Wszystkie pola: Schuster, Jan - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

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Tytuł:: A Masłomęcz type brooch from Northwest Thuringia
Fibula typu Masłomęcz z północno-zachodniej Turyngii
Autorzy:: Schuster, Jan
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28328287.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2022
Wydawca:: Państwowe Muzeum Archeologiczne w Warszawie
Tematy:: okres wpływów rzymskich
fibula w kształcie ptaka
typ Masłomęcz
Turyngia
Roman Iron Age
bird brooch
Masłomęcz type
Thuringia
Opis:: From a settlement site at Ufhoven, part of Langensalza in Thuringia, comes a bird-shaped brooch of copper alloy, which can be classified as belonging to the Masłomęcz type. According to well-dated parallels in Eastern Poland and Western Belarus, it can be placed in the beginning of the Younger Roman Iron Age, i.e. subphase C1a. The site at Ufhoven yielded rich material of Germanic and Roman origin and seems to have been a residence of Germanic elites.
W 2003 roku na stan. 44 w Ufhoven (dzielnica miasta Bad Langensalza), Unstrut-Hainich-Kreis w Turyngii (Ryc. 1), znaleziono fibulę w kształcie ptaka. Stanowisko jest znane dzięki licznym materiałom odkrywanym od wielu lat podczas badań powierzchniowych. Dzięki nim wiemy, że znajdująca się tu osada była zamieszkiwana od środkowego okresu lateńskiego po młodszy okres wędrówek ludów. Zajmowała ona obszar nie mniejszy niż 8 ha (na takiej powierzchni rozproszone są zabytki). Oprócz licznych fragmentów germańskiej ceramiki, lepionej ręcznie oraz robionej na kole garncarskim, zarejestrowano setki innych znalezisk, w tym germańską biżuterię i elementy stroju wykonane z metali kolorowych i szlachetnych, a także szerokie spektrum importów rzymskich, takich jak monety, fragmenty ceramiki terra sigillata i naczyń metalowych, elementy ekwipunku wojskowego, fibule, pierścionki, liczne fragmenty rzymskich żaren z bazaltu, misternie odlana, pozłacana srebrna figurka koguta (część statuetki Merkurego) itp. Stanowisko dostarczyło również bezpośrednich i pośrednich dowodów na intensywną obróbkę metali nieżelaznych, w tym szlachetnych, i żelaza. Większość materiałów germańskich i rzymskich pochodzi z końca wczesnej lub z późnej rzymskiej epoki żelaza (od połowy II do końca III wieku). Wykonana ze stopu miedzi zapinka ma 3,8 cm długości (Ryc. 2). Zabytek ten jest formą całkowicie obcą w germańskim środowisku ówczesnej Turyngii, znajduje natomiast kilka analogii we wschodniej części Europy Środkowej i w Europie Wschodniej. Ostatnio ich znaleziska zestawiono i omówiono w kilku pracach, pomijając jednak opublikowany już dawno ‒ choć w publikacji popularnonaukowej ‒ okaz z Ufhoven. Fibule te, często zwane „kaczkowatymi”, ostatnio określono jako fibule typu Masłomęcz. Datowane są one na podfazę C1a młodszego okresu wpływów rzymskich. Trudno stwierdzić, w jaki sposób zapinka z Ufhoven trafiła w głąb Turyngii. Jednym z możliwych scenariuszy jest egzogamia, ponieważ fibule typu Masłomęcz należały do kobiecego zestawu stroju.
Źródło:: Wiadomości Archeologiczne; 2022, LXXIII, 73; 274-276
0043-5082
Pojawia się w:: Wiadomości Archeologiczne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Dom to nie tylko dach i cztery ściany… O budownictwie w późnej starożytności w Europie Północnej i Środkowej ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ziem polskich
A House Means Not Only Four Walls and a Roof… On House Building in Northern and Central Europe in Late Antiquity with Special Consideration of Poland
Autorzy:: Schuster, Jan
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2048809.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020-12-31
Wydawca:: Państwowe Muzeum Archeologiczne w Warszawie
Tematy:: okres przedrzymski
okres wpływów rzymskich
okres wędrówek ludów
budownictwo
długi dom
archeologia osadnictwa
Polska
Pre-Roman Iron Age
Roman Iron Age
Migration Period
house building
long-house
settlement archaeology
Polska
Opis:: One of the most interesting, but sometimes slightly underestimated topics of research as a whole into the Late Antiquity of the ‘barbaric’ part of Europe is the development of longhouses and settlements. This paper is an attempt to combine the results of long-term research on construction and settlements from the Iron Age (with a main focus on the Roman Iron Age and Migration Period) in the western part of Central Europe and Scandinavia with the results of relevant research in Poland. This is no easy task. Despite undeniable research progress in recent decades, settlement archaeology in Poland is still in the early stage of searching for patterns of recognition and reconstruction of longhouses that can contribute to the determination of individual house types. The aim of this paper is to convince the Polish research community that it is necessary to change its perspective on the subject of Iron Age house building and especially on the spatial organisation of settlements. Too often, one can observe an avoidance of careful and accurate analysis of archaeological objects in relation to the reconstruction of house plans – partly out of fear of misinterpretation, partly due to inability, partly because of habit and use of well-worn research paths, but often also out of a lack of reflection on the regularities and laws of statics and carpentry methods. In this way (unnecessarily), a gap was created between two (artificially created) zones of barbaric Europe that lacks one of the basic features of working on archaeological material within the so-called Germania magna: comparability. For a long time, the pit house was regarded as the main residential building in Late Antiquity in the area of Poland. Additionally, post houses were and are being reconstructed that could never have existed in this way. As a result of efforts to adapt the shape of the house to his own needs and economic requirements, a man living in Central and Northern Europe had already created a universal building in the Neolithic (Fig. 2) that we call a longhouse. However, this building is not a homogeneous creation. In different periods of time, in regionally determined varieties, it occurs in different forms. On the basis of certain design features, arrangements of roof-bearing structures and other elements, these varieties are recognised as house types. Similarly to the classification of artefacts and analysis of the distribution of different types, variants and varieties, the analysis of house types also helps us to determine the peculiarities of individual societies and groups, to track their development and to recognise zones of common tradition and contact networks. At this point, I would venture to say that construction traditions even more closely reflect the characteristics of individual societies than, for example, brooches whose forms have undergone rapid fashion changes and influences from various milieus. For large areas in western Central Europe and Scandinavia, we can determine house types that can be grouped into overarching categories, defining building tradition zones (Hauslandschaften). In the relevant works, such regions east of the Oder have not yet found their place. It is high time to change that. I decided to review in the first part of the paper the most important issues related to Iron Age house building, given the fact that this paper cannot cover and discuss all aspects of the issue. Construction details, forms and basic types of longhouses in northern Central Europe are discussed, followed by the layout of farmsteads and settlements. The second part of