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Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 126
Tytuł:
Budgetary Sovereignty of Parliaments (ECPRD No. 5066)
Suwerenność budżetowa parlamentu (wniosek ECPRD nr 5066)
Autorzy:
Szpringer, Zofia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2194727.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Kancelaria Sejmu. Biuro Analiz Sejmowych
Tematy:
budget
parliament
Opis:
The publication presents detailed issues related to the budgetary sovereignty of the Polish Parliament (i.e., the Sejm and the Senate) and the nature of the control / audit of budgetary expenditures. It analyses the role of the Parliament in preparation, adoption, and implementation of its budget in relation to, inter alia, funding and controlling expenditures allocated to parliamentary groups and political parties. It indicates the most important legal regulations related to this area and the amounts of expenditure from the budgets of the Chancellery of the Sejm and Senate, including the expenditure allocated to Deputies’ and Senators’ offices, as well as to parliamentary clubs, and groups.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS; 2022, 3(75); 157-172
1896-9852
2082-064X
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Activity of parliament/chamber pending parliamentary elections (ECPRD Request No. 4874)
Praca parlamentu/izby w okresie przed wyborami (wniosek ECPRD nr 4874)
Autorzy:
Żurawski, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2194630.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Kancelaria Sejmu. Biuro Analiz Sejmowych
Tematy:
parliament
term
bill
Opis:
The author briefly describes the course of work during the final phase of the term of the Polish parliament. He analyses data regarding the bills submitted during this period, their subject matter, authors of bills and the course of legislative work.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS; 2022, 1(73); 224-226
1896-9852
2082-064X
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
State Acts of Ukraine and the Baltic Countries: chronological comparison (1990–2004)
Autorzy:
Voitenko, Yurii
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/23050989.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
law
constitution
parliament
president
independence
Opis:
The article examines the main state-building acts adopted by the highest authorities of Ukraine and the Baltic states starting from 1990 (as a result of the first free election of deputies of these republics in the post-war period) and until 2004 (when significant changes took place in the internal political and geopolitical context, in particular – the accession of the Baltic states to NATO and the EU, as well as changes in the form of government in Ukraine in amendments to the Constitution as a result of the so-called «Orange Revolution»). The article reflects not only the legal part of the specified period, but also the institutional part, in particular, in the part of the formation of both legislative and executive power in the specified countries. The interaction of political, regulatory and historical components in this article forms a holistic vision of state-building processes in their synergistic unity. The purpose of the study is to conduct a chronological comparison of the main statebuilding acts of Ukraine and the Baltic countries in the period from 1990 to 2004. The methodological basis is a chronological comparison of the normative framework of countries in the context of the processes of state formation. It was determined that the parliaments of these countries, which were elected in the spring of 1990, immediately began to fight for their sovereignty and set a course for separation from the union center. The August 1991 putsch in Moscow became the «trigger mechanism» in the declaration of independence of the Baltic states and Ukraine. From that time, these countries began to build their states independently, in particular in the political and legal sphere. First, there is a change in the name of the state itself and its parliament (getting rid of the Soviet one) at the legislative level, as well as the complete subordination of power structures and other authorities exclusively to republican structures. Subsequently, the main state symbols (flag, coat of arms and anthem), constitutions are adopted, the course of states towards a market economy through the denationalization of property and privatization is introduced, each has its own currency, property is divided with other republics, international treaties and agreements are adopted, and countries The Baltics (but not Ukraine) manage to completely get rid of Russian troops from their territory through complex diplomatic efforts. The latter also contributed to the fact that the Baltic countries, having immediately taken a course towards the West, later became full members of NATO and the EU. During this period, Ukraine only decided on its geopolitical vector, that it intends to join these international associations in the future.
