Informacja

Drogi użytkowniku, aplikacja do prawidłowego działania wymaga obsługi JavaScript. Proszę włącz obsługę JavaScript w Twojej przeglądarce.

English (EN)·Polski (PL)·Yкраїнський (UK)
Przejdź do strony domowej biblioteki Centralna Biblioteka Wojskowa Link otwiera się w nowym oknie Logo biblioteki Prolib Integro - strona głównaCentralna Biblioteka Wojskowa

Wyszukujesz frazę "Russian imperialism" wg kryterium: Temat

  Lista filtrów
Wyrównaj
    Wyświetlanie 1-9 z 9
    Tytuł:
    Untangling the Russian-Ukrainian Knot: Representations of the neo-imperialistic Russian political discourse and its analysis in the Polish press materials in the period of 2013–2014 and 2022
    Autorzy:
    Hlebowicz, Sylwia
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/24016725.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2023
    Wydawca:
    Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
    Tematy:
    Russian imperialism
    discourse analysis
    Ukraine
    cultural divisions
    conflict
    Polish press materials
    Opis:
    Military conflicts have symbolic foundations. Be it religion, identity, values, or language, they all may serve as ‘weapons of war’ that either help to rationalize the military action or mobilize the nation. The Russian-Ukrainian war is no exception. The ongoing conflict exceeds the premises of a geo-political game or a socioeconomic ambition and proves itself to be deeply entrenched in a cultural conflict between the two countries. Therefore, the thrust of the paper is to explore the cultural-historical context of the Russia-Ukraine war.Russian imperialistic desires have been whetted by neo-romantic historical narration for the past two decades. The article comprises of two parts – historical and empirical. When the former depicts the history of direct imperial Russian rule over Ukraine, then the latter is a critical overview of Polish press materials commenting on the change in the Russian political discourse concerning Ukraine in the years 2013–2014 and 2022. Such an analysis sheds different light on the current Russian-Ukrainian war, but it also indicates that the conflict we are witnessing now has been carefully prepared on both military and socio-political levels.
    Źródło:
    Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka; 2023, LII, 3; 81-92
    1899-6264
    2451-0718
    Pojawia się w:
    Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    State at War: The Phenomenology of the Russian World by Max Scheler and Kurt Stavenhagen
    Autorzy:
    Gniazdowski, Andrzej
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2197132.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2023-03-31
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Filozofii
    Tematy:
    phenomenology
    two sides theory of the state
    legal positivism
    pure theory of law
    First World War
    Russian imperialism
    Ukrainian affair
    Opis:
    The aim of the paper is to reconstruct the theoretical background and practical meaning of the so called war writings which emerged within the phenomenological movement during the First World War. The author exemplifies it by researching the works of two German representatives of this movement, Max Scheler and Kurt Stavenhagen. He focuses on their application of the phenomenological method to the analysis of Russian national identity, and historical as well as cultural foundations of Russian state. The paper’s main thesis is that the politicization and militarization of phenomenology consisted in both “personalization” and “sociologization” of the phenomenological approach to the problem of the state. While interpreting Scheler’s personalism as an exemplification of the approach to the state as a problem of social ontology, the author reconstructs the theoretical conditions of analyzing the Russian imperial state in terms of the “world.” The focus of the paper is particularly on the phenomenology of, as Scheler put it, Russian collective personality and Russian national consciousness or “soul” as well as on the question of legitimacy of Ukrainian resistance against Russian imperialism.
