlightenment into Poland, the seeds of modern concepts emerged, postulating a complete reform of the system of the Commonwealth. The reform programme contained in the works of the precursors of the Polish Enlightenment covered a wide range of problems, postulating the reorganization and healing of the entire apparatus of state power, sometimes also touching upon social issues. The political writing of that time, when discussing the basics of the functioning of the administration, usually emphasized the primacy of the law passed by the Sejm over executive activity. The influence of Polish political writing on the reform of the administration seems indisputable. The structure of the central authorities clearly referred to the concepts of the political thought of the time, constantly evolving towards modern forms of internal administration of the state, at the same time drawing on the achievements of European cameralist and police thought.
    W XVIII stuleciu, a szczególnie w jego drugiej połowie, poczęły się w Polsce rodzić koncepcje przebudowy administracji państwowej, której zasadnicza struktura wywodziła się jeszcze z czasów monarchii stanowej i nie przystawała do potrzeb nowoczesnego państwa epoki Oświecenia, a jednocześnie odbiegała zasadniczo od rozwiązań funkcjonujących w sąsiadujących z Polską monarchiach absolutnych, gdzie oparto ją w owym czasie na zasadach centralizmu i biurokratyzmu. Tymczasem w Rzeczypospolitej szlacheckiej wszystkie urzędy były obsadzane dożywotnio, bez przywiązywania wielkiej wagi do fachowości kandydatów. Wraz z przenikaniem do Polski idei Oświecenia, ujawniać się poczęły zalążki nowoczesnych koncepcji postulujących pełną reformę ustroju Rzeczypospolitej. Program reform zawarty w dziełach prekursorów polskiego Oświecenia obejmował szeroką gamę problemów. Postulowano reorganizację i uzdrowienie całego aparatu władzy państwowej, dotykając niekiedy także zagadnień społecznych. Ówczesna publicystyka, omawiając podstawy funkcjonowania administracji, podkreślała z reguły prymat uchwalonego na sejmie prawa nad działalnością wykonawczą. Wpływ polskiej publicystyki na reformę administracji zdaje się bezsporny. Struktura władz centralnych wyraźnie nawiązywała do koncepcji głoszonych przez ówczesną myśl polityczną, ulegając stałej ewolucji w kierunku nowożytnych form zarządu wewnętrznego państwa, jednocześnie czerpiąc z dorobku europejskiej myśli kameralistycznej i policystycznej.
    Źródło:
    Studia z Dziejów Państwa i Prawa Polskiego; 2021, XXIV, 24; 153-164
    1733-0335
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia z Dziejów Państwa i Prawa Polskiego
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    THE THEORY ON THE STATE OF THE CHOSŎN RULING ELITES: HOW DID THEY PERCEIVE THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THEMSELVES AND THE STATE?
    조선 지배층의 국가론: 지배층과 국가와의 관계에 대한 논의를 중심으로
    JAK WARSTWA RZĄDZĄCA W CHOSŎN POSTRZEGAŁA RELACJE MIĘDZY NIMI SAMYMI A PAŃSTWEM? PRÓBA UJĘCIA TEORETYCZNEGO
    Autorzy:
    LEE, Min Jung
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1040200.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-01-24
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    warstwa rządząca w Chosŏn
    kraj
    tożsamość
    arystokracja
    ruling elite in the Chosŏn Dynasty
    the nation
    identity
    nobles
    Opis:
    This paper argues that it is necessary to analyze the identity of the ruling elite in the Chosŏn Dynasty through the nobles munbŏl 문벌(門閥) using the ideological methodology. The identity of the ruling elite in the Joseon Dynasty should be considered in relation to the state. In the first part of this paper, we review the existing studies on the relationship between the ruling elite and the state in Korea. The first group gives a view that the ruling class has autonomy from the state and has an identity outside the country. The second group of the studies shows that the ruling autonomous governments have encroached on the private sector. The third group are studies showing that the ruling class of the Chosŏn Dynasty structurally could not escape the domination of the state. Each of these studies pointed out important points in characterizing the ruling elites of the Chosŏn dynasty, yet they had some limitations because they lacked an ideological consideration of what their identity is fundamentally from. The second part of the paper presents how to overcome these limitations by insisting that the identity of the ruling class should be examined in relation to the state at that time through the issue of civilization.