Źródło:
Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe; 2023, 8(1); 35-43
2543-9227
Pojawia się w:
Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The European Parliament in view of the development of the EU Security and Defence Policy after the Lisbon Treaty
Autorzy:
Staszczyk, Artur
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1963321.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Parliament
security
defence
European Union
Opis:
This article analyses the position of the European Parliament on the priorities for the development of the EU Common Security and Defence Policy. The issues covered by this policy after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty remained the domain of intergovernmental cooperation mechanisms. Despite the changes made to the Lisbon Treaty to unify the Union’s external relations by removing its pillars and expanding CSDP tasks, the role of the EP in its creation has not increased in line with its expectations. In accordance with the provisions of the TEU, decisions on the operation of the CSDP shall be adopted by the Council, acting unanimously on a proposal from the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy or from a Member State. As a result of such Treaty arrangements, the EP is unable to play such a role in the area of CSDP that would correspond to the importance of this body in the EU’s institutional system. Therefore, the main instrument for the implementation of the EP policy in the area of CSDP remain resolutions in which this body calls for the inclusion of transnational cooperation mechanisms in it. By expressing its position in resolutions, the EP advocates for the development of a strong, unified CSDP based on defined European security interests, as well as the development of a pan-European approach to the issues covered by this policy.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2018, 9; 123-136
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The position of the European Parliament on the European Unions Energy Security Policy
Autorzy:
Staszczyk, Artur
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1963322.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Parliament
security
energy
European Union
Opis:
Ensuring the energy security is currently one of the EU’s top priorities. The EU energy policy, after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, is regulated by Article 194 TFEU, which guarantees a solid legal basis for European Union actions in this area on the basis of the Community method. The European Parliament, within the scope of its Community competences, as a participant in the decision-making process, contributes to shaping the face of the EU energy policy. Furthermore, by adopting nonlegislative resolutions, the EP expresses its position on the most crucial issues included in this policy and has an indirect influence on its shape. The aim of this article is the analysis of the content of these resolutions and presentation of the EP’s opinion on the challenges facing the EU in the field of energy. It should be highlighted that the European Parliament is the EU body with a strong emphasis on a supranational approach to energy security. The European Parliament prefers the view that all Member States, in a spirit of solidarity, must take actions to guarantee the EU’s common energy security. In favour of a common, integrated European energy market, the EP puts great emphasis on the necessity to implement ambitious climate policy objectives within its framework, the key element of which is the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2018, 9; 112-122
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The 2014 European Parliamentary Elections in Slovenia: Hardly and Novelty
Autorzy:
Krašovec, Alenka
Deželan, Tomaž
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514413.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
Slovenia
European Parliament
elections
Euroscepticism
Opis:
In the article the main characteristics of the European Parliament elections in 2014 in relation to the characteristics of the both previous elections to the Parliament were analysed. First, the legal framework is presented, followed by the presentation of candidate lists. As it is frequently the case, the authors for the analysis employed the analytical framework presented by Reif and Schmitt (1980). Following the framework, it is obvious the elections in Slovenia again demonstrated many elements of the second-order elections framework, for example in terms of the turnout, success of the governmental parties, success of small parties, as well as almost complete absence of party programmes, Euroscepticism and European topics in the campaign. Since several important domestic events happened just before the EP elections (e.g. resignation of the government at the beginning of May and the fact the leader of the biggest opposition party was by the court found guilty of corruption activity and sent to the prison at the end of April) such developments did not come as a big surprise.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2014, 9; 77-96
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The allocation of seats in the European Parliament and the principle of degressive proportionality
Autorzy:
Peternek, Piotr
Kośny, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/584967.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu
Tematy:
European Parliament
degressive proportionality
optimization
Opis:
One of the key issues in the process of preparing for an election to the European Parliament is to determine the number of seats for each country. The Treaty of Lisbon, signed by Member States of the European Union, has obliged the European Parliament to establish rules guaranteeing that the distribution of seats should be done according to, inter alia, the principle of degressive proportionality. The purpose of this paper is to explore how the principle of degressive proportionality is actually implemented, and to propose a compromise – a mathematical solution, guaranteeing that the distribution of seats is consistent with the requirements of the Lisbon Treaty.
Źródło:
Mathematical Economics; 2015, 11(18); 99-113
1733-9707
Pojawia się w:
Mathematical Economics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
European Elections National Agenda: Facebook in the 2019 Romanian EP Elections
Autorzy:
Ţăran, Flavia
Ormenișan, Alexandra Cătălina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1111608.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-09
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
European Parliament
elections
Romania
Facebook
Opis:
Politicians and political campaigns are not inadvertent to the development of social media platforms as environments that allow access to a larger audience. Not relying solely on the traditional media as a mouthpiece for their messages and taking matters into their own hands offers new segues for analyzing political communication. However, not all elections are of equal interest, both for the electorate and for the candidates, as second-order election theory suggests (Reif & Schmitt, 1980; Hix & Marsh, 2004). Th is paper investigates the area situated at the intersection of these two research directions. This quantitative study aims to analyze how Romanian political parties and candidates used Facebook in the electoral campaign for the European Parliament, in May 2019. The study follows the correlation between Facebook metrics, like frequency of posts and the popularity of the pages, and the political agendas refl ected in each party’s Facebook posts. The conclusions are consistent with second-order elections theory, but raise questions about the dependable nature of Facebook metrics.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2020, 13, 1(25); 55-76
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polish Election to the European Parliament in 2009 at a Regional Level. The Analysis of Competition in the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship
Autorzy:
Peszyński, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2023513.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Kuyavian-pomeranian Voivodeship
European Parliament
Opis:
The Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship constitutes one of the smallest of the Polish voivodeships. It is composed of nineteen land districts and four city counties, including Bydgoszcz, Torun, Wloclawek and Grudziadz. According to the data provided by the Public Electoral Commission (PKW), in 2009 the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship was inhabited by more than 2 million people, 1.65 million of whom had the right to vote. Despite the relatively small number of inhabitants, due to provisions of the act regulating the process of voting for the Members of the European Parliament, the voivodeship in question became a separate electoral district with the electoral commission located in Bydgoszcz. This decision was infl uenced mostly by members of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) representing this region in the Polish Parliament. This lobbing activity seemed benefi cial from the party’s perspective, since SLD has been gaining extraordinary support in the region. But for this lobbing, the voivodeship under consideration would have been included in one district together with the Pomeranian Voivodeship, where the majority of voters are prone to give their support to the right-wing and centre-wing parties.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2012, 41; 408-427
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Twenty Years of the Sejm and the Senate in the European Union. Analysis From the Point of View of Universalist and Particularist Approaches
Autorzy:
Czachór, Zbigniew
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/53680537.pdf
Data publikacji:
2024-06-20
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Tematy:
Parliament
Universalism
Particularism
Neofunctionalism
Neorealism
Opis:
The activities of the two chambers of the Polish parliament – the Sejm and the Senate – during the twenty years of Poland’s membership in the European Union can be analysed by taking two research approaches, the first of which is universalism, which addresses the civilisational need to build, harmonise, and unify. Universalism, which refers to the neo-functionalism paradigm, has characterised the European activity of both chambers of the Polish parliament. The other perspective is provided by neo-realist particularism, which takes an anti-idealist and anti-utopian stance. It is distinguished by national egotism expressed as an attachment to achieving the nation’s own interests. Today, particularism understood in this way is based on sovereign distinctiveness, independence, and self-reliance. The purpose of this article is to positively verify the hypothesis that the parliamentary dimension of Poland’s membership in the EU observed through the participation of the Sejm and Senate in the process of Europeanisation and de-Europeanisation simultaneously contributes to the dependence and independence of both chambers on the European Union and its institutions. The universalist and particularist approaches have allowed the author of this analysis to reach an empirically-confirmed conclusion that both chambers of the Polish parliament in the period under study had an influence on the following: (1) the political power of the government, reinforcing or sapping it during negotiations; (2) the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of coalition-building in the EU; (3) cooperation with or resistance to the dominance of the parliaments of large EU states; (4) varied responsibility for the integrative system as a united and harmonious whole; and (5) the union of the peoples of Europe or a Europe of Homelands.
Źródło:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs; 2024, 28, 2; 121-133
1428-149X
2719-3780
Pojawia się w:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
What Are the Directions of the EU Integration Process?
Autorzy:
Zabłocka-Abi Yaghi, Adriana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/969411.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Centrum Europejskie
Tematy:
European Union;
European Parliament;
European Commission;
Opis:
Just before the 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections many authors have indicated their exceptional nature. In this article the author attempts to analyze how these particular characteristics and fi rst decisions taken after the elections by the key EU level actors may shape the EU integration process in the coming years. The article focuses on how the fragmentation of the EP may infl uence the choice of the European integration directions in the near future. One of the first observed effects of this fragmentation was the failure of leading candidates system during the appointment process of the Commission President. Another one is Ursula von der Leyen’s political programme for the European Commission, built on the strong awareness of the need to create a governing coalition between the EP and the European Commission. Acknowledgment of the challenge of the EP diversity by the New Commission President may have a positive effect on the EU-level democracy, however with a decrease in the efficiency of the EP legislative process.
Źródło:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs; 2019, 4; 9-22
1428-149X
2719-3780
Pojawia się w:
Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Positioning Strategies of Polish Political Parties in the 2014 European Parliament Election
Autorzy:
Cichosz, Marzena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514385.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
positioning
political parties
elections
European Parliament
Opis:
The article concerns an analysis of the types of positioning an electoral agenda adopted by the Polish political parties during the political campaign before the elections to the European Parliament in 2014. Positioning the electoral offer has been treated as one of the main elements of the electoral strategies of political parties, as the way of defining their electoral goals and identifying their strengths and weaknesses as well as opportunities and threats. The scope of analysis assumes main Polish political parties represented in the Polish parliament in the years 2011 - 2014 and additionally the party that managed to cross the entry barrier into the parliamentary market in the EP election in 2014.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2014, 9; 167-179
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Degressive proportionality – notes on the ambiguity of the concept
Autorzy:
Dniestrzański, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/584986.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu
Tematy:
degressive proportionality
apportionment problem
European Parliament
Opis:
This article discusses the problem of the definition of degressive proportionality. This term is used in many areas of economics but its meaning is not standardized. It is understood differently when related to tax issues compared to distribution of seats in the European Parliament. The differences are small but significant. The article provides and analyzes the different meanings of the concept of degressive proportionality and proposes to introduce two new concepts – concave degressive proportionality and convex degressive proportionality.
Źródło:
Mathematical Economics; 2013, 9 (16); 21-28
1733-9707
Pojawia się w:
Mathematical Economics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kosovo - An Atypical Parliamentary Republic
Autorzy:
Jashari, Murat
Selimi, Behar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1036721.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house
Tematy:
kosovo
parliament
republic
prime minister
government
Opis:
The topic of this comparative study is the republican character of the system of governance in Kosovo. In the public discourse and political communication, as well as in academic discourse Kosovo is considered a Parliamentary Republic, based on the principle “of the separation of powers and checks and balances between them.” Although the constitutional definition of the relationship between the executive and legislative favors parliamentary republicanism, the constitutional powers of the president, the government and especially the constitutional and political power of the prime minister, significantly weaken the parliamentary character, in favor of a semi-presidential system. However, neither the current theories of government, nor constitutional provisions can rank Kosovo among semi-presidential systems, or pure parliamentary systems. Comparisons of competence powers relations in Kosovo, with similar relations and competences of the countries of the region and beyond, testify to the specific nature of parliamentary democracy in Kosovo. It is precisely the comparison of the Kosovo constitutional-legal system of governance with similar systems and theoretical analysis of parliamentary models facing Kosovo model which will be the basis of support of the hypothesis that Kosovo is not a typical parliamentary republic.
Źródło:
Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2016, 14; 107-117
2079-3715
2309-1088
Pojawia się w:
Academicus International Scientific Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Membership of Poland in the EU – Benefits and Obligations
Autorzy:
Skotnicka-Illasiewicz, Elżbieta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/643080.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
EU
membership in EU
European Parliament
Opis:
The present paper offers an analysis of the attitudes of Polish citizens towards the process of European integration. Two major points can be highlighted, based on the data obtained from various opinion surveys, e.g. CBOS, PBS, ISP, OPTEM, and Eurobarometer. The first one concerns the initial high level of scepticism in Poland about the decision to join the EU. The results of the public opinion polls indicated that Poles had agreed to be the Member State more “under pressure exerted by the course of history and that of the current European affairs” rather than “by an informed choice”. It may well be that due to this scepticism, Poland, as one of the few countries to join the EU, did not experience the socalled post-accession shock. On the contrary, the results of surveys suggested that there was a rapidly growing belief among Poles in positive repercussions of the accession, at least until the time when the effects of the economic crisis began to transpire. The second problem deals with how Poles see themselves as the members of the European Community. The data show that Polish citizens consider the membership in the EU as a fact of life, an existing condition that does not stimulate their action if the affairs are not directly associated with their own interests. That is probably the reason why Poles do not feel co-responsible for the European project. They still see the Union as an organisation that is supposed to bring profit but, at the same time, they do not feel obliged to actively take on responsibilities that follow.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2014, 2 (6)
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 126

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