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Tytuł:
Liberals Among Us: Socio-Demographic Determinants of Liberal Attitudes in Poland
Autorzy:
Marzęcki, Radosław
Chmielowski, Marcin
Kaleta, Kris
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/42942976.pdf
Data publikacji:
2024-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
liberalism
libertarianism
ideology
freedom
social liberalism
economic liberalism
political attitude
correlates of liberalism
Opis:
The authors of this article attempt to describe in detail the determinants and structure of the beliefs and views of Polish society on a liberal to anti-liberal values continuum. The first research objective was to determine the extent of social and economic freedom that respondents expect in their relations with others and in their relations with state institutions. In addition, the authors wanted to identify the socio-demographic characteristics that significantly differentiate these liberal orientations, as well as the factors that independently determine the adoption of liberal views. The detailed hypotheses were verified based on an analysis of data collected in a nationwide telephone survey (CATI) conducted on a representative sample of 1,000 adult Polish citizens. The survey used an original questionnaire consisting of 31 quantitative scales, which were used to construct the Liberalism/Libertarianism Index (LLI) and to categorize respondents into “Polish Liberals” and “Polish Libertarians.” Higher index values indicate stronger and more consistent liberal attitudes in economic as well as axiological (social) terms. More liberal orientations were found to be held by respondents declaring higher incomes, younger, better educated, and less religious, although only age, some party preferences, and religious practices act as independent predictors of LLI.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2024, 2(53); 111-135
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Political liberalism and women’s rights
Liberalizm polityczny a sprawa kobiet
Autorzy:
Lisowska, Urszula
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2096260.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Czytelnia Czasopism PAN
Tematy:
political liberalism
liberal feminism
feminist liberalism
comprehensive liberalism
liberalizm polityczny
liberalny feminizm
feministyczny liberalizm
liberalizm rozległy
Opis:
The aim of the paper is to assess the feminist potential of political liberalism, as the latter was defined by Charles Larmore and John Rawls. The analysis focuses on liberal feminism to determine whether it would be more convincing if it became politico-liberal feminism. This problem is addressed with reference to two authors – Martha C. Nussbaum and Susan Moller Okin – the former being an advocate and the latter a critic of the liberal feminism and political liberalism merger. It is argued that Okin’s worries about this combination are justified. However, the conclusion is that Okin’s criticism emphasises the necessity and possibility of the revision of political liberalism – as a possible background of liberal feminism and a general orientation in political philosophy.
Źródło:
Przegląd Filozoficzny. Nowa Seria; 2019, 2; 125-141
1230-1493
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Filozoficzny. Nowa Seria
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Is Left-Wing Liberalism Possible in Poland?
Czy możliwy jest w Polsce liberalizm lewicowy?
Autorzy:
Plecka, Danuta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1940722.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
liberalism
left-right wing
left-wing liberalism
liberalizm
lewica–prawica
liberalizm lewicowy
Opis:
The liberal trend which emerged in Poland was not a doctrine deeply rooted in social awareness. Quite the opposite, its essence and meaning were alien to Polish tradition or hardly recognizable. The interpretation of the concept of freedom only in the negative sense was imposed on the public opinion by the elites. Thus, as new ideas were adopted without any reflection, the state’s function was reduced to the role of a “night watchman”, and citizens were to adapt to it. Both sides did not enter into discussion on the possible creation of the role of the state as an institution involved in the social sphere. This seems to have been the main cause of the failure of the liberals and of the values they advocated in the public space. The Polish model of liberalism was not on the path towards modernity, but – by treating values selectively – it represented the anachronistic approach to liberal ideas. Polish liberals forgot that in the second half of the 20th century, the welfare state came into being owing to the recognition of Berlin’s notion of positive freedom and his unquestioning attitude to the plurality of values. Unfortunately, these two elements did not appear (or appeared too rarely) in the liberals’ concepts, so left-wing liberalism could not develop in Poland, and its foundations in the economic sphere were taken over by political options other than liberal ones.
Liberalizm, który pojawił się w Polsce, nie był doktryną zakorzenioną w świadomości społecznej. Wręcz przeciwnie, jego istota i znaczenie były dla polskiej tradycji obce bądź mało rozpoznawalne. Interpretacja idei wolności tylko w sensie negatywnym została narzucona opinii społecznej przez elity. Tym samym bezrefleksyjność przyjmowanych idei usytuowała relację pomiędzy państwem a obywatelem – państwo miało pełnić jedynie rolę „nocnego stróża”, a obywatel miał się do niej dostosować. W przeciwnym wypadku mógłby się narazić na śmieszność bądź podejrzenie o roszczeniowość. Obie strony nie podjęły dyskusji nad możliwym kreowaniem roli państwa jako instytucji zaangażowanej w sferę socjalną. I wydaje się, że to w zasadzie była główna przyczyna przegranej liberałów i wartości przez nich głoszonych w przestrzeni publicznej. Bowiem reprezentowany w Polsce liberalizm nie zmierzał ku nowoczesności, a jedynie wybiórczo traktując wartości, sprzyjał jego anchronicznemu rozumieniu, zapominając, że w 2. połowie XX wieku państwo dobrobytu powstało dzięki uznaniu dla berlinowskiej idei wolności pozytywnej i jego bezdyskusyjnemu stanowisku względem pluralizmu wartości. Te dwa elementy niestety nie pojawiły się (albo pojawiały się zbyt rzadko) w koncepcjach liberałów, przez co nie wykształcił się w Polsce liberalizm lewicowy, a jego podstawy w sferze ekonomicznej przejęte zostały przez opcje polityczne obce liberalnym.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2018, 59; 18-30
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Myth of Autonomy: Subjectivity, Heteronomy and the Violence of Liberalism Individualism
Autorzy:
Stevenson Murer, Jeffrey
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2026792.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
history of politics
liberalism
Opis:
Self-actualization is often touted but rarely achieved. The Liberal frame that champions autonomy requires strict conformity: conformity to laws assured by state force, conformity to market transaction assured by privileging private property, conformity to limited collective action assured by the social atomization which comes from the construction of negative rights. This paper explores the many impediments to autonomous self-actualization within the rubric of liberalism, including the superegoistic internalizations of mores and taboos elucidated by Western-oriented psychoanalysis. It further explores the possibility that self-actualization may be more readily achieved through what Gramsci referred to as “heteronomy:” selfconsciously engaged collective social action. By examining the mechanisms of self-limitation through the dynamics of superego development, the paper posits that self-actualization may best be realized through collective articulation of ethics and morality which are constantly situational. In this, the paper takes up the Deleuzian and Guattarian propositions of simultaneous, multiplicitious identities, deterritorialized and evaluated only within the multitude of a given moment in time and space. The dynamic and contextual quality of this discursive engagement is not one of relativity, but characterized by the intersubjectivity of the participants. ! is specificity – specificity of interlocutors, specificity of locality, and specificity of time – provides for unique self-actualization, which neither reifies nor objectifies selves, but suggests that individuals are not essences, but subjective beings which are as dynamic as the social situations they create. Thus self-actualization cannot be achieved alone, but only within a collective discursive context. This context must be characterized as a social forum of praxis, for instrumentality or technical motivations disrupt the contributions not only of the actor guided by techne, but the contributions of the whole for disingenuousness makes intersubjectivity impossible. Collectively articulated ethics and morals cannot be adjudicated by a discursive forum which is tainted by motives of self-gain. Instrumentality of one impedes the ability of all others to self-actualize. Thus, self-actualization only comes within the context of heteronymous action. ! is paper will thus interrogate the consequences of inverting the age-old problem of public action – autonomous self-actualization is threatened by free-loading – and suggests that collective self-actualization is impeded by self-oriented, atomistic, instrumentality.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2010, 39; 126-148
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Axiological fundaments of relations between ethics and politics
Autorzy:
Podrez, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1070328.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
democracy
liberalism
common good
Opis:
The subject of this article is the axiological basis of relations between morality and politics. The author shows anthropological and metaphysical origins of the idea of common good in social life. What role does morality play in political activity and where are moral foundations of a democratic state to be found? How to ensure the presence of moral values in public life (education, participation, common good, open society). The most important questions include: Who is responsible for ideas of democracy? Can democracy survive without a footing in pre–democratic values?
Źródło:
Studia Philosophiae Christianae; 2020, 56, S2; 215-235
0585-5470
Pojawia się w:
Studia Philosophiae Christianae
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The gender of cyborgs: Discussion on the margin of changes in genetics
Autorzy:
Klichowski, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/438007.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
cyborgs
gender
genetic engineering
liberalism
Opis:
The aim of this paper is to show that gender, both as a biological and social category, ceases to exist in the vision of man constructed by contemporary genetics. In the paper, I present the elementary concepts of genetic engineering and liberal genetics, and show how these two currents in genetics change gender into a feature deprived of any designata. I advance a thesis that the man of the future, a cyborg, is a man without gender.
Źródło:
Journal of Gender and Power; 2014, 1; 147-155
2391-8187
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Gender and Power
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
No Capitalism Without Nationalism
Autorzy:
Hadžidedić, Zlatko
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1968827.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-07-01
Wydawca:
Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house
Tematy:
nationalism
capitalism
liberalism
neoliberalism
globalisation
Opis:
Most theories of nationalism labelled as ‘modernist’ tend to overlook the fact that the phenomenon to which they vaguely refer as ‘Modernity’ is defined by a single, very precise and consistent socio-economic system, that of capitalism. However, this fact makes nationalism and capitalism, rather than nationalism and ‘Modernity’, practically congruent. From this perspective, the essential question that arises is whether the emergence of these two was a spontaneous but compatible and useful coincidence, or nationalism was capitalism’s deliberate invention? In the capitalist era, society has become merely a resource whose existence enables functioning of the market. Such a society must destroy all traditional communal ties on which the maintenance of traditional society was based, so that the principles of reciprocity and solidarity be replaced by the procedures of asymmetric economic exchange. Once the procedures of asymmetric economic exchange become the central principle of human relations, society stops functioning as a whole and becomes sharply divided into two parts – a well-organised and tightly-structured network of self-interested individuals permanently striving for perpetual economic gain and a shapeless mob of socially dislodged labour permanently striving for mere survival. The incessant widening of the gap between the two strata makes capitalism’s essential principle of endless accumulation of capital socially unsustainable. For, rapidly urbanised masses, forced into selling their labour below the minimal price, contain a permanently present insurrectionary potential that might threaten stability of the entire system. So, bridging that gap without actually changing the structure of society becomes the paramount task for the system trying to preserve its mechanism of incessant exploitation of labour and limitless accumulation of capital. Therefore, the system has to introduce a social glue that is tailored to conceal, but also to cement, the actual polarisation of society. At the same time, this glue is designed to compensate the uprooted masses for the loss of their authentic identities by replacing these with a single artificial one. This multi-purpose invention is an abstract concept of absolute social unity, named “the nation”, based on the assumption that those who are located on both sides of the gap, no matter whether they are on the exploiting or exploited side, automatically share the same equal rights, same common interests, and same identity.
Źródło:
Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2021, 12, 24; 60-76
2079-3715
2309-1088
Pojawia się w:
Academicus International Scientific Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Multiculturalism and Liberal Democracy
Autorzy:
Szahaj, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2010309.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
multiculturalism
democracy
citizenship
liberalism
culture
community
Opis:
The main goal of the article is to show the possible ways of thinking about the relation between multiculturalism and liberal democracy. Author of the article tries to present some troubles with reconciliation of such political culture and elements of multicultural ideology which supports rights of member of foreign (nonwestern) communities to manifest their cultural convictions freely. In his opinion that would be a little bit naïve to think that all elements of political culture connected with liberal democracy can be accepted by members of the communities in questions. That is why he articulates the thesis that some conflicts between them and people faithful to the ideas of liberal democracy are inevitable and that it cannot be found possible solution of these conflicts which can be gladly accepted by all sides. Someone will have to give up some parts of cultural heritage of a given community if we are supposed to live in peace together. Although the author of the article believes that this resignation should not be limited to only one side of the potential conflict he argues that a political culture of liberal democracy is so precious that its defenders should not abandon it for the sake of ideas of multicultural society even if this brings about some pain on the side of their interlocutors.
Źródło:
Kultura i Edukacja; 2016, 2(112); 209-220
1230-266X
Pojawia się w:
Kultura i Edukacja
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Relational Plurality as a Corrective to Liberal Atomistic Pluralism
Autorzy:
Antonini, David
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/451281.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-11-05
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Filozofii
Tematy:
identity
liberalism
plurality
Hannah Arendt
political
Opis:
This essay argues for a concept of political identity that is fundamentally relational in nature contra more liberal accounts of identity that are atomistic. I consider John Rawls’ account of political identity in his Political Liberalism and provide a response stemming from Hannah Arendt’s account of political identity grounded in the existential condition of politics: human plurality. Using her concept of human plurality, I argue that political identity ought to be conceived as relationally individuated as opposed to atomistically so, meaning that our identities only emerge in and through appearing before other political actors and not prior to it. The larger upshot is that conceiving of political identity as relational provides a more fruitful concept of the citizen and might allow progress to be made regarding some of the more entrenched political problems in American political culture, especially polarization and partisanship.
Źródło:
Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture; 2020, 4, 3; 65-75
2544-302X
Pojawia się w:
Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A dilemma: How much state and how much market in the John Maynard Keynes’ theory of interventionism
Dylemat: ile państwa a ile rynku w teorii interwencjonizmu Johna Maynarda Keynesa
Autorzy:
Wójcicki, W.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2052026.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Akademia Bialska Nauk Stosowanych im. Jana Pawła II w Białej Podlaskiej
Tematy:
neoliberalism
interventionism
John Maynard Keynes
liberalism
Opis:
Subject and purpose of work: This paper presents origins and reasons underlying formulation of the theory of state interventionism in the free-market mechanism of economy. Broad view on classical economic theory from contemporary situation is the main aim of the work. Materials and methods: Author’s as well as other economists’ opinions have been employed to elucidate the essence and meaning of the concept of interventionism. A limited scope of information and the lack of dominance of assessment in shaping market equilibrium as well as the role of global demand and full employment have been indicated in this paper. Results: J.M. Keynes argued that a state should play an active role in regulating the economy and should be able to make quick intervention decisions. Beside the theory proposed by J.M. Keynes, this paper outlined views by P. Krugman, A. Marshall and other economists considered as Neo Keynesians. Conclusions: Comparison between liberal and intervention trends in economics leads to the concept of social market economy and contemporary studies on public economics.
Przedmiot i cel pracy: Praca przedstawia genezę i uwarunkowania powstania teorii interwencjonizmu państwa w wolnorynkowy mechanizm gospodarki. Jej celem jest spojrzenie na klasyczną teorię z punktu widzenia współczesności. Materiał i metody: W naświetleniu istoty i znaczenia koncepcji interwencjonizmu posłużono się obok własnych, także opiniami innych ekonomistów. W pracy wskazano na ograniczony zakres informacji i brak prymatu oceny w kształtowaniu równowagi rynkowej oraz rolę globalnego popytu i pełnego zatrudnienia w kształtowaniu równowagi rynkowej. Wyniki: J.M. Keynes uzasadniał potrzebę aktywnej roli państwa w oddziaływaniu na gospodarkę i szybkość podejmowania decyzji interwencyjnych. Obok teorii zaproponowanej przez J.M. Keynesa zarysowano poglądy P. Krugmana, A. Marshalla i innych ekonomistów zaliczanych do grupy neokeynesistów. Wnioski: Porównanie nurtu liberalnego i interwencyjnego w ekonomii prowadzi do koncepcji społecznej gospodarki rynkowej i współczesnych badań nad ekonomią sektora publicznego. Słowa kluczowe: liberalizm, neoliberalizm, interwencjonizm, John Maynard Keynes Address for correspondence/ Adres korespondencyjny: dr hab. Włodzimierz Wójcicki, Department of Economics and Management, Faculty
Źródło:
Economic and Regional Studies; 2016, 09, 1; 111-124
2083-3725
2451-182X
Pojawia się w:
Economic and Regional Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Who is right in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, John J. Mearsheimer or the liberals?
Autorzy:
Gawron-Tabor, Karolina
Pietrusiński, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/52684911.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
offensive realism
Mearsheimer
liberalism
Russia
Ukraine
Opis:
The aim of the article is to present the views of the founder of offensive realism, John J. Mearsheimer, on the issue of Ukrainian security from the 1990s to 2022 and to indicate which of them were criticized by liberal researchers. The research problem is which assumptions of a realist and liberals have been empirically verified. The most important conclusion from the article is that Mearsheimer accurately diagnosed the issue of Ukrainian nuclear deterrence. At the same time, his theses regarding the causes of Russia's aggression in 2014 and 2022 are not relevant to the strategic situation. The opposite is true for liberal thinkers. The work is a comparative analysis. The methods used in the article are primarily content analysis and the tracing process.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2022, 1-2; 5-22
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
European cooperation in the field of security and defence. International Relation theories perspective
Autorzy:
Czaputowicz, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/526974.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Collegium Civitas
Tematy:
ESDP/CSDP
realism
liberalism
constructivism
Bourdieu
Opis:
The paper discusses various theoretical explanations of the European cooperation in the field of security and defence. According to realist explanations this cooperation was a response to external evolutions in the international system, i.e. changes in polarity and distribution of power. Liberals say that it was rather due to internal factors. Constructivists argue that it was a result of elites’ socialisation, while according to Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, it was caused by civil servants and military staff at the policy implementation level. The paper argues that external factors underlined by realists were decisive, i.e. America’s decreasing involvement in European security.
Źródło:
Securitologia; 2014, 1(19); 105-115
1898-4509
Pojawia się w:
Securitologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A ’Rump’ Statehood and the Polish Liberalism
Autorzy:
Żyro, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/531359.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-06-15
Wydawca:
Fundacja Instytut Nauki o Polityce
Tematy:
Poland, liberalism, political philosophy, political theory
Opis:
This article is revised version of speech that was given at Oxford University. It deals with the origins of polish liberalism. Author states that there are two sources of liberalism that look like globular clusters. The first one sprung from a tradition of ancient feudal liberties. And the second source: liberalism stemmed from an opposition both to a practice of absolutist state and to the political ideology of absolutism. Finally, article tracks down the intellectual history of Polish liberalism.
Źródło:
Polish Journal of Political Science; 2015, 1, 1; 6-23
2391-3991
Pojawia się w:
Polish Journal of Political Science
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
DAESH in the perspective of various research schools
Autorzy:
Klein, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/576485.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-03-31
Wydawca:
Akademia Sztuki Wojennej
Tematy:
Daesh
realism
liberalism
constructivism
Marxism
feminism
Opis:
The creation of the “Caliphate” is one of the greatest threats to international order. So, it is reasonable to attempt to determine the nature of this organisation. The various schools in the area of international relations are helpful in this regard. For this purpose, the characteristics of Daesh are shown in the first part of the article. In subsequent sections of the conclusions to the first part, the most important research schools have been compared. According to the accepted assumption, the school of realism is the most appropriate for the study of Daesh. However, other schools can contribute to a better understanding of the organisation, showing the multidimensional and multifaceted threats for the international order coming from Daesh.
Źródło:
Security and Defence Quarterly; 2016, 10, 1; 134-146
2300-8741
2544-994X
Pojawia się w:
Security and Defence Quarterly
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Right-wing and left-wing populist parties as a threat to modern liberal democracies
Autorzy:
Burdiuh, Maksym
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933325.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
populism
democracy
liberalism
populist parties
parliamentarism
Opis:
The article analyses modern populism as a challenge to liberal democracy in terms of the activities of right-wing and left-wing political parties. An important factor in the growth of populism is the lack of effectiveness of constitutionalism and other formal limited institutions, procedures to ensure the principles of people’s sovereignty, democracy, justice, guarantee the interests of the majority in the modern world. It is noted that populism emerged in the late 19th century as a social movement, ideology, and political activity, and since then has firmly taken its place in the political consciousness of the masses, gaining new features and intensifying at times when countries are experiencing turning points in their history. The main factors in the growth of populism include the insufficient effectiveness of the institutions of indirect democracy in modern consolidated democracies. Another reason for the rise of populism is related to the tendency of ideological deradicalization, which manifested itself in the activities of different parties. Today, populism does not have a developed fundamental theoretical background and conceptual texts like nationalism and conservatism. However, it has a holistic structure as a political phenomenon and a set of ideological positions. The goal of modern populism is the introduction of “illiberal democracy” – a government that ensures smooth transformation of people’s preferences into public policy (unlike liberal democracies, which are almost always hindered by certain obstacles to responding effectively to pressing problems). From this point of view, populism is not a threat to democracy as such, but the leading liberal version of democracy. The possibilities of constitutionalism are treated with scepticism in the populist ideology, as formal, limited institutions and procedures prevent the majority from executing their will. Liberal democracy is not strong enough and constantly needs strengthening elements in response to new challenges and threats. But liberal democracy, more than any other political form, contains the potential for development, a synergistic resource, and the power of self-correction. A strong parliament and a developed civil society remain effective counterweight to populism.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2021, 15; 11-21
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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