    Autorka zakłada, że próba analizy warstwy rządzącej za czasów panowania dynastii Chosŏn na przykładzie szlachetnie urodzonych munbŏl 문벌 (門閥) powinna być przeprowadzana przy pomocy analizy ideologicznej, zaś tożsamość warstwy rządzącej należy rozpatrywać w relacji do kraju. Artykuł stanowi analizę istniejących badań, które dzielą się na trzy główne grupy. Pierwsza z grup wysuwa tezę, że warstwa rządząca jest niezależna od kraju i rządu i w takim oderwaniu należy rozpatrywać jej tożsamość. Druga grupa wskazuje na to, że warstwa rządząca opanowała również tzw. sektor prywatny. Trzecia grupa pokazuje, że warstwa ta nie była w stanie odciąć się strukturalnie od rządów. Dalsza część artykułu skupia się na analizie pozostałych punktów charakterystycznych dla koreańskiej warstwy rządzącej.
    본 논문은 조선시대 지배엘리트의 정체성을 파악하기 위해서는 문벌(門閥)이라는 소재를 통해 사상적인 방법론으로 분석하는 것이 필요함을 주장한 논문이다. 조선시대 지배엘리트의 정체성은 국가와의 관계 속에서 고찰되어야 한다. 이를 위해 우선 논문의 전반부에서 조선의 지배엘리트와 국가의 관계에 대해 다룬 기존의 연구들을 세 가지 경향으로 나누어 고찰하였다. 첫 번째 그룹은 지배층이 국가로부터 자율성을 가지며, 국가 밖의 영역에 정체성을 두고 있다고 여기는 연구들이다. 두 번째 그룹은 역시 국가로부터 자율성을 가지는 지배층이 사적 영역으로 국가를 잠식하였다고 보는 연구들이다. 세 번째 그룹은 조선시대 지배층은 구조적으로 국가의 지배를 벗어날 수 없었다고 여기는 연구들이다. 각각의 연구들은 조선시대 지배엘리트의 성격을 파악하는 데에 중요한 지점을 지적하였으나, 그들의 정체성이 근본적으로 무엇으로부터 오는가에 대한 사상적 고찰을 결여했기 때문에 한계를 가진다. 논문의 후반부에서는 이러한 한계를 극복하기 위한 제안으로, 문벌이라는 소재를 통해 당시 지배층의 정체성을 국가와의 관계 속에서 살펴보기를 주장하였다.
    Źródło:
    International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences; 2018, 4; 107-126
    2449-7444
    Pojawia się w:
    International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    The Deputies of Vitebsk District to the Sejm of Lublin in 1569: The Social Biography of Piotr Kisiel and Tymofiej Hurko
    Autorzy:
    Padalinski, Uladzimir A.
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1178396.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
    Tematy:
    Union of Lublin
    biography
    nobles
    social activity
    Grand Duchy of Lithuania
    Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
    Vitebsk district
    Sejm
    Opis:
    The aim of the article is to examine the most important forms of social activity of the petty and middle nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the second half of the 16th century on the example of the unique life stories of two Vitebsk noblemen. The article discusses biographies of Piotr Kisiel and Tymofiej Hurka, who represented the Vitebsk district at the Sejm in 1569 and directly participated in the conclusion of the Union of Lublin. For a long time, the historiography discussed only the most influential participants of the sessions of this Sejm. However, ‘ordinary’ representatives of the wide group of nobles from the districts of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania also played their part in negotiations regarding the conclusion of the union. The aims, ideas, worldview, and values along with the personal experiences of those people directly affected their social and political position, and thus, to some extent, shaped the entire state. The author shows the influence of military and political events of the 1560s on the political activities of Piotr Kisiel and Tymofiej Hurka. The experience gained from the Livonian War influenced their attitude towards the union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish Crown in 1569. The investigations presented by the author show that significant transformations of the 1560s (reforms of the political system of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the creation of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) gave the Kisiel and Hurka families the opportunity to actively participate in public life and allowed them to occupy a permanent place among the political elites of the Vitebsk district. The research results are based on various types of documentary sources, both published ones and manuscripts. The methodological basis of the analysis is the biographical method. The article emphasizes that detailed investigations of the biographies of ‘ordinary’ nobles opened new research perspectives in regard to the history of the noblemen of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the entire Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
    Źródło:
    Zapiski Historyczne; 2019, 84, 4; 73-96
    0044-1791
    2449-8637
    Pojawia się w:
    Zapiski Historyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    On the Rule of Law in Old Poland
    O rządach prawa w dawnej Polsce
    Autorzy:
    Malec, Jerzy
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2095973.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
    Tematy:
    the Polish Republic of Nobles
    rule of law
    public authorities
    statute law
    Rzeczpospolita szlachecka
    rządy prawa
    władza publiczna
    prawo stanowione
    Opis:
    The Polish Republic of Nobles was characterized by the fact that the activities of public authorities were based on statute law. This is a feature that distinguishes this country from the vast majority of European states in the early modern period where the principle of the sovereign power of the absolute monarch was dominant. In Poland, the highest authority in the state was the Sejm, in which the monarch was only one of the three estates in the Sejm, along with the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. The General Sejm was formed in the second half of the 15th century, expanding its powers over the next two centuries. At the beginning of the 16th century, the view of the sovereignty of law in the state prevailed among the nobility, to which the monarch himself was also subordinated, according to the principle that in Polonia lex est rex. It can therefore be concluded that in Poland as early as in the 16th century there was a practical division of powers according to the principle that two centuries later would be formulated by Baron de Montesquieu, and which would underlie the constitutional systems of the bourgeois state. The second half of the 18th century brought a further change. It was during this period that the subordination of all activities of the state to the applicable law became even more clear. At that time, an essentially hierarchical structure of executive authorities was established with the king, the Guardians of the Law (Pol. Straż Praw) acting as the government, government commissions constituting central departmental institutions, and commissions of order, which were responsible for the performance of local government. All these collegiate bodies were established by legislation with appropriate Sejm constitutions. Their activity and structure were thus clearly defined by the provisions of law. They could function only within the framework of Sejm statutes and on the basis thereof. In most European countries, it was only the postulates of political liberalism in the 19th century that brought the possibility of extending legislative control over the government in the form of constitutional and parliamentary responsibility of ministers. In Poland, however, this principle was introduced by the Constitution of 3 May 1791.
    Rzeczpospolita szlachecka charakteryzowała się oparciem wszelkich działań władzy publicznej na prawie stanowionym. Jest to cecha wyróżniającą to państwo od zdecydowanej większości państw europejskich epoki wczesnonowożytnej, gdzie dominowała zasada suwerennej władzy absolutnego monarchy. W Polsce najwyższym organem władzy w państwie był sejm, w którym monarcha był tylko jednym z trzech stanów sejmujących, obok senatu i izby poselskiej. Sejm walny ukształtował się w drugiej połowie XV w., a jego kompetencje były rozszerzane przez dwa następne stulecia. Na początku XVI w. zwyciężył wśród szlachty pogląd o suwerenności prawa w państwie, któremu podporządkowany został także sam monarcha, zgodnie z zasadą głoszącą: in Polonia lex est rex. Można zatem stwierdzić, że w Polsce już w XVI w. doszło do praktycznego podziału władz według zasady, którą dwa wieki później sformułował baron de Montesquieu i która legła u podstaw ustrojów konstytucyjnych państwa burżuazyjnego. Dalszą zmianę przyniosła druga połowa XVIII w. W tym okresie jeszcze dobitniej daje się zauważyć podporządkowanie wszelkich działań państwa obowiązującemu prawu. Wytworzona została wówczas w zasadzie hierarchiczna struktura władz wykonawczych z królem, Strażą Praw pełniącą funkcję rządu, komisjami rządowymi stanowiącymi centralne instytucje resortowe oraz komisjami porządkowymi, na których spoczywała realizacja funkcji zarządu lokalnego. Wszystkie te organy kolegialne zostały powołane na drodze ustawodawczej odpowiednimi konstytucjami sejmowymi. Działalność i ich struktura określone zostały zatem w sposób wyraźny przepisami prawa. Mogły funkcjonować wyłącznie w ramach ustaw sejmowych oraz na ich podstawie. W większości państw europejskich dopiero postulaty liberalizmu politycznego w XIX w. przyniosły możliwość rozszerzenia kontroli rządu ze strony organu ustawodawczego w postaci odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej i parlamentarnej ministrów. W Polsce natomiast wprowadziła tę zasadę już Konstytucja 3 maja 1791 r.
    Źródło:
    Studia Iuridica Lublinensia; 2021, 30, 5; 445-459
    1731-6375
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Iuridica Lublinensia
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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