    Źródło:
    Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture; 2022, 6, 4; 107-122
    2544-302X
    Pojawia się w:
    Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Foreign Threats to Ukraine’s Independence and the Challenge Posed to Polish National Security
    Zewnętrzne zagrożenia dla niezależności Ukrainy jako wyzwanie dla bezpieczeństwa narodowego Polski
    Autorzy:
    Krasivskyy, Orest
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929223.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021-01-15
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    Russian factor
    national security of Ukraine and Poland
    national security threats
    geopolitics
    Eurasian geopolitical project of Russia
    Russian neo-imperialism
    czynnik rosyjski
    bezpieczeństwo narodowe Ukrainy i Polski
    zagrożenie bezpieczeństwa narodowego
    geopolityka
    euroazjatycki geopolityczny projekt Rosji
    neoimperializm rosyjski
    Opis:
    The purpose of the article is to examine the Russian threat to Ukraine’s state sovereignty and its impact on Poland’s national security; to underline that Russia intends to take revenge for its defeat in the Cold War, to regain control over the former Soviet Union republics, to defeat the USA and EU, and to establish control in the territory of the Eurasian continent. The research hypothesis is that the main purpose of Russia’s foreign policy is the reconstruction of a neo-imperial state, Ukraine’s reintegration into the post-Soviet space, and ensuring Russia’s domination in the region. The research task was completed using the research methods of a detailed study of sources and literature and a critical analysis of the information available to the author. Conclusions: Russia is trying to take revenge for its defeat in the Cold War, to regain control over the former Soviet Union republics, to defeat the West, and to establish control over the Eurasian continent. Russia considers Ukraine and Poland as dangerous agents of Atlanticism. That is why the Russian Eurasian geopolitical project aims for the Ukrainian and Polish states to be neutralized in a radical way. To this end, Russia has started a “hybrid war” against Ukraine. Poland and the Baltic countries will be the next targets of Russian aggression. It is profitable for Russian neo-imperialism to destroy trust and the strategic partnership between Poland and Ukraine, and to act in accordance with the divide-and-conquer algorithm. In such circumstances, Ukraine and Poland need to work out a new “Doctrine of restraining Russia’s aggression,” to pursue gradual and coordinated policy for the sake of the victory over Russian neo-imperialism and the dismantlement of the Russian imperial social system. The article describes the peculiarities of the modernization of the Russian imperial system at the present stage, analyzes the content of the Russian neo-imperialistic policy against Ukraine, Poland and the West, the reasons for the failure of Ukraine to neutralize Russian expansion, and also shows possible geopolitical consequences for the national security of Poland in the event of the successful implementation of Russia’s geopolitical strategy.
    Celem badawczym artykułu jest prześledzenie znaczenia tzw. rosyjskiego czynnika jako elementu wpływającego na suwerenność Ukrainy i na bezpieczeństwo Polski. Postawiona hipoteza zakłada, że głównym celem rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej jest neoimperializm, a częścią tej koncepcji jest reintegracja Ukrainy do przestrzeni silnych wpływów Rosji oraz zapewnianie sobie przez Federację Rosyjską dominującej pozycji w regionie. Problem badawczy został rozwiązany dzięki zastosowaniu metod jakościowej analizy źródeł, krytycznej analizie prac naukowych (od klasycznych do najnowszych), analizie informacji oraz dyskursu politycznego. Konkluzje: Rosja prowadzi politykę rewanżu za porażkę w „zimnej wojnie”, politykę zmierzającą do ponownej kontroli nad byłymi republikami ZSRR i ustalenia swoich wpływów nad obszarem euroazjatyckim. Rosja postrzega Ukrainę i Polskę jako niebezpiecznych dla siebie „agentów” wpływów amerykańskich. Wychodząc z tego geopolitycznego założenia Ukraina i Polska musi, według Rosji, zostać politycznie zneutralizowana. Z tego powodu Rosja zaczęła prowadzić przeciwko Ukrainie „wojnę hybrydową”. Następnym obiektem tej wojny będzie prawdopodobnie Polska i kraje nadbałtyckie. Dla rosyjskiego neoimperializmu korzystne jest podważanie zaufania i strategicznego partnerstwa pomiędzy Polską i Ukrainą, w imię zasady „dziel i rządź”. Polska i Ukraina w takich warunkach powinny opracować nową doktrynę „powstrzymania agresji Rosji” prowadzącą do konsekwentnej i skoordynowanej polityki hamowania rosyjskiego neoimperializmu i demontażu imperialistycznego systemu społecznego w Rosji. W artykule przeanalizowano cechy modernizacji rosyjskiego systemu imperialistycznego, neoimperialistyczną politykę wobec Ukrainy, Polski i Zachodu oraz przyczyny niepowodzeń Ukrainy w neutralizacji rosyjskiej ekspansji, a także wyjaśniono ewentualne geopolityczne skutki dla bezpieczeństwa Polski w przypadku sukcesu w realizacji geopolitycznej strategii Rosji.
    Źródło:
    Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2020, 4; 77-98
    1731-7517
    Pojawia się w:
    Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    History as an Apology for Totalitarianism
    Autorzy:
    Nowak, Andrzej
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1956288.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019
    Wydawca:
    Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
    Tematy:
    Russia
    USSR
    Communism
    Russian ideology
    politics of history
    Imperialism
    Opis:
    This article discusses selected publications which reinterpret Russian history in a spirit of rehabilitating the Soviet past and highlighting the USSR’s role as a vehicle for Russia’s assumed historical role (including Utkin 1993, Utkin 1999a, Utkin 1999b, Solzhenitsyn 1995, Solzhenitsyn 2001–2002, Mel’tyukhov 2001, Narochnitskaya 2005c, Narochnitskaya 2005a, Mitrofanov 2005). In addition to this, it contextualises them with initiatives undertaken by the Russian Federation’s government (including the standardisation of history textbooks’ content and the activities of the Presidential Commission to counteract attempts to falsify history to the detriment of Russian interests). The points of view presented here, which are considered representative for a certain part of the historical discourse in contemporary Russia, integrate Russia’s totalitarian period (the USSR from 1917 to 1991) into the course of its broader history, as the basis of an interpretation which accepts a priori statements regarding the sense of Russia’s history and her role in world history. Among the observed trends, this text highlights the approval of certain features of the communist dictatorship as corresponding to Russian ideology; the adaptation of Soviet ideology to Russia’s policy of memory; the emphasis on ideological, political and military confrontation with the Western world as a permanent feature of Russian history; and the reinterpretation of Russian history in such a way as to continuously justify all the actions of the Russian state over the centuries, both externally (interpreting Russian aggression and imperialism as a means of defence against her enemies, liberation, or the reintegration of the Russian community) and internally (presenting terror as a means of defence against an alleged ‘fifth column’, or as the modernisation of the country).
    Źródło:
    Institute of National Remembrance Review; 2019, 1; 311-349
    2658-1566
    Pojawia się w:
    Institute of National Remembrance Review
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Politics of History of the Third Polish Republic: ReOrientation (1989–2007)
    Autorzy:
    Nowak, Andrzej
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1956456.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020
    Wydawca:
    Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
    Tematy:
    Russia
    USSR
    Communism
    Russian ideology
    politics of history
    imperialism
    Opis:
    This article summarises the concepts behind the direction of Polish politics towards Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus and Russia in placing Poland’s new international relations in Central and Eastern Europe due to its historical ties with the countries of the region. A significant verbal role was played by the reception in Polish politics of the doctrine of Mieroszewski and Giedroyc—the so-called ULB (Ukraine–Lithuania–Belarus). It assumed the establishment of special relations with these countries, and, at the same time, waiving claims to territories lost by Poland after 1939. The application of this idea was conditioned by the internal political dynamics of Ukraine, Belarus, Russia, and Lithuania, and their mutual relations that determined the effectiveness of this doctrine. A key role in shaping Poland’s policy towards these countries was played by an “historical factor”—the exchange of mutual declarations concerning the past; this sometimes included the transmission of documentation—for instance the Katyn massacre evidence documents were transferred to Poland in 1990 by the Russian authorities. These actions served as tools of political rapprochement, and they sometimes resulted in opening the way to re-examine previous historical interpretations (especially in Polish–Lithuanian and Polish–Ukrainian relations). The question of investigating the crimes of the USSR against Poles, including above all the Katyn massacre (1940), played an important role in the rapprochement in Polish–Russian relations in the early period of President Yeltsin’s rule. One of the repercussions of implementing this concept and its conciliar priorities in Polish foreign policy and in its internal formal discourse was the suppression of some recently recreated areas of collective memory and currents of historical discourse; this especially concerned Polish–Ukrainian relations, in the context of, among others, the massacre in Volhynia in 1942–1943. Another result was transferring possible settlements to the responsibility of the state and the Polish community—a particular example of which was a resolution of the Polish Senate concerning Operation “Vistula” (Akcja “Wisła” in 1947) that was adopted in 1990.
    Źródło:
    Institute of National Remembrance Review; 2020, 2; 225-261
    2658-1566
    Pojawia się w:
    Institute of National Remembrance Review
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Arctic energy policy and security of the Russian Federation
    Autorzy:
    Urbański, Marcin
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/576173.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016-03-31
    Wydawca:
    Akademia Sztuki Wojennej
    Tematy:
    Arctic
    energy resources
    energy security
    international security
    Russian
    Federation
    imperialism
    Opis:
    In this article, the author examines the Arctic region in the context of the energy and security policy of the Russian Federation. The author emphasises the factors which currently influence the increasing interest in the Arctic of the countries which claim rights to this region, which are: the US, Canada, Denmark, Norway and the Russian Federation. Among the most important factors indicating the essence of the Arctic, the author points out, inter alia: plenty of energy deposits, which because of the changing climate, are more available, the size of the Arctic area and new transport routes. The author indicates the possibilities of using the Russian Federation policy regarding the Arctic in order to, among other things, strengthen the country’s international position. The author also presents the extent to which claiming the right to exclusive exploitation of mineral resources by the Russian Federation is the real motive of its actions and its intention to totally subordinate the Arctic area. Simultaneously, an attempt is made to answer the question whether the Arctic is likely to be a place of military conflict in the future? The article also examines the issues related to the legal status of the Russian Federation regarding the Arctic, the political activity of the Russian Federation in this region and the possibility of the Russian Federation exploiting energy resources in the Arctic region. The article brings together the issues connected with the Russian Federation and its policy in the region of the Arctic Ocean, and also portrays the importance of the Arctic in the changing international security environment.
    Źródło:
    Security and Defence Quarterly; 2016, 10, 1; 35-51
    2300-8741
    2544-994X
    Pojawia się w:
    Security and Defence Quarterly
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Omnipotence of the Russian Federation in the European part of the post-Soviet area
    Autorzy:
    Kwietniewski, Karol
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/521467.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych. Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych
    Tematy:
    omnipotence of the Russian Federation
    post-Soviet area
    Russia’s foreign policy
    neo-imperialism
    political transformation
    Opis:
    The following article deals with the issue of the influence of the Russian Federation on countries located in the European part of the post-Soviet area. Due to the diversity of vectors of Russia’s influence, from which article indicates the four most important: economic, military, related to the Russian minority and frozen conflicts. The article answers the question about the omnipotence of the Russian Federation in the European part of the post-Soviet area, which subsequent stages of the evolution of internal and external policy led to the stabilization and in consequents rebirth of neo-imperial tendencies towards the so-called „Close abroad”. It draw the genesis of the argument from the historical premises of the USSR and the 1990s, as well as the existing links between the former republics of the USSR and Moscow as the center. The article was created using the research desk method on the basis of government documents, the latest studies of that topic, analyzes of leading think-thanks, as well as documents and press releases.
    Źródło:
    Wschodnioznawstwo; 2018, 12; 205-213
    2082-7695
    Pojawia się w:
    Wschodnioznawstwo
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    European imperialism and colonialism in Africa: conceptual lessons for understanding the former Soviet Union and present day Russia
    Autorzy:
    Yakovlyev, Maksym
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2206296.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2022-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    African studies
    postcolonial studies
    Soviet imperialism
    Russian foreign policy
    post-soviet countries
    research methodology
    concepts’ studies
    Opis:
    This article claims that the legacy of European imperialism and colonialism in Africa can be conceptually compared to the legacy of Russian and Soviet imperialism and colonialism in the former USSR republics and the nations of Central and Easter Europe that were under Soviet dominations. Despite the obvious fact that the historical conditions and paths of African nations that were colonized, repressed and ruled by the European empires differ significantly from the experience of the nations of Eastern Europe and Central Asia, that were conquered and colonized by the Russian Empire and later on were subjects to the Soviet rule, it is suggested in this article, that the conceptual lessons drawn from the vast literature dedicated to the studies of the aftermath of colonialism in Africa can enrich the scholarly efforts aimed at understanding the post-soviet spaces and different processes in it. What is meant by “conceptual lessons” is methodological opportunity for a different perspective or even a different lens through which the legacy of the Soviet rule and the current Russian neo-imperial foreign politics can be better understood. Much is written about the European imperialism and its colonial policies, however there is still some reluctance in applying the methodological framework of postcolonial studies to the former Soviet Union and present day Russia. Scholars all over the world studied the colonial legacies that African nations struggled to overcome and there are topics of particular relevance to the study of the post-soviet space: the processes of post-colonial nation building, the roles of new national elites, the ideological choices in foreign policies of newly independent nations, the aftermath of the policies of assimilation, the imperial “ideologies of superiority”, the economic consequences of colonialism, the role of churches and religious organizations in supporting colonial suppression – as conceptual topics, all of them can be studied critically, also in a comparative perspective, to have a much better understanding of the former soviet and current Russian foreign politics and policies.
    Źródło:
    African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies; 2022, 1; 31-39
    2956-2686
    Pojawia się w:
    African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Access to the Sea and the Imperial Ambitions of Peter the Great
    Autorzy:
    Anisimov, Evgenii V.
    Lewandowska, Aleksandra
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1913267.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
    Tematy:
    Peter the Great
    Charles XII of Sweden
    Great Northern War
    Russian Empire
    St Petersburg
    Baltic Sea
    Congress of Åland
    Treaty of Nystad
    peace negotiations
    imperialism
    Opis:
    Access to the Baltic Sea was the main initial goal of Russia’s participation in the Great Northern War (1700–1721). This military involvement was primarily due to the personal motives of Peter the Great, however, numerous different factors also played an important role. The foundation of St Petersburg, making it the capital city, and fortifying it with a defensive system was aimed at securing the Russian control over the mouth of the Neva. The military operations and diplomatic efforts undertaken by Russia in 1702–1709 were aimed exclusively to maintain access to the sea. At this time, Russia was ready to agree to the peace terms which were to grant it only the old Russian provinces of Ingria and Karelia. However, after the victorious Battle of Poltava of 1709, Peter the Great developed imperial ambitions. Under the pretext of ensuring the security of St Petersburg and ensuring Russia’s access to the sea, the Russians captured Swedish lands in the Eastern Baltic and Finland, and then annexed most of these territories. At the same time, Russian diplomacy constantly ensured of its readiness to conclude peace, but these attempts were rejected by the Swedes. Ten years of warfare and destructive raids on the coastal regions of the Kingdom of Sweden forced the Swedes to negotiate. The Treaty of Nystad of 1721 not only ended the war between Russia and Sweden, but it also became the starting point of the extraordinary development of Peter the Great’s imperial ambitions. Russia entered the world of great European and global politics as an empire, as an aggressive state of despotic character.
    Źródło:
    Zapiski Historyczne; 2021, 86, 4; 5-27
    0044-1791
    2449-8637
    Pojawia się w:
    Zapiski Historyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
      Wyświetlanie 1-9 z 9

      Ta witryna wykorzystuje pliki cookies do przechowywania informacji na Twoim komputerze. Pliki cookies stosujemy w celu świadczenia usług na najwyższym poziomie, w tym w sposób dostosowany do indywidualnych potrzeb. Korzystanie z witryny bez zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies oznacza, że będą one zamieszczane w Twoim komputerze. W każdym momencie możesz dokonać zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies