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Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 144
Tytuł:
“ENERGY INDEPENDENCE”: PRESIDENT OBAMA’S RHETORIC OF A SUCCESS STORY
Autorzy:
Bonnefille, Stephanie
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620675.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013-06-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
cognitive linguistics
rhetoric
climate change
clean energy
President Obama
Źródło:
Research in Language; 2013, 11, 2; 189-212
1731-7533
Pojawia się w:
Research in Language
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
President of the state in the Afghan Constitutions
Prezydent państwa w afgańskiej konstytucji
Autorzy:
Modrzejewska-Leśniewska, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1185216.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-02-02
Wydawca:
Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
Tematy:
Afghanistan
president
Constitution
Afganistan
prezydent
konstytucja
Opis:
The institution of the president exists in the majority of the countries of the western world. Depending on the prerogatives granted by the constitution, the president may perform either a representative function or have the real power. No matter what the role of the president is, the position is deeply embedded in the political system, and the constitutional law as well as political practice specify its scope of competencies and capabilities. When we go beyond the Euro-Atlantic area, we can also find the states where an office of president is run. While its formation, Asian, African and South American societies, consciously or not, usually emulated the Euro-Atlantic experiences. In general, historical background of the non-European states, however, makes the history of the presidential office shorter, and the introduction of this position was often a result of violent sociopolitical changes. What often distinguishes the presidencies of the African and Asian countries from the Euro-Atlantic ones is their instability - in running this office a lot depends on the personality traits of the person holding it as well as on the tradition (or lack thereof) of strong central governance. On that premise, the presidency history of a non-European state, i.e. Afghanistan can be presented. This is an interesting case since the above mentioned factors are clearly visible in here, and the state's internal political situation is unstable. In addition, as the international forces are supposed to be withdrawn from the country until the end of 2014, the president may then become the main body formulating public policy and, thus, shaping the future of Afghanistan.
W większości państw świata zachodniego funkcjonuje instytucja prezydenta. W zależności od prerogatyw przyznanych mu przez konstytucję, jest on albo reprezentantem swojego państwa, albo też dysponuje realną władzą. Niezależnie od tego, jaką funkcję pełni prezydent, urząd ten jest mocno usadowiony w systemie politycznym, a przepisy konstytucyjne i praktyka polityczna precyzują zakres jego kompetencji i możliwości działania. Poza strefą euroatlantycką także spotykamy się z państwami, w których istnieje urząd prezydenta. Zazwyczaj przy jego kształtowaniu, świadomie lub nie, społeczeństwa Azji, Afryki czy Ameryki Południowej czerpały z euroatlantyckich doświadczeń. Jednak doświadczenia historyczne państw pozaeuropejskich sprawiają, że urząd ten ma tam z reguły znacznie krótszą tradycję, a jego wprowadzenie często było efektem gwałtownych przemian społeczno-politycznych. Tym, co często odróżnia prezydentury państw afrykańskich i azjatyckich od euroatlantyckich jest ich niestabilność - przy sprawowaniu urzędu wiele zależy od osobowości i cech charakteru osoby sprawującej urząd, jak również od tradycji (lub jej braku) silnej władzy centralnej. Posługując się tymi przesłankami można przedstawić tradycje prezydenckie takiego państwa pozaeuropejskiego jak Afganistan. Jest to ciekawy przypadek, gdyż bardzo wyraźnie widać w nim wspomniane uwarunkowania, a sytuacja wewnętrzna państwa jest niestabilna. Dodatkowo, ze względu na plan wycofania sił międzynarodowych z tego kraju do końca 2014 r., prezydent może stać się głównym podmiotem kreującym politykę publiczną, a co za tym idzie, przyszłość Afganistanu.
Źródło:
Studia z Polityki Publicznej; 2015, 2, 1(5); 137-157
2391-6389
2719-7131
Pojawia się w:
Studia z Polityki Publicznej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nayib Bukele: populism and autocratization, or a very popular democratically elected president?
Autorzy:
Nilsson, Martin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2129844.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-08-19
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Gdański. Instytut Geografii
Tematy:
democratic recession
autocratization
populism
President Bukele
El Salvador
Opis:
This article is about Nayib Bukele’s presidency in El Salvador, and to what extent it is a case of populism, and if it has contributed to a negative democratic development between 2019–2021. By using the concepts of democratic backsliding, autocratization, and populism, three main conclusions are made. First, actions taken by Bukele during his presidency has directly contributed to a negative democratic development. Second, both during the electoral campaign and in office, there are also signs of populism, such as anti-pluralism, hijacking the state, mass clientelism, and a feeling of a less democratic civil society and free media. Consequently, Bukele has pushed the country into a process of autocratization, where the future destiny toward less democracy is still uncertain.
Źródło:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society; 2022, 12, 2; 16-26
2084-0497
2451-2249
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A Constitutional Coup! The Take-Down of the First President of the Republic of Kosovo
Autorzy:
Sejdiu, Korab R.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1036126.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house
Tematy:
Kosovo
Constitution
President
serious
violation
position
party
Opis:
A coup d’etat is defined as “a sudden and decisive action in politics, especially one resulting in a change of government illegally or by force.” As one looks through all the coup d’etats that have occurred throughout the history in various parts of the world, one can observe that often the protagonists of such events are political enemies, military leaders, or distressed insiders. Indeed, one is hard pressed to find where a coup d’etat has been executed by way of a poor legal reasoning of a Constitutional Court. Well, that is until now! In the newest country in Europe, the Republic of Kosovo, major international and domestic investments are being made on institution building. One of the beneficiaries of such investments has been the newly formed Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo. Soon after its establishment, this young court faced its first tough decision, namely a challenge to the President of the country regarding his alleged serious violation of the Constitution by holding posts as President of the country and Chairman of his party. In a highly controversial case, marred with procedural irregularities, judicial misconduct, lack of due process, human rights violations, regular media leaks, and behind-the-scenes international and domestic political influences on the Court, a split Court decided that the President had seriously violated the Constitution. This decision led to the President’s resignation, which caused a political imbalance that still lingers, further harming Kosovo’s long term interests and prospects. But more importantly, some argue that this marks the first case where a coup d’etat that took down a President was executed by a Constitutional Court. This paper argues that the Court should have dismissed the claim of the MPs as inadmissible on procedural grounds, specifically that it was filed by the MPs after the time permitted by law and that the MPs never maintained the number of 30 members that were needed for the group to be an authorized party. Additionally, even on the merits, the Court failed to distinguish between the constitutional requirement to not exercise a party function, which the President in this case did not do, but rather simply held the position in a suspended mode. Moreover, even had the President’s holding of the position amounted to a violation of the Constitution, in no way did that equate to a serious constitutional violation. Still, the Court held contrary to the Constitution, applicable laws, and the available evidence before it and found that the President had seriously violated the Constitution.
Źródło:
Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2013, 08; 56-77
2079-3715
2309-1088
Pojawia się w:
Academicus International Scientific Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Remembrance of the Katyń Massacre and President Lech Kaczyńskis Concept of Polish-Russian Relations [2005-2010]
Autorzy:
Wawrzyński, Patryk
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2023699.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
President of Poland
Katyń Massacre
Polish air force
Opis:
Lech Kaczyński’s tragic death was a direct cause of the détente in PolishRussian relations, proclaimed by Prime Minister Donald Tusk and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin just after the Polish Air Force Tu-154 Crash. However this rapprochement is far from the political concept of the President. Considering the Polish internal debate on a proper form of Polish-Russian relations, I would like – in this short article to present a way as to how President Kaczyński understood challenges, that both nations have to pick up.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2012, 41; 507-525
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Subjective grounds for expanding the powers of the President of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Nitsevich, Viсtor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1628416.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
President
authorities
plenipotentiaries
political parties
public confidence
election of governors
Opis:
The article is devoted to a little-studied side of authority, in particular the authorities of the President of Russia. Exploring the constitutional scope of power, we can say that the President of Russia has a sufficiently large amount of power, backed up by the legal provisions of the Constitution. However, in practice, it has turned out that not only their influence but the power of the President has a wider scope. First of all, the article notes the subjective grounds and mechanisms of power over the chairman of the government and the terms of his appointment. In this case, the key role is played by the political party United Russia, which was created by the President, although the President is outside the party system of Russia. A substantial expansion of the power of the President occurred as a result of the creation of federal districts and the formation of an institution of plenipotentiaries. The rationale is given that the change of legal norms for the election of governors, where the President plays the main role in nominating candidacy, and the procedure for registering them is entirely determined by the United Russia political party under his control, ultimately expanded the scope of authority of the President. In disclosing the subjective grounds for expanding the power of the President of the Russian Federation, so-called “approvals” of candidacy for various senior positions of state and municipal service, as well as of the security and control bodies play a part. The rating of the President was a massive subjective basis that allowed him to expand the scope of his power. The study of public confidence in the President allowed one to see the dependence of the expansion of his power on the level of his support by citizens of the Russian Federation.
Źródło:
Eastern Review; 2020, 9; 49-62
1427-9657
2451-2567
Pojawia się w:
Eastern Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Iranian Foreign Policyin the Persian Gulf Region under the Rule of President Hassan Rouhani: Continuity of Change
Autorzy:
Osiewicz, Przemysław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642089.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Iran
Persian Gulf
President Rouhani
Zatoka Perska
Prezydent Rowhani
Opis:
Although Iran borders with many states and has direct access to the Caspian Sea as well as the Indian Ocean, the Persian Gulf region seems to be the most vital area to its security and prosperity. Yet since the 70’s Iran’s relations with the Arab states in the region have been rather strained and complex. The main reason for that had been the success of the Islamic revolution in 1979 which later resulted in a new dimension of Sunni-Shia rivalry. Moreover, post-revolutionary Iranian authorities also intended to maintain the regional hegemony from the Imperial State of Iran period. As a result, successive Iranian governments competed for hegemony in the Persian Gulf with the littoral Arab states which consolidated their regional positions due to close links and intensive cooperation with the West especially with the United States. Despite some political and economic initiatives which were undertaken by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, this rivalry was also evident between 2005–2013. The main aim of this article is to find out whether Iranian foreign policy towards the Arab states in the Persian Gulf region has undergone any significant changes since Hassan Rouhani became the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran in August 2013. According to Mohammad Reza Deshiri, the Iranian foreign policy after 1979 can be divided into so-called waves of idealism and realism. During dominance of idealism values and spirituality are more important than pragmatism while during the realistic waves political as well as economic interests prevail over spirituality. Iranian idealism is connected with export of revolutionary ideas, Shia dominance as well as the restoration of unity among all muslims (ummah). On this basis both presidential terms of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad can be classified as ‘waves of idealism’, albeit some of his ideas were very pragmatic. The question is if Hassan Rouhani’s foreign policy represents a continuity or a change. Is the current Iran’s foreign policy towards the Persian Gulf region idealistic or rather realistic? The main assumption is that there will be no Arab-Iranian rapprochement in the Persian Gulf without a prior normalization of political relations between Iran and the West especially the United States.
Źródło:
Przegląd Strategiczny; 2014, 7; 249-262
2084-6991
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Strategiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Uncertainty Is (Usually) Motivating: Election Closeness and Voter Turnout in 2002 and 2006 City President Elections in Poland
Autorzy:
Górecki, Maciej A.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929541.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009-06-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
voter turnout
election closeness
city president elections in Poland
Opis:
One of the classic explanations of variation in voter turnout states that, all else being equal, the closer (the more competitive) the election in question the higher the respective turnout rate should be. In this paper, I examine whether this proposition holds in the context of the city president elections in Poland. I employ two different measures of election closeness to account for the substantive difference between the first and the second rounds of these elections. The results I present indicate that, while the effect of closeness on turnout in the first rounds of the 2002 and 2006 elections was moderately strong or even weak (and insignificant), the regularities observed in the second rounds lend arguably strong support to the closeness hypothesis.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2009, 166, 2; 297-308
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The President of the Republic of Poland in the Light of Constitutions Adopted in Poland Between 1918 and 2018 – Selected Issues
Autorzy:
Danel, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1991365.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
constitution
president
Polska
republic
sovereignty
regime
parliamentarism
Opis:
The article concerns the constitutional position and political role of the President of the Republic of Poland. Though the Author concentrates on the current constitution of Poland, that entered info force in 1997, he also reviews all the constitutions (and important amendments to these constitutions) that were adopted over the last century, so after Poland had restored its sovereignty in 1918. The analysis is concentrated not only on the constitutional position and political role of the Polish president, but also on the way he was (and is) elected. The Author tries to prove a thesis that the actual political position of the head in the state in Poland depended and still depends not only on constitutional provisions, but also on specific political circumstances, and even the character and personality of the people holding this office.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2018, 23; 7-20
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A priori veto power of the president of Poland
Aprioryczna siła weta prezydenta RP
Autorzy:
Mercik, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/907205.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Politechnika Wrocławska. Oficyna Wydawnicza Politechniki Wrocławskiej
Tematy:
a priori power
Johnston power index
president of Poland
siła aprioryczna
indeks Johnsona
prezydent RP
Opis:
The a priori power of the president of Poland, lower chamber of parliament (Sejm) and upper chamber of parliament (Senate) in the process of legislation are considered in this paper. The evaluation of power is made using the Johnston power index.
W Polsce w procesie ustawodawczym ustawę przyjętą przez Sejm rozpatruje Senat, który ma prawo zgłosić do niej poprawki lub ją odrzucić (po odrzuceniu ustawa wraca do Sejmu, gdzie bezwzględną większością głosów można odrzucić sprzeciw Senatu). Uchwalona przez Sejm i Senat ustawa trafia następnie do Prezydenta RP, który może w ciągu 21 dni przyjąć i podpisać ją, bądź zgłosić weto i przekazać do ponownego rozpatrzenia Sejmowi. Weto Prezydenta RP to jego kompetencja do sprzeciwu wobec ustawy uchwalonej przez Sejm. Zgodnie z Konstytucją RP prezydent podpisuje i zarządza ogłoszenie ustawy w Dzienniku Ustaw RP. Może on jednak, kierując się ważnym interesem państwa i dbałością o jakość stanowionego prawa, odmówić podpisania ustawy. Taka odmowa ma charakter weta zawieszającego, ponieważ Sejm może powtórnie uchwalić ustawę większością 3/5 głosów w obecności co najmniej połowy ustawowej liczby posłów. W tym wypadku prezydent musi w ciągu 7 dni podpisać ustawę i zarządzić jej ogłoszenie w Dzienniku Ustaw RP. Rzeczywista skuteczność sprzeciwu prezydenta jest więc uzależniona od układu sił w Sejmie. W pracy przedstawiono ocenę aprioryczną siły prezydenta, Sejmu i Senatu w procesie ustawodawczym w Polsce. Ocenę przeprowadzono z użyciem indeksu siły Johnstona.
Źródło:
Operations Research and Decisions; 2009, 19, 4; 61-75
2081-8858
2391-6060
Pojawia się w:
Operations Research and Decisions
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Russian Federation President and His Role in the Management of National Security System
Autorzy:
Wierzbicki, Sławomir
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1179684.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Przedsiębiorstwo Wydawnictw Naukowych Darwin / Scientific Publishing House DARWIN
Tematy:
Constitution
President of the Russian Federation
Supreme Commander-in-Chief
Vladimir Putin
national security system
safety
Opis:
The purpose of this papers is discussion on the President of the Russian Federation and his role in the management of national security system. Third Vladimir Putin’s presidency continued the assumptions that constituted in the years 2000-2008. Its common characteristic is strong foreign and home policy according to the pattern of authoritarian type of autocracy. It is associated with close bounds with the elements of force in the sector of national security and defence (special forces, army). Execution of decisions coming from central department of presidential orders requires the efficient management of national security system. For such purpose, author points out the presidential powers related with such issues. Thereafter, the accompanying apparatus, institutional and organizational structure of administration involved in statutory tasks in terms of national security and defence will be presented.
Źródło:
World Scientific News; 2017, 72; 169-176
2392-2192
Pojawia się w:
World Scientific News
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Death as a Prerequisite for Vacating the Office of President of the Republic of Poland
Śmierć jako przesłanka opróżnienia urzędu Prezydenta RP
Autorzy:
Hadała-Skóra, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28762600.pdf
Data publikacji:
2024-02-29
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
substitution of President in his/her office
death of the president
President of the Republic of Poland
Marshal of the Sejm
zastępstwo prezydenta w urzędzie
śmierć prezydenta
Marszałek Sejmu
Prezydent RP
Opis:
This article is devoted to the issue of death as a premise for vacating the office of President of the Republic of Poland. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland comprehensively regulates the institution of substitution of the President of the Republic of Poland, specifying the legal forms of its execution and indicating the Marshals (of the Sejm and the Senate) as entities authorized to carry out the duties of the head of state. In the event of the occurrence of the death of the President, doubts arise as to the possibility of implementing civilian regulations at the time of triggering the procedure of substitution of the President provided for in Art. 131 of the Constitution. The analysis carried out in the article is aimed at answering the question of whether the Marshal of the Sejm (on whom the duty to assume the duties of head of state is incumbent), functioning in the field of constitutional law, is bound by the regulations applicable in principle on civil law grounds.
Niniejszy artykuł poświęcony jest problematyce śmierci będącej przesłanką opróżnienia urzędu Prezydenta RP. Konstytucja RP reguluje w sposób kompleksowy instytucję zastępstwa Prezydenta RP, określając prawne formy jej wykonywania oraz wskazując Marszałków (Sejmu oraz Senatu) jako podmioty uprawnione do realizacji obowiązków głowy państwa. W przypadku wystąpienia śmierci Prezydenta pojawia się wątpliwość co do możliwości wdrożenia regulacji cywilistycznych w momencie uruchamiania procedury zastępstwa Prezydenta przewidzianej w art. 131 Konstytucji. Przeprowadzona w artykule analiza ma na celu udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie czy funkcjonujący w obszarze prawa konstytucyjnego marszałek Sejmu (na którym ciąży obowiązek objęcia obowiązków głowy państwa) jest związany regulacjami obowiązującymi co do zasady na gruncie cywilnoprawnym.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2024, 1(77); 273-286
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Report between the President and Constitutional Court and its influence on the functioning of the Constitutional System in Kosovo
Autorzy:
Muçaj, Florent
Balaj, Luz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1036725.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Academicus. International Scientific Journal publishing house
Tematy:
president
constitutional court
unity of the people
constitutionality
constitutional system
Opis:
This paper aims at clarifying the report between the President and the Constitutional Court. If we take as a starting point the constitutional mandate of these two institutions it follows that their final mission is the same, i.e., the protection and safeguarding of the constitutional system. This paper, thus, will clarify the key points in which this report is expressed. Further, this paper examines the theoretical aspects of the report between the President and the Constitutional Court, starting from the debate over this issue between Karl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen. An important part of the paper will examine the Constitution of Kosovo, i.e., the contents of the constitutional norm and its application. The analysis focuses on the role such report between the two institutions has on the functioning of the constitutional system. In analyzing the case of Kosovo, this paper examines Constitutional Court cases in which the report between the President and the Constitutional Court has been an issue of review. Such cases assist us in clarifying the main theme of this paper. Therefore, the reader will be able to understand the key elements of the report between the President as a representative of the unity of the people on the one hand and the Constitutional Court as a guarantor of constitutionality on the other hand.
Źródło:
Academicus International Scientific Journal; 2016, 14; 168-180
2079-3715
2309-1088
Pojawia się w:
Academicus International Scientific Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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