the article attempts to relate the results of settlement archaeology in western Central Europe and Scandinavia to research results in Poland, often based on a reinterpretation of published features. When discussing the main features – the description of the post hole, the appearance and foundation of the post itself, the walls, doorways, roofs and house types, as well as the layout of farmsteads and settlements – I always had in mind and attempted to refer to the situation in Poland. It is a trivial statement that the most important feature in settlement research is the post hole. We owe the first detailed description of the archaeological feature which we call a post hole to A. Kiekebusch (1870–1935), an employee and later a department head of the Märkisches Museum in Berlin. He had contact with C. Schuchhardt (1859–1943), one of the founders of the Römisch-Germanische Kommission in Frankfurt am Main. From 1899, he, in turn, conducted excavations in the Roman legionnaire camp of the Augustus period in Haltern on the northern edge of the Ruhr region, during which, for the first time on a large scale, attention was paid to the remains of ancient post foundations. Thus, research in Haltern can be regarded as the beginning of modern settlement archaeology. During research on the early Iron Age stronghold Römerschanze in Potsdam, Schuchardt transferred the discovery of the research value of the post hole to ‘barbarian’ archaeology. The aforementioned A. Kiekebusch participated in research on Römerschanze; C. Schuchardt’s innovative research methods made a huge impression on him. In the publication of results of his own excavation of a Bronze Age settlement in Berlin-Buch, he described the appearance and properties of the post hole on eleven (!) pages (Fig. 4). The turn of the 19th/20th cent. is also a breakthrough in settlement archaeology in the Scandinavian countries. Here, however, the road was slightly different than on the continent, in a figurative sense from the general to the detail. Geographical conditions and construction methods, sometimes quite different from the way houses were erected in Central Europe, were conducive to the discovery of real Iron Age ruins of three-aisled houses and in this way it was known almost from the very beginning of settlement research that the houses were elongated and based on the structure of regularly placed roof-bearing posts. For example, in 1924, plans were published of the remains of burnt down houses in the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age settlement at Kraghede in northern Jutland that was discovered in 1906 (Fig. 5). The posts of these houses have survived partly as charred wood, which greatly facilitated the interpretation of discovered traces. The 1920s and 30s witnessed a real leap in settlement archaeology, which was also observed on the continent, e.g. in the Netherlands. A.E. van Giffen (1888–1973) conducted excavations in 1923–1934 in the area of the warf/Wurt/wierde/terp at Ezinge in the Dutch part of Friesland – a Late Pre-Roman and Roman Iron Age settlement. These names, mentioned in Dutch, Frisian and North German dialects, refer to an artificial hill in the North Sea shore region, created to protect house sites against high tide and floods. Moisture in the earth was conducive to the preservation of organic materials, and because of this van Giffen also found ‘real’ ruins of houses (Fig. 6). Large-scale excavations of this type in Germany were conducted in 1954–1963 at the Feddersen Wierde site. The results of this research were just as spectacular as in the case of the settlement at Ezinge (Fig. 46, 47). Large-scale research began in various countries in the 1960s as part of extensive research projects. In Denmark, the nationwide ‘Settlement and Landscape’ project resulted, among others, in the uncovering of a huge area with several settlements/farm clusters from the Pre-Roman Iron Age at Grøntoft, Jutland (Fig. 1). The completely surveyed, enclosed settlement from the Pre-Roman Iron Age at Hodde, Jutland must be mentioned in this context, too. At Vorbasse in Jutland, a huge area from the Late Roman Iron Age and Migration Period settlement was uncovered. After pioneering research at Feddersen Wierde in the 1970s, as part of the ‘North Sea Programme’ project of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German Research Community), research began at the 1st to 6th cent. CE settlement site at Flögeln in the German part of the southern coast of the North Sea. The results became fundamental not only for this region of Germany. As part of the competitive project ‘Research on Iron Age settlements’ of the Academy of Sciences in East Berlin, large-scale excavations were conducted in settlements of the Roman Iron Age and Migration Period settlements at Tornow in Lower Lusatia and at Herzsprung in the Uckermark. Already at the turn of the 1950s/60s, the famous Early and Late Roman Iron Age settlement at Wijster in the northern Netherlands was excavated, but the area studied was not comparable in size to the areas of the above-mentioned sites. In 1974, excavations began at Oss in the southern part of the country, starting in 1979 within the so-called Maaskant-Project of the University of Leiden, which led to the unveiling of an extremely large area, consisting of many, slightly dispersed excavations at so-called native settlements from the Pre-Roman Iron Age and the time when this region was part of the Roman Empire. North of the Rhine and Waal, in the northern Netherlands, the Peelo site is situated. Here, in the 1970s and 1980s, extensive excavations at several neighbouring settlement sites were carried out as part of the ‘Peelo project’ of the Biologisch-Archaeologisch Instituut of the University of Groningen. Similar large excavations were conducted in the 1980s at Colmschate in the eastern Netherlands by the Rijksdienst voor Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek, Archeologische Werkgemeenschap Nederland and Archeologie Deventer. The settlement traces date back to the Bronze Age up to medieval times. In the meantime, many new and important large-scale settlement excavations took place that cannot all be mentioned here. In the following chapters, I discuss the most important basic features of longhouses, beginning with the post hole and the post itself. Along with the growing sensitivity of archaeologists towards this issue and thanks to the good condition of surviving posts, there are more and more examples of houses where planks were used as roof-bearing poles. Excellent examples are the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age house at Jerup on Vendsyssel-Thy and two Late Roman Iron Age houses at Ragow and Klein Köris, both south of Berlin (Fig. 8). In some cases, there is evidence that the post was secured in the ground, such as a plank basement at the settlement of Klein Köris, anchoring at Feddersen Wierde or stones used as stabilisation like at Herzsprung (Fig. 7). In eastern Brandenburg, we have seen partial or complete post-hole fillings of burnt or unburnt clay, especially in the case of granaries. Depending on the function of the post, the sizes of the post holes can differ. The deepest post holes often belong to roof-bearing and doorway posts. It is interesting that this applies not only to three-aisle, but also to two-aisled houses (Fig. 10). This fact can be useful in the case of incomplete house plans. The basic typological division of longhouses refers to the general roof-bearing construction (three-aisled, two-aisled, one-aisled and so-called four-aisled houses). Three-aisled houses were not invented in the Iron Age; they appeared as early the Early Bronze Age (Fig. 11) within a large zone including northwestern France and Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden. Although closely related to the idea of keeping livestock in the same building where people lived, well-dated three-aisled houses with a stall do not date to earlier than around 1400 BCE. During the Pre-Roman and Roman Iron Age, the area of occurrence of these houses contracted slightly; they were erected in a wide zone south of the North Sea, in the Netherlands and northern Germany, Jutland, on the Danish islands and in southern areas of Norway and Sweden. Due to intensive settlement research carried out since the 1990s, we know that – at least in the Roman Iron Age – all of Mecklenburg, Western Pomerania, most of Brandenburg and some regions at the Middle Elbe belonged to this zone of three-aisled houses. The layout of two-aisled houses differs slightly due to construction based on only one row of roof-bearing posts. The arrangement and number of posts are often not as regular as in the case of three-aisled houses, which can create problems when interpreting house plans. Two-aisled longhouses, known from Neolithic sites, and sometimes appeared in a surprising similar form at Bronze Age, Roman Iron Age and Migration Period sites south of the Baltic Sea (Fig. 13), were replaced in Scandinavia and the southern North Sea coast region by three-aisled houses as early as the Middle Bronze Age. The zone of appearance of two-aisled houses is not that well specified and seems to have changed over time. In the west, it is situated to the south of the three-aisled house zone, reaching Westphalia, eastern Brandenburg and parts of Saxony. In Lower Lusatia and south of Berlin, so-called four-aisled houses were discovered (Fig. 14, 63). It is not easy to interpret the plans of these buildings. Here, I present a new proposition for the characteristic post arrangement as supporting a loft (Fig. 64). In the case of one-aisled houses, the inner space is free of posts (Fig. 15) since the walls took over the roof-bearing function. It was a very demanding construction because poor carpentry of joining elements above the wall line inevitably led to its destabilisation and collapse, so it appeared on a larger scale at the beginning of the Middle Ages. However, we also know a few one-aisled longhouses dating to an earlier period. In the next chapter, all elements of the walls are discussed. Special attention is drawn to the fact that rows of posts and walls do not necessarily line up. Since the wall construction is not connected to the house frame or roof, its roof-bearing function can often be excluded (Fig. 20). As the ruins at Feddersen Wierde demonstrate, the line of the wall and that of lateral posts may differ. A special feature are the outer, eave-supporting posts (Fig. 21) that we know from houses in both the west and in the east, but at different times. Such constructions seem to appear in Poland, too. Most of the walls were probably built using the wattle and daub technique. It was predominant used in Central and Northern Europe, but was not the only technique. Houses with wall trenches might have been built with palisade-like walls, with planks (Fig. 26) or as log constructions (Fig. 27). Sometimes there are no traces of the walls at all and the construction must have been over-ground (Fig. 25, 29). With respect to log construction, one drawback is the need for timber, which in regions with limited timber resources can be decisive for choosing another wall variant. For constructing the huge Early Bronze Age house (33.5×ca. 8 m) at Legård on Thy-Vendsyssel (Fig. 27), it was calculated that about 150 oak trees were needed! Most longhouses were built with a rectangular plan, but a quite high number of longhouses in Northern and Central Europe had apse-shaped gable walls (Fig. 30). Roof reconstruction of three-aisled houses with that characteristic seems to pose no problem (Fig. 40–44), but in the case of two-aisled houses with a roof-bearing post in the apse-shaped gable wall, the task of reconstruction is challenging. Regarding the interior structure of Iron Age longhouses, we have a lot of information from the well-preserved house ruins at Feddersen Wierde (Fig. 47–50) and burnt down houses from Denmark (Fig. 51). They prove the widespread use of houses with a living area and stall under one roof. In other cases, the inner division is proven by the existence of small trenches where the partition walls of the boxes were placed (Fig. 52, 53). For now, we cannot determine the precise range of this economic model; the easternmost houses with stall trenches were discovered in Lower Lusatia (right on the German-Polish border). Placing animals under the same roof as people is not a phenomenon limited to antiquity. In some regions of Germany and the Netherlands, it was a fairly common form of farming in modern times. Some of these houses survived until the 1970s (Fig. 54). This type of house was found in a long zone from the vicinity of Amsterdam to the Hel Peninsula – mainly in the zone of the historical range of the Low German language, which is therefore called Niederdeutsches Hallenhaus. At a time when Bronze Age and Iron Age longhouses began to be intensively researched in the Netherlands and Germany, the memory of the original functioning of Niederdeutsches Hallenhaus, so similar to ancient buildings, was still alive, and the grandparents or parents of these researchers often lived in them or knew of such houses anecdotally (Fig. 55:1–3). Some very old buildings showed common structural features with houses from the Roman Iron Age. A comparison of the characteristics of ancient and modern houses has greatly facilitated approaching the subject and interpreting the results of excavations. However, it has sometimes also led to the use of inadequate terms that survive to this day and which are misleading. For example, if the famous researcher of rural architecture J. Schepers talked about Germanisches Hallenhaus or W. Haarnagel in his monumental monograph uses the term dreischiffige Hallenhäuser, they were influenced by the use of almost the same name of the above-mentioned medieval and modern houses that in terms of internal division are so similar to three-aisled longhouses from the Iron Age. However, there is a significant functional difference: the term Halle (hall) in Niederdeutsches Hallenhaus refers to a room with a threshing floor in the central nave, located between livestock bays. This room is large and hall-like, and that is why the houses were given the name Hallenhaus. The ‘hall’ in Late Antiquity (Fig. 58, 59) and medieval times had a completely different meaning and does not mean the same as in the case of rural houses from later times. In the next chapter, I discuss congruencies of house plans as a source of interpretation of incompletely preserved longhouses and for typological divisions. In regard to the latter, we have to take into account the state of preservation, touch-ups, repairs, modifications, extensions and superposition of house plans that influence the interpretation of the record. The same applies to farmsteads and even whole settlements that have been shifted, rebuilt, changed in layout and so on (Fig. 75–80). The issue of forms and structures of settlements is a rather complicated topic, because the condition for their assessment is a completely uncovered site. Such objects are rare, and even if a large complex is excavated, we can only assess the arrangement of objects within the excavations. This statement sounds trivial, but I emphasise this fact because we cannot be sure that there were no satellite units belonging to the given settlement nearby. This is well illustrated by the plan of extremely interesting features at Galsted in southern Jutland (Fig. 81). Its second phase represents another step of settlement evolution and is similar to what we know from settlements such as Nørre Snede in eastern Jutland (Fig. 82). The layout of farmsteads – although already present at some Late Pre-Roman Iron Age sites – represents the state of development of Roman Iron Age and Migration Period settlements. The earliest settlements of this type stem from Jutland, while the tendency to set up large, enclosed rectangular or trapezoidal farms in northern Germany is observable from the late 1st cent. CE and in the northern Netherlands from the 2nd cent. CE. The phenomenon of ‘stationary’ settlements is also known from East Germany, including the already mentioned settlements at Dallgow-Döberitz, Wustermark, Herzsprung or Göritz. Probably such settlements were discovered in Poland, too (see below). Settlements of this type replaced settlements with a different structure, dating to the Pre-Roman Iron Age. Their features included a loose arrangement of farms (rather unfenced) spread out over a large area (Fig. 1) and instability of house and farm sites. Houses and farmsteads were not occupied for a long period of time, but changed relatively quickly (the so-called wandering/shifting settlements). In the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age in Jutland and – in a slightly different form – in the northern Netherlands, completely enclosed settlements appeared. It was a fairly short-lived phenomenon (that ended in the 1st cent. CE), but the first step to stationary settlements, where farmsteads were designed to last for a longer period of time. At sites such as Nørre Snede in Jutland or Flögeln at the North Sea, there was a slow shifting of farmsteads, but over a period of several hundred years. With such a slow pace of changes in the positions of houses and farms, we can actually talk about stationary farms/settlements. It should be emphasised that the structure of settlements during the Roman Iron Age and Migration Period was not compact and there were no clusters of houses around a free square, as is sometimes suggested in Polish literature (admittedly on the basis of insufficient evidence). The image of settlements at that time resembles instead a group of several farms, sometimes in rows. We also know this spatial organisation from settlements in the left-bank regions of the Oder and Neisse Rivers (the German-Polish border) and there is no reason to believe that it was different to the east of these rivers. Despite undeniable progress in recent decades, settlement archaeology in Poland is still at the very beginning of searching for patterns for the recognition and reconstruction of longhouses that can contribute to the determination of individual types. Before completing this stage, analyses at a higher heuristic level do not yet make sense. All attempts to reconstruct settlement structures and search for references in building traditions to other regions in the Barbaricum have ended and often continue to end in failure. There are several reasons for this. First of all, this type of work from the second half of the 20th cent. mainly consisted of incorrect assumptions and axioms – especially regarding the dominance of pit houses in settlements. Secondly, the material that was available cannot create a suitable base for far-reaching conclusions – often the uncovered parts of the settlements were and are still too small to decipher the structures at all; sometimes it is not even possible to say in which part of a given settlement (or farmstead) the researchers conducted excavations. Another, also quite important point is the inaccurate or incompetent recognition of plans for alleged or actually non-existent post houses (Fig. 83). For decades, ‘buildings’ have been published that have no right to exist. Even in contemporary works, we can still find reconstructions (basically recreations) of primitive huts without statics or carpentry rules (Fig. 83), which were exceeded – if they had existed – by longhouses, even in the Neolithic. If buildings were created that have never existed, then obviously the image of a given farmstead must be false, not to mention the settlement structure. The necessity to verify published materials from settlements resulting from the state of research as I have described it does not need to be particularly emphasised. In a sense, the above-mentioned region between the Oder and the Elbe can be a benchmark for Poland. With regard to the state of research on settlements and the research paradigm, the situation in recent decades has been very similar to the situation in recent years in Poland. Until the early 1990s, the regions east of the Elbe could barely contribute to research on the subject of longhouses in the Barbaricum. It seemed that the presence of such buildings at settlements east of these regions that B. Trier (1969) had examined in his basic monograph on Iron Age longhouses was impossible. The very few examples were treated as exceptions. But due to large, often linear investments in infrastructure renewal in the early 1990s, the situation in Eastern Germany changed radically. Suddenly, longhouses started to appear at almost every settlement surveyed. One of the first excavations of this type was carried out in 1994 at the settlement site at Dallgow-Döberitz, a few kilometres west of Berlin, where at least 28 longhouses were discovered, primarily of the three-aisled variety. Publication of research results at Herzsprung in the Uckermark became a milestone, proving in the Oder region the existence not only of three-aisled longhouses, but farmsteads with a layout that was known only until that time from southern Scandinavia and the western part of Central Europe. In 1994–1997, 25 longhouses, mainly two-aisled, were uncovered at Göritz in Lower Lusatia. Today, a similar shift in settlement archaeology is taking place in Poland. Nevertheless, the attempts to distinguish longhouses at settlements in Poland and, at the same time, the frequent lack of experience of archaeologists in this field led to the creation and inclusion of objects that either did not exist in this form or not at all. The biggest obstacle is the lack of models to recognise house types, reflected by the arrangement of posts. There are still very few confidently confirmed three-aisled longhouses in Poland, yet this fact seems to result from the state of research rather than reflect the realities of the Roman Iron Age and Migration Period. To date, we do know four ‘definite’ buildings of this type, three from Pomerania and one from Mazovia; two others houses from central and southern Poland probably also belong to this group: the house I/A at Czarnowo in Western Pomerania (Fig. 85), a not fully uncovered house at Ostrowite in southeastern Pomerania (Fig. 86:1), a house at Leśno in southeastern Pomerania (Fig. 87), and a house in Rawa Mazowiecka (site 38) in western Mazovia (Fig. 88). In my opinion, the traces of a house at Kuców in Central Poland have to be interpreted as two rows of the roof-bearing posts of a three-aisled building (Fig. 89:1), while a house at Domasław in Lower Silesia also probably belongs to the three-aisled type (Fig. 90). Today, we know more examples of two-aisled houses than of three-aisled houses, which primarily appear only in the Przeworsk Culture area. It seems that in fact two-aisled houses were dominant in the area of this cultural unit, but it is still a bit too early to determine this with great certainty. The largest series of longhouses results from excavations of the settlement at Konarzewo near Poznań (Fig. 91), a smaller group we know from the Bzura River region (Fig. 94). The latter form a group that can be used to define the first longhouse type in Poland, the Konotopa type. A very interesting house was discovered in the 1960s at Wólka Łasiecka in Central Poland (Fig. 95). Although the arrangement of the posts is very clear, it can be read in the source publication, and sometimes in later ones, that this building is a three-aisled house. Actually, we are dealing with a two-aisled house with additional, external eave-supporting posts. In the case of the settlement at Izdebno Kościelne in western Mazovia, one can point to a house that was not included in the analysis of the site plan (Fig. 97). The same applies to a two-aisled longhouse at Janków in Central Poland (Fig. 96). It also belongs to the ‘verified’ buildings which were distinguished after the publication of the research results. The above-mentioned house at Wólka Łasiecka can be interpreted as a ‘lime kiln building’ on the basis of similar houses that, for example, were discovered at Klein Köris near Berlin and Herzsprung in the Uckermark. At the latter site, several buildings of this type have been even discovered, at least four of which were longhouses (e.g. Fig. 99:1.6). Lime kiln houses in other forms at this settlement (Fig. 100:3) and subsequent ones (Fig. 99:7, 100:1.2) show that there are many variants of such buildings. It might seem that production halls with limes kilns are a special feature of the settlements of Central Europe from the left-bank regions of the Oder and Neisse to the Vistula. However, the example from Osterrönfeld and houses from the settlement at Galsted in southern Jutland that are not yet published warn against this inference. It is not an exaggeration to claim that previous attempts to distinguish farmsteads in Poland have usually lacked sufficient evidence; often such an activity was and is simply impossible. There are several reasons for this: in the first place, often there are no reliable house plans, also the excavation area is too small and – it should be strongly emphasised – the research results are presented as a schematic plan only or in the form of a plan with symbols. Recently, contrast has been emphasised between the interpretation of the ‘farmstead’ approach among researchers from ‘west of the Oder’ and researchers in Poland, which in my opinion results mainly from the state of research and – probably even in a decisive way – from the research paradigm, and under no circumstances reflects ancient conditions. The results of excavations in recent years have shown that such an contradiction – if used to refer to archaeological material – is only apparent and artificial. The basis for analysing settlement structures in terms of farmsteads is quite narrow, although there are few proposals worth considering. In a separate article, I re-analysed published research results in the area of the settlement at Wytrzyszczki in Central Poland in terms of some longhouses. In addition to the alternative interpretation of buildings, the published plan and field documentation analysis provide the basis for a new interpretation of the spatial organisation of the uncovered part of the settlement (Fig. 102–104). An interesting arrangement of objects was observed at the settlement in at Mąkolice in Central Poland. Both post and pit houses as well as production facilities were uncovered here. The dispersion of all objects is quite clear, but several issues remain an open question (Fig. 105). Closely related to the form of the farmsteads is their arrangement relative to each other, meaning the form of a settlement. Polish literature holds the view that one of the basic forms of settlements of the Przeworsk Culture (because it is the only one we can say anything about) is the circular settlement. The above-mentioned settlement from Wytrzyszczki in Central Poland and well-known settlement from Konarzewo near Poznań cannot be called circular under any circumstances as has happened in the literature (Fig. 104, 106). Concerning the spatial organisation of settlements from areas east of the Oder, I am convinced that they did not differ from settlements in areas west of this river (Fig. 108, 109). The latest field research results provide us with more and more arguments confirming this thesis. The basic unit of each settlement was a farmstead, which was spatially organised as economic units in the western and northern regions of the Barbaricum.
Źródło:: Wiadomości Archeologiczne; 2020, LXXI, 71; 3-159
0043-5082
Pojawia się w:: Wiadomości Archeologiczne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Die nächsten drei Sueben! Ein kaiserzeitliches „Fürstengrab“ mit römischem Import und weitere Grabfunde von Kariv-I in der Westukraine
The next three Suebi! A Roman Period „princely grave“ with Roman import and other grave finds from Kariv-I in the western Ukraine
Autorzy:: Onyshchuk, Jaroslav
Schuster, Jan
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1385929.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
Tematy:: Kariv
Roman Period
princely grave
Roman import
Suebian knot
Römische Kaiserzeit
Fürstengrab
Römischer Import
Suebenknoten
Opis:: Vinniki über den Fund von mehreren Metallgegenständen informiert, die von Sondengängern im Gebiet des Dorfes Kariv, obl. Ľviv, Fpl. I, in der Westukraine entdeckt wurden. Eine unverzüglich anberaumte Verifizierungsgrabung sollte Aufschluss über den Charakter und Erhaltungszustand des Platzes geben. Sie fand im Sommer 2017 unter der Leitung von Jaroslav Oniščuk (Ivan Franko-Universität Ľviv) statt. Sofort bei Beginn dieser Untersuchungen wurden zwei äußerst bemerkenswerte Grablegen (Grab 1 und Grab 2) des späten zweiten Jahrhunderts n.Chr. freigelegt. Grab 1 barg Fragmente einer römischen Amphore die in die Zeit vom zweiten Drittel des 1. Jh. bis in die Mitte des 2. Jh. datiert, eines Terra Sigillata-Gefäßes mit applizierter Verzierung, einen stark zersetzten Pferdeschädel samt Zaumzeug vom Typ Vimose, fünf eiserne Pfeilspitzen, eine rituell verbogene Eisenschere, eine fragmentarische Schildfessel, das Fragment eines Schildbuckels, zwei angeschmolzene und zerbrochene Bügelsporen aus Bronze sowie Gürtelbeschläge. Grab 2 verdient aufgrund seines Inventars die forschungsgeschichtlich fest etablierte Bezeichnung „Fürstengrab“. Als Urne diente ein Bronzekessel mit drei Attaschen in Form von Germanen mit Suebenknoten, zu dem es neben einer einzelnen Attasche bislang nur zwei Parallelen gibt. Als zweites Metallgefäß barg das Grab einen Eimer mit Frauenkopfattaschen, ferner zwei Glasbecher mit Ovalschlifffacetten, zwei ineinandergestellte Glasschalen sowie ein fünftes Glasgefäß, das so stark zersetzt war, dass es nicht geborgen werden konnte. Als weitere Beigaben sind vor allem emailverzierte Trinkhornbestandteile aus Kupferlegierung zu nennen. Diese und die Funde römischer Provenienz aus Grab 2 sind spektakulär zu nennen; sie zeigen eine herausragende Position des einstigen Besitzers in seinem Umfeld und auch im überregionalen Maßstab an. Die Gräber können in die Zeit während der Markomannenkriege oder kurz danach datiert werden und stehen mit diesen Ereignissen sicher in einem ursächlichen Zusammenhang.
The next three Suebi! A Roman Period „princely grave“ with Roman import and other grave finds from Kariv-I in the western UkraineIn spring 2017, the Historical-Regional Museum in Vinniki was informed about the discovery of several metal objects discovered by detectorists in the vicinity of the village Kariv, obl. Ľviv, Fpl. I, in western Ukraine. An immediately scheduled excavation should deliver information about the character and state of preserving of the site. It took place in summer 2017 under the direction of Jaroslav Oniščuk (Ivan Franko University Ľviv). At the very beginning of these investigations, two extremely interesting graves (1 and 2) were discovered, dating back to the late second century AD. Grave 1 contained fragments of a Roman amphora dating from the second third of the 1st century BC to the middle of the 2nd century AD, a terra sigillata vessel with applied decoration, a severely disintegrated horse skull and bridle of the Vimose type, five iron arrowheads, ritually bent iron scissors, a fragmentary shield shackle, two molten and broken bronze spurs and belt fittings.Given his inventory grave 2 can be named “princely grave“. As a urn was used a bronze cauldron with three busts of Germanic men with the so-called Suebian knot, to which there are known only two parallels next to a loose find of a single bust. As a second metal vessel, the grave contained a bronze bucket, furthermore two glass goblets with oval cut facets, two glass bowls, and a fifth glass vessel so badly decomposed that it could not be retrieved. Also email-decorated drinking horn components made of copper alloy have to be mentioned. They and the finds of Roman provenance from grave 2 can be called spectacular. They indicate an outstanding position of the owner in his environment and also on a supraregional scale. The graves can be dated to the time of the Marcomannic Wars or shortly thereafter and are certainly related to these events in a causal connection.
Źródło:: Acta Archaeologica Carpathica; 2020, 55; 91-110
0001-5229
2719-4841
Pojawia się w:: Acta Archaeologica Carpathica
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Kruchy luksus. Dwa niezwykłe rzymskie naczynia szklane z Czarnówka na Pomorzu Wschodnim
Fragile Luxury. Two Extraordinary Roman Glass Vessels from Czarnówko in Eastern Pomerania
Autorzy:: Schuster, Jan
Andrzejowski, Jacek Andrzejowski
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28328245.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2022
Wydawca:: Państwowe Muzeum Archeologiczne w Warszawie
Tematy:: Pomorze
kultura wielbarska
okres wpływów rzymskich
Czarnówko
naczynia szklane
szklane ryby
grupa bird and flower
Pomerania
Roman Iron Age
Wielbark culture
glass vessels
glass fish
bird and flower group
Opis:: W 2015 roku w Czarnówku na Pomorzu Wschodnim odkryto dwa wyjątkowe rzymskie naczynia szklane. Stanowisko – duże, liczące ponad 2000 grobów cmentarzysko z młodszego okresu przedrzymskiego i okresu wpływów rzymskich – położone jest na nadzalewowym tarasie rzeki Łeby w pobliżu Lęborka, ok. 25 km od dzisiejszego wybrzeża Bałtyku (Ryc. 1). Obok przeciętnie lub ubogo wyposażonych grobów ciałopalnych i inhumacyjnych odkryto tam kilka obiektów kultury wielbarskiej, które ze względu na bogate wyposażenie określić można mianem „książęcych”. Należy do nich także obiekt 1793 – grób z pochówkiem inhumacyjnym złożonym w trumnie kłodowej. Bezpośrednio nad tym obiektem stał budynek, którego betonowa płyta fundamentowa nakrywała i, paradoksalnie, ochraniała sam grób, mimo iż podczas prac budowalnych zapewne zniszczono najwyższe warstwy jego wypełniska. Zachowany strop grobu odsłonięto na głębokości ok. 40‒50 cm poniżej dzisiejszego poziomu gruntu. Zorientowana po osi N-S jama grobowa naruszona została przez starożytny wkop wtórny, który niemal całkowicie zniszczył jej centralną i południową część. We wkopie znaleziono fragmenty ceramiki, zapinkę ze stopu miedzi, kilka paciorków szklanych i bursztynowych, przęślik gliniany i fragment igły/szpili ze stopu miedzi, a także niewielkie skupisko przepalonych kości ludzkich (być może kobiety); na dnie jamy, na krawędzi trumny kłodowej leżał trójwarstwowy grzebień z poroża i kolejny przęślik. Wkop zawalono trzema dużymi głazami i kilkunastoma mniejszymi kamieniami, które pierwotnie mogły zalegać w górnych warstwach wypełniska właściwej jamy grobowej (Ryc. 2:A–C). Oba naczynia szklane ‒ puchar na nóżce i butla w kształcie ryby – odsłonięto w północnej, nienaruszonej części jamy grobowej. Obok nich stały dwa lepione ręcznie naczynia gliniane, na S od nich leżała srebrna zapinka oraz kilka paciorków szklanych i bursztynowych. Odkryte tu in situ ułamki szkliwa zębów wskazują, że zwłoki skierowane były głową na północ (Ryc. 2:D). Naczynia z obiektu 1793 są znaleziskami wyjątkowymi, tak z uwagi na ich klasę i rzadkość występowania podobnych wyrobów, jak i fakt, iż są pierwszymi naczyniami swoich typów odkrytymi w środkowo- i północnoeuropejskim Barbaricum. Szklany puchar na nóżce wzoru Isings 86 (Ryc. 3) wykonany jest w technice swobodnego dmuchania. Bezbarwne szkło, pierwotnie przejrzyste, zmętniało pod wpływem chemicznych procesów glebowych. Krawędź jest wychylona na zewnątrz a niemal cylindryczny korpus zwęża się ku dołowi. Pod wylewem korpus naczynia okala nitka z półprzejrzystego szkła niebieskiego. Główną dekorację stanowi fryz złożony z sześciu białych (nieprzezroczystych) i sześciu niebieskich (półprzezroczystych) aplikowanych aplikacji w kształcie ptaków wodnych, wykonanych ze spłaszczonych szklanych kęsów, ułożonych w ukośnych rzędach (na przemian niebieskich i białych). Ptaki zostały spłaszczone narzędziem o kratkowanej powierzchni. Pod tym fryzem znajduje się rząd czterech ornamentów z falistej nitki – trzech niebieskich i jednego białego. Wysokość naczynia wynosi 22,4 cm, średnica wylewu 9,0 cm, średnica stopki 7,3 cm; naczynie ma pojemność ok. 1,0–1,1 l. Drugie naczynie to butla w kształcie ryby wzoru Isings 95a (Ryc. 4), także wykonana w technice swobodnego dmuchania. Szkło jest jasnozielone, półprzezroczyste, miejscami z liniami małych pęcherzyków powietrza. Ogon ryby, wykonany poprzez spłaszczenie szkła szczypcami lub podobnym narzędziem, jest lekko wygięty ku górze. W okrągłym pyszczku znajduje się otwór; nieznaczny, pierwotny odprysk szkła w tym miejscu jest ‒ poza utratą czubka piątego ząbka płetwy grzbietowej ‒ jedynym uszkodzeniem naczynia. Białe faliste nitki z nieprzezroczystego szkła (trzy po lewej stronie, cztery po prawej) wyobrażają skrzela, z takiego samego szkła sporządzono długą płetwę grzbietową i małe płetwy: piersiową, brzuszną i odbytową, zaś oczy w postaci półkulistych guzków – ze spiralnie wymieszanego niebieskiego szkła przezroczystego i czerwonego nieprzezroczystego. Długość naczynia 22,3 cm, największa szerokość 5,8 cm, wysokość (bez płetw) 6,7 cm, waga 129 g; naczynie ma pojemność ok. 225 ml. Oba naczynia zdobione są nakładanymi szklanymi nitkami, należą więc do dużej grupy tzw. snake-thread glass (Germ. Schlangenfadengläser). Na ziemiach polskich grupa ta najczęściej reprezentowana jest przez puchary typu Eggers 189. Przyjmuje się, że technika zdobienia nitkami wężowatymi wywodzi się ze Wschodu, skąd pod koniec II lub na początku III wieku CE zapożyczona została przez rzemieślników szklarskich działających w na Zachodzie. Naczynia szklane z wężowatymi nitkami z (południowo-) wschodniego regionu Morza Śródziemnego są w większości bezbarwne lub zielonkawe, a ich aplikacje nie odbiegają kolorem od szkła bazowego. Druga grupa snake-thread glasses pochodzi z prowincji Germania inferior, gdzie prześledzić można ich ewolucję od naczyń bezbarwnych z takimi samymi nitkami do naczyń bezbarwnych, ale dekorowanych nitkami kolorowymi; często nitki tych naczyń są karbowane. Trzeci zespół naczyń z nitkami wężowatymi tworzą szkła z Panonii (Ryc. 13). Szkło bazowe i aplikacje naczyń tej grupy są często bezbarwne lub zielonkawe, ale zdarzają się też nitki niebieskie i białe. Znaleziska z Panonii datowane są głównie na pierwszą połowę III wieku CE. Właśnie w tej ostatniej grupie znaleźć można najlepsze odpowiedniki dla przedstawień ptaków na pucharze z Czarnówka, należącego do tzw. flower and bird group (Ryc. 8); także widoczny na tym naczyniu odcisk w kształcie szachownicy uważany jest za jedną z charakterystycznych cech panońskich szkieł grupy flower and bird. Fragmenty szkieł z bezbarwnymi ptakami z odciskami wzoru tzw. plastra miodu znamy z Carnuntum (Petronell-Carnuntum, Austria), fragmenty z jasnozielonego i białego szkła, w jednym wypadku z niebieskim ptakiem (wszystkie z motywem plastrów miodu) z Intercisa (Dunaújváros, Węgry), a fragment z bezbarwnego szkła z niebieskim, nieprzezroczystym ptakiem o płaskiej powierzchni z Brigetio (Komárom-Szőny, Węgry). Nota bene, właściwie jedynymi panońskimi naczyniami z przedstawieniami ptaków są właśnie puchary. I wreszcie z Panonii znana jest również dekoracja z niebieskich nitek, jak w dolnym fryzie na pucharku z Czarnówka. Przyjąć więc można za najbardziej prawdopodobne panońskie pochodzenie tego pucharka. Butla ta jest jednym z najlepiej zachowanych naczyń w kształcie ryby na świecie. Podobne butle, różniące się kształtem i szczegółami, rozsiane są na całym terenie Imperium Rzymskiego, ale tylko jedna jest mniej lub bardziej dokładnie datowana (cmentarzysko przy Luxemburger Straße w Kolonii, grób 60), choć zwarty charakter tego zespołu wcale nie jest pewny. Z Kolonii pochodzą jeszcze dwa naczynia tego typu. W przeciwieństwie do ryby z Czarnówka naczynia kolońskie wykonano jednak w taki sposób, że mogą stać samodzielnie (Ryc. 11). Przyjmuje się, że są one flakonami na perfumy, i najpewniej taka właśnie była pierwotna funkcja naczynia z Czarnówka. Właśnie „ryby” kolońskie są jego najbliższymi stylistycznymi odpowiednikami, najprawdopodobniej więc i ono została wykonane w prowincji Germania inferior, w Kolonii lub w okolicy tego miasta. Sądząc po rozmiarach śladów trumny kłodowej, lokalizacji okruchów zębów, składzie inwentarza grobowego oraz identyfikacji przepalonych kości z wypełniska wkopu w jamę grobową jako najpewniej kobiecych, możemy wnioskować, że w grobie z Czarnówka pochowano dziewczynę lub młodą kobietę o wysokim statusie społecznym. Analiza elementów tego inwentarza, przede wszystkim obu zapinek, pozwala na precyzyjne datowanie pochówku, a tym samym obu naczyń szklanych. Srebrna, zdobiona pozłacaną folią srebrną i srebrnym beaded wire zapinka z ma kolankowaty kabłąk, wydatny grzebyk na główce i wysoką pochewkę (Ryc. 6:6). Odpowiada ona typowi Almgren 132, choć z uwagi na jubilerski, jednostkowy charakter wyrobu nie znajduje bezpośrednich analogii morfologicznych. Niemniej z terenu kultury wielbarskiej znamy kilka podobnie bogato zdobionych zapinek tego typu wykonanych ze stopów miedzi bądź – rzadziej – srebra i żelaza (Ryc. 12). Wszystkie pochodzą z zespołów z fazy B2/C1–C1a. Druga zapinka to „zwykła” fibula z wysoką pochewką ze stopu miedzi, najbliższa typom Almgren 193 i 202 (Ryc. 6:7). Podobne zapinki występują na terenie kultury wielbarskiej powszechnie także w fazie B2/C1–C1a. Nie wcześniej niż na tę fazę datować też trzeba paciorki: miniaturowe z pomarańczowego szkła opakowego typu TM53, rurkowate z przeźroczystego szkła bezbarwnego ze spiralnymi nitkami z opakowego szkła białego i czerwonego typu TM304z, mozaikowe typu TM366 i rurkowate o sześciobocznym przekroju z opakowego szkła niebieskiego typu Lind 16, a być może także duże kuliste z przeźroczystego szkła zielonego typu TM13 (Ryc. 7:8). „Czysto” późnorzymski jest wreszcie – na mocy definicji – trójwarstwowy grzebień z poroża (Ryc. 7:9). Pozostałe zabytki nie mają tak dobrych walorów datujących (paciorki szklane i bursztynowe typów TM 182, dwustożkowate grupy TM IV, beczułkowate paciorków bursztynowe typu TM392, gliniane miski typu XbA, pucharki typu XIIIB, wazki typu XIV; Ryc. 5, 7:8) bądź też nie mają ich w ogóle (igła/szpila ze stopu miedzi, przęśliki; Ryc. 7:10.11). Ostatecznie zatem uważamy, że pochówek z obiektu 1793 z Czarnówka można pewnie datować na stadium C1a młodszego okresu wpływów rzymskich, tj. na ostatnie dwie dekady II wieku lub na sam początek III wieku CE. Nieliczne okazałe groby z tych czasów odkryte w basenie Morza Bałtyckiego, a zwłaszcza na Pomorzu, wydają się odzwierciedlać wydarzenia czasu wojen markomańskich i bezpośrednio po nich. Wydarzenia związane z tymi wojnami markomańskimi zmieniły w decydujący sposób polityczną topografię Germania magna. Powstały nowe ośrodki bogactwa i władzy, zaczęła się zmieniać struktura osadnicza, rozbudowano ponadregionalne sieci komunikacyjne elit, wyłoniły się nowe ponadplemienne koalicje. Z tych nowych warunków skorzystały m.in. społeczności północnej części Europy Środkowej i południowej Skandynawii, co odzwierciedla wzmożony napływ importów rzymskich na te tereny. Często docierały one z prowincji położonych nad środkowym Dunajem, przy czym starsze kontakty nie uległy zerwaniu, np. z Nadrenią. Oba te kierunki kontaktów zdają się znajdować swój indywidualny wyraz w naczyniach szklanych z obiektu 1793 w Czarnówku na Pomorzu Wschodnim.
In 2015, two unique Roman glass vessels were discovered in Czarnówko, East Pomerania. The site – a large cemetery of more than 2,000 graves from the Late Pre-Roman Period and the Roman Period – is located on a fluvial terrace of the Łeba River near Lębork, about 25 km from the current Baltic Sea coast (Fig. 1). In addition to averagely or poorly furnished cremation and inhumation graves, the site yielded several Wielbark culture features, which can be described as “princely” due to their rich grave goods. One of them is feature 1793 – a grave with an inhumation burial placed in a log coffin. The feature was located directly under a building whose concrete bedplate covered and, ironically, protected the grave itself, even though the uppermost layers of its fill were proba-bly destroyed during construction works. The preserved top level of the grave was uncovered at a depth of about 40−50 cm below the present-day ground level. Oriented along the N-S axis, the burial pit was disturbed by an ancient secondary cut, which almost completely destroyed its central and southern parts. Pottery fragments, a copper-alloy brooch, several glass and amber beads, a clay spindle whorl and a copper-alloy needle/pin fragment, as well as a small cluster of cremated human bones (possibly female) were found in the cut; at the bottom of the pit, a three-layer antler comb and another spindle whorl lay on the edge of a log coffin. The cut was piled with three large boulders and a dozen smaller stones, which may have originally been located in the upper layers of the fill of the grave pit proper (Fig. 2:A–C). The two glass vessels – the footed beaker and the fish-shaped bottle – were uncovered in the intact northern part of the grave pit. Two hand-made clay ves-sels were standing nearby, while a silver brooch and several glass and amber beads were lying to the South. Fragments of tooth enamel discovered in situ indicate that the body was oriented with its head to the north (Fig. 2:D). The vessels from feature 1793 are exceptional finds, not only because of their quality and the rarity of similar wares, but also due to the fact that they are the first vessels of their type discovered in central and northern European Barbaricum. The footed glass beaker of Isings type 86 (Fig. 3) was made using the free-blowing technique. The colourless, originally transparent, glass has hazed as a re-sult of chemical soil processes. The edge is everted, and the nearly cylindrical body tapers downward. The body of the vessel is encircled under the rim by a thread of semi-transparent blue glass. The main decoration is a frieze of six white (opaque) and six blue (semi-transparent) applications in the shape of water birds, made of flattened glass pieces arranged in diagonal rows (blue and white by turns). The birds were flattened using a tool with chequered surface. Under the frieze, there is a row of four ornaments – three blue and one white – of wavy thread. The vessel measures 22.4 cm in height, 9.0 cm in rim diameter and 7.3 cm in foot diameter; it has a capacity of about 1.0−1.1 l. The second vessel is a fish-shaped bottle of Isings type 95a (Fig. 4), also made using the free-blowing technique. The glass is light green, translucent, with lines of small air bubbles here and there. The tail of the fish, made by flattening the glass with tongs or a similar tool, is slightly curved upward. Slight primary chipping of the glass near the hole in the round fish mouth is, aside from the missing tip of the fifth tooth of the dorsal fin, the only damage sustained by the vessel. White wavy threads of opaque glass (three on the left, four on the right) represent gills. The same glass was used to make the long dorsal fin and small pectoral, ventral and anal fins, while the eyes in the form of hemispherical knobs were shaped from spirally mixed transparent blue glass and opaque red glass. The length of the vessel is 22.3 cm, the greatest width is 5.8 cm, the height (without fins) is 6.7 cm. The artefact weighs 129 g and has a capacity of about 225 ml. Both vessels are decorated with overlayed glass threads, which attributes them to the large group of so-called snake-thread glass (Germ. Schlangenfadