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Tytuł:
Non-Liberal Democracy and the Possibilities of Its Consolidation
Autorzy:
Plecka, Danuta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2195799.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
crisis
democracy
liberal democracy
non-liberal democracy
democratic
backsliding
Opis:
The notion of non-liberal democracy has become an inseparable element of the debate on the crisis of liberal democracy. For some scholars and journalists, non-liberal democracy is a consequence of the crisis of liberal democracy. It should be pointed out that when indicating the causes of this crisis in the economic, political, and cultural spheres, researchers rarely address the issue of the legitimacy of identifying democracy as non-liberal and its characteristics. Moreover, no one has initiated a broad debate on the possibility of a retreat from non-liberal democracy and the conditions that must be met to return to liberal democracy. That is why this paper attempts to describe the phenomenon called nonliberal democracy and analyse the conditions which should be fulfilled, both in political and social terms. It is to enable the return to the idea of liberal democracy.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2022, 4(51); 25-34
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
THE CORONAVIRUS IN LIBERAL AND ILLIBERAL DEMOCRACIES AND THE FUTURE OF GLOBALIZED WORLD
Autorzy:
BRZECHCZYN, KRZYSZTOF
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1036153.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-04-07
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
pandemic
coronavirus
COVID-19
liberal democracy
illiberal democracy
globalization
Opis:
The aim of this article is to compare the effectiveness of two political systems: liberal democracy and illiberal democracy in fighting the coronavirus pandemic. The analysis has been carried out on the basis of the theoretical assumptions and conceptualization of non-Marxian historical materialism. In the first part of my article, I present the concept of ‘regulative credit” which has been introduced in that theory. In standard socio-political conditions, the growth of power regulations is usually contested by citizens. However, in a situation of danger, when social order is undermined, citizens support the authorities’ extraordinary regulations. This social support, called regulative credit, lasts as long as the danger persists. In chapter two, I characterize shortly liberal and illiberal democracies. In liberal democracy, there is a balance between different branches of power, and citizens share a socio-political consciousness of the individualistic type. In illiberal democracy, the executive branch of power – although it has been democratically chosen – has an advantage over the two other kinds of power, and citizens share a socio-political consciousness of the collectivist type. Those differences result in diverse reactions of the authorities to a situation of threat. The political authorities of an illiberal democracy react faster in comparison with the political authorities in liberal democracies that react slower. Also, the attitude of citizens toward the introduced restrictions varied. Societies of illiberal democracies are more self-disciplined and more willing to accept restrictions from above. Whereas societies of liberal democracies are more individualistic and less willing to accept limitations. In the fourth part of my paper, I analyze briefly the influence of the pandemic on globalization processes and on the relations between the EU and the nation states in Europe. In the summary (chapter five), I predict that the mass use of modern technologies to control social life and strengthening of the sovereignty of nation states will be the two most important effects of the pandemic.
Źródło:
Society Register; 2020, 4, 2; 83-94
2544-5502
Pojawia się w:
Society Register
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Elitist Democracy as the Root of Populist Counter-Revolution: A Theoretical Approach
Autorzy:
Lewandowski, Arkadiusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2048207.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-14
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
elitist democracy
crisis of liberal democracy
counter-revolution
populism
Opis:
The article aims to critically discuss elitist democracy as one of the possible causes of the contemporary crisis of liberal democracy. The research problem is the question about the essential elements of the concept of elitist democracy, which potentially account for the populist counter-revolution aimed at changing the political systems formed after 1989. The theoretical background of this paper is provided by the studies on the crisis of democracy, which have been conducted in recent years and presented by Jan Zielonka, or the duets of Ivan Krastev and Stephen Holmes as well as Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin. The analysis makes it possible to state that relations between elites and non-elites are crucial for elitist democracy, and they include the process of elites distancing themselves from non-elites, depreciating the needs of non-elites and their importance within the political system, and privileging the position of the elites. In turn, the indicated features of elitist democracy constitute the areas of populist criticism of liberal democracy.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2021, 38 (45); 145-155
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The European Union Weltanschauung and the Liberal World Order
Autorzy:
Ilik, Goran
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/558319.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Tematy:
European Union
International relations
BRICS
Liberal democracy
Opis:
This article investigates the challenges of the liberal democracy in the new international context, provoked by the emergence of the new great powers (Russia and China), and especially the establishment of the BRICS grouping in the world political scene. Namely, this article ‘clashes’ the both paradigms of BRICS and the EU, in order to conclude their performances in relation to the values of liberal democracy. In that context, especially is stressed the liberal axiological set of the EU, as a postmodern entity, with typical soft power in the international relations. The EU soft power stems from its axiological set, which predominantly is composed by the values of liberal democracy. The new international context is characterised by the establishment of liberal and illiberal actors. The IR theorists treated the USA and the EU as main represents of the liberal democracy, whilst Russia and China, as illiberal democracies, or simply, autocracies. This article concludes the forthcoming challenges of the liberal democracy in the new international context, as well as the place, role and the international political capacity of the EU, in relation to its mission for safeguarding and advancement of the liberal democratic values.
Źródło:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs; 2016, 4; 9-26
1428-149X
2719-3780
Pojawia się w:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Violence in de Sade (comoedia)
Autorzy:
Matuszewski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/451297.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-07-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Filozofii
Tematy:
cruelty
evil
liberal democracy
martyrdom
morality
transgression
violence
Opis:
Violence occupies a regal position in the work of de Sade. It manifests itself in two forms: sexual persecution (excesses, manias, perversions, cruelty) and enlightened reasoning (unabashed promotion of naturalism, rationalism, hedonism and atheism). De Sade uses his most precious instrument as a semblance, by creating a magic spectacle of a gothic novel, and as truth, when he presents himself as a metaphysician and moralist. What kind of reading of de Sade deserves the title of the most adequate one? Does de Sade exist in text only? Is he the liberator, so praised by surrealists? Or does his transgressive nature go beyond the postulates of moral or social-political liberalism and penetrate the sphere of existence, demanding such actions that could be performed only by an individual consciously aiming at its doom? In his theatrum of passions and arguments, de Sade returns to the motif of rivalry between good and evil, simulating various narrative positions: from impulsive libertinism to dark Gnosticism, and reaches for complementary means of expression: from apology of crime to a lyrically tinted martyrological emphasis. Reading de Sade need not cause indignation. If one remembers that he is a transhistorical philosopher, one can deal with him in the way suggested by Chantal Thomas – euphorically. The reading of de Sade, like all other texts, depends on the times; in his case, the best atmosphere is provided by the mental and political atmosphere created by liberal democracy. He can be read there with open mind and physically relaxed, lightly – as becoming for a comoedia.
Źródło:
Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture; 2019, 3, 2(8); 91-108
2544-302X
Pojawia się w:
Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Political Legitimacy and Normative Disorientation in European Liberal Democracies
Autorzy:
Bieliński, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1790795.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-09-14
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
legitimacy
normative disorientation
liberal democracy
hierarchical linear models
Opis:
Legitimacy is one of the fundamental topics of the social and political sciences, as well as a valid issue in contemporary Western societies. Legitimacy is based on the existence of a common standard for evaluating social and political systems. If such a standard is absent, legitimacy is impossible by definition (Beetham 1991). The research question of this article is: to what extent is the level of a political system’s legitimacy explained by the effect of normative disorientation? Data from round 5 of the European Social Survey is analyzed by multilevel linear regression models in order to verify hypotheses about the strength and direction of the correlation between political legitimacy and normative disorientation. Analysis showed that normative disorientation is negatively correlated with the level of political legitimacy.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2017, 199, 3; 267-285
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A Few Problems with Mouffe’s Agonistic Political Theory
Autorzy:
Mazur-Bubak, Monika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594494.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Agonism
antagonism
Mouffe
Freud
aggression
liberal-democracy
nature of politics
Opis:
he main goal of examining a single philosophical theory, connected with social and political disciplines, is not just to identify its incoherence or to restate the theory in a more elegant way. More important in that kind of investigation is to show its possible impact on people’s lives and the functioning of communities. Thus, it seems more reasonable to conduct a critical analysis of the possible consequences for a real society than to undertake a simple study of the argument’s logical consistency. The main aim of this paper is to introduce doubts about the thesis of Chantal Mouffe presented by her in Agonistics. Thinking the World Politically and Passion and Politics. Main hypothesis is that thinking about the “political” and “politics” with reference to enmity as well as claiming that the source of every political and social activity is antagonism, can provoke an attitude that social and political scenes are battlefields rather than an agora or the space of human interactions. First of all, the author provides the critical analysis and reconstruction of the most important claims connected with the “political”, which can have strong negative effects-i.e. brutalization and creating a negative basis for social relation. Then presents a few possible sources of thinking of “political” as a “competition” or rather “enmity”. The last part it is the critic of what Mouffe claims about reason why people get involve into politics, based on the psychological experiments and in result of this the author shows the importance of validity the high standards in politics, diplomacy and relation on the social level.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2019, 2 (48); 307-318
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Democracy and liberalism: crisis, pathologies and resistance
Autorzy:
Berekashvili, Bakar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/643066.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
Liberal Democracy
Democracy
Liberalism
Neoliberalism
Capitalism
Elites
Populism
West
Post-Communist
Crisis
Ideology
Opis:
Liberal capitalist democracy is a universal socio-political project of our age. But this project is in crisis and in decline. The current crisis of democracy caused by the Darwinist spirit of the late capitalist order only proves that democracy is an instrument for strengthening the dominant positions of the ruling liberal elites. In other words, democracy, in particular liberal democracy as a hegemonic form of the contemporary global democratic project, functions as a formal ideological-instrumental framework for the reproduction of the dominant position of a ruling class serving the interests of the few, not the many. In this way, anti-democratic sentiments among the masses are fuelled almost everywhere in both Western and non-Western cultures where political elites have assumed a formal democratic mask. Furthermore, the existing crisis of the Western liberal democratic project has given crucial benefits for the revival of anti-elitist populism in the contemporary world. The goal of this paper is to critically examine the fate of democracy in modern times as well as to shed light once again on the crisis of the liberal conception of democracy, including its concomitant pathologies, resistances, and political and social consequences.  
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2018, 2
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities by John J. Mearsheimer
Autorzy:
Dougherty, Jude P.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/507440.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-30
Wydawca:
International Étienne Gilson Society
Tematy:
John J. Mearsheimer
The Great Delusion
Cold War
USA
liberalism
liberal democracy
liberal hegemony
Opis:
This paper is a review of the book: John J. Mearsheimer, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2018). Mearsheimer observes that in the aftermath of the Cold War, the U.S. adopted a profoundly liberal foreign policy dedicated to turning as many countries as possible into liberal democracies. Mearsheimer concludes that the liberal hegemony of the past twenty-five years does not work: it has left a legacy of futile wars, failed diplomacy, and diminished prestige for the United States.
Źródło:
Studia Gilsoniana; 2019, 8, 4; 893-899
2300-0066
Pojawia się w:
Studia Gilsoniana
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Undemocratic Future of 21st Century Liberal Democracy
Autorzy:
Lopez-Alves, Fernando
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1968806.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-07-01
Wydawca:
Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house
Tematy:
liberal democracy
globalization
United States
China
Fourth Industrial Revolution
populist nationalism
Opis:
What is the future of liberal democracy? Is the “liberal” ingredient of 21st century democracy compatible with its “demos”? Are developed democracies more equalitarian and less stratified than other regimes? Or are present day democracies evolving into something different that needs a new definition? By the early 1990s liberal democracy appeared to have become the dominant system at a global scale. The hope of citizens, scholars, and observers was that the stride toward broader democratization and inclusion would continue. It did, but as this paper argues, the forms adopted by democratic regimes, especially under the fourth industrial revolution, are not necessarily democratic. Rather, liberal democracies have created a new aristocracy that includes high tech monopolies, extremely skilled professionals, and a selected intelligentsia that from social media, conglomerates, and many times Hollywood, supports this new stratified version of the democratic polity. Family dynasties, clientele networks, and mechanisms of reward and punishment reminds us of the pseudo democracies of the late 19th century. Surely the dwindling middle class in developed democracies still have some consumer power based on credit. Global markets offer many more available consumer goods than in the past, creating the illusion that all is going well. Comparatively, however, democracies are doing worse. As this paper shows, 21st century liberal democracies have concentrated wealth in fewer hands than in the recent past, have favored power centralization especially in the executive branch, have stimulated the formation of giant high-tech monopolies, and have generated more rigid forms of social stratification. Liberal democracies, therefore, are weaking, in many cases as the logical consequence of the natural evolution of the liberal doctrine, and in most cases because of profound changes at the global scale. Citizens’ confidence in their elected representatives has been in the decline for a long time. The increasing influence of populist nationalism is an indicator that confidence in traditional politicians continues to deteriorate. Democracy could not be democratic without the popular vote, but it has been precisely the popular vote that has empowered populist nationalist leaders, both from the right and the left. There is not very much that democracies can do about the coming to power via the ballot box of leaders who can rework the system in their favor and, in some cases, destroy it. As the paper shows, changes in the international system of power have not been favorable to liberal democracies, adding to its burdens. They are no longer the optimal model of choice, especially in the less developed world. Finally, I claim that the broken promises of political elites that have traditionally provoked voters’ apathy and loss of trust, have, In the 21st century, created new unintended consequences. They have generated illusions of entitlement and deservingness that, especially young voters, have converted into a sort anti-democratic culture that cares less for the collective and much more for themselves.
Źródło:
Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2021, 12, 24; 39-59
2079-3715
2309-1088
Pojawia się w:
Academicus International Scientific Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Civil rights between legal provisions and political reality in Albania
Autorzy:
Koliqi Malaj, Doris
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1036916.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house
Tematy:
civil rights
human rights
illiberal democracy
individual freedoms
individual rights
liberal democracy
rule of law
Opis:
One of the basic principles of civil rights is that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. The life protection, liberty and property should be equally guaranteed to citizens to exclude discrimination of minorities or other parts of the population. These rights are an important part of civil liberties and are considered as an essential element for effective citizenship. Arbitrary arrest, terror, torture or other serious and unlawful interference, both by state and private actors, significantly affect the well-being of democracy as it affects the very essence of it. In liberal democracies, leaders legitimized by the people must be involved within the norms and principles of the rule of law in order to establish a healthy relationship between the state and the citizen. This relationship is considered to be damaged in non-liberal democracies as it is affected by the suspension of individual freedoms and rights. This paper aims to analyze whether these individual rights are guaranteed and protected in Albania, considering from the perspective of the legal framework as well as in the political reality. This study aims to analyze the development of human rights, judicial rights and their implementation in our country to come to the conclusion, whether our system is that of a liberal democracy or not.
Źródło:
Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2018, 17; 82-93
2079-3715
2309-1088
Pojawia się w:
Academicus International Scientific Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populism, counter-democracy, and counter-education. Notes on the imagination about antidote to the crisis of liberal democracy
Autorzy:
Włodarczyk, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/36798833.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-09-29
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Naukowe Chrześcijańskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Warszawie
Tematy:
populism
counter-democracy
crisis of liberal democracy
counter-education
civic education
theory of education
critical pedagogy
Opis:
Despite the convergence in the wording, the concepts of Ilan Gur-Ze'ev's counter-education and Pierre Rosanvallon's counter-democracy remain independent of each other, but they have a common denominator, which, in my opinion, allows us to look at the complexity of the relationship between education and populism from a pedagogical point of view and perceive its ambiguity. As for populism itself, its media and political understanding most often confronts it with democracy, seeing populism as a kind of threat. In such a context, it is easy to present education in its various form as an unequivocal antidote to the threat so understood. However, some researchers of populism, such as Margaret Canovan, Roger Eatwell, Matthew Goodwin, or Pierre-André Taguieff, recognise the complexity of the relationship between populism and democracy, its ambiguity, which may also help to revise the view on the role of education in preparing citizens to face the populist challenge. Consequently, it can be assumed that the findings of P. Rosanvallon, I. Gur-Ze'ev and M. Canovan allow the question of populism in educational theory and practice to be raised anew. The theoretical perspective I have adopted will allow me, I believe, to develop two propositions: first, that populism is to some extent a development, an increase in the inalienable property of democracy, which in effect turns against itself; second, that this property also characterizes education. This is related to what democracy and education promise us, or what we think democracy and education promise us, and which, if they are lacking, do not arouse our enthusiasm or the interest necessary to defend or develop them.
Źródło:
Studia z Teorii Wychowania; 2023, XIV(2 (43)); 341-355
2083-0998
2719-4078
Pojawia się w:
Studia z Teorii Wychowania
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Threats to Contemporary Economic Order
Autorzy:
Klisiński, Janusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514634.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
bipolar world
unipolar world
criris of liberal democracy
global conflict
coronavirus pandemic
globalization
Opis:
The biggest threats to contemporary economic order were chronologically the bipolarity of the world after 1945, in which one of the poles despised money and the other based its prosperity on money. An attempt to create a unipolar world already dominated by the US dollar, practically was hardly acceptable. The US showed its strength when Japan in 1995 became a pretender to be No. 1 in the global economy. Also in 2008, American banks triggered a global financial crisis by creating bubbles of toxic real estate loans. The 2008 financial crisis also started a crisis of liberal democracy. China was much more powerful than Japan as the next pretender to become No. 1 in the global economy. About it can be seen as the beginning of a global conflict between the United States and China. In addition, the coronavirus pandemic has stopped globalization and is causing a global crisis.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2020, 26; 69-76
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Democratic Backsliding in Poland: The Importance of the Values of Liberal Democracy and the Rule of Law in Polish-American Relations
Autorzy:
Jureńczyk, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28411116.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
Polish-American relations
democratic backsliding
liberal democracy
rule of law
independent judiciary
free media
Opis:
: Reforms implemented in recent years by the Polish government of Law and Justice party are described as a manifestation of democratic backsliding. Changes in the judiciary and the media are seen as the main signs of departing from the basic values of liberal democracy and the rule of law. They met with strong international criticism, mainly from the institutions of the European Union and Western European countries. These changes are also observed with concern in the United States, but so far the US reaction has been moderate. This was primarily due to the limited interest of President Donald Trump’s administration in promoting democracy. Later, this issue has been overshadowed by the destabilization of military security in the region. Anyway, the US reaction to the deviation of the Polish authorities from the principles of the democratic state of law must be decisive, but also constructive, based on dialogue, cooperation, clear criteria and a joint search for solutions. First of all, it must not violate the American security guarantees towards Poland.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2022, 42 (49); 97-116
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The influence of illiberal democracy on the effectiveness of attempts to control lobbying in Hungary (2010–2014)
Wpływ demokracji nieliberalnej na poziom efektywności kontroli działalności lobbingowej na Węgrzech (2010–2014)
Autorzy:
Olejnik, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620420.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
illiberal democracy
lobbying
Hungary
liberal democracy
rule of law
demokracja nieliberalna
lobbing
Węgry
demokracja liberalna
rządy prawa
Opis:
Zjawisko lobbingu, rozumiane jako wszystkie działania wykonywane przez bądź w imieniu grup interesu, ukierunkowane na oddziaływanie na proces podejmowania i implementowania decyzji politycznych, występuje w każdym reżimie politycznym. W niniejszym artykule zbadano czy nieliberalny model demokracji funkcjonujący na Węgrzech (2010–2014) wywierał wpływ na poziom efektywności działań mających na celu kontrolowanie lobbingu. Nieliberalna demokracja różni się od swego liberalnego odpowiednika w pięciu obszarach: rządów prawa, kontroli działań rządu i parlamentu przez niezależne od władz państwowych instytucje, poziomu korupcji wśród elit politycznych, stopnia wolności mediów oraz ochrony praw mniejszości. W artykule wykazano, że Węgry spełniały kryteria demokracji nieliberalnej dla każdego z obszarów w latach 2010–2014. Na podstawie przeprowadzonych badań stwierdzono, że nieliberalny model demokracji istniejący na Węgrzech zmniejszał efektywność kontroli działań lobbingowych w tym państwie.
Lobbying, understood as all actions performed by or on behalf of interest groups directed at influencing of the process of policy formation and implementation, occurs in every political regime. The article examines whether the illiberal type of democracy that exists in Hungary (2010–2014) exerts an influence on the effectiveness of lobbying control. Illiberal democracy differs from liberal democracy with regard to five systemic core principles, such as the rule of law, government control and accountability, the integrity of political elites, media freedom and civil rights and protection of minorities. This article shows that all of these systemic criteria constituting illiberal democracy were met in Hungary between 2010–2014. Examination of the case of Hungary with regard to lobbying control suggests that illiberal democracy had diminished the effectiveness of lobbying control in this country.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2019, 2; 65-82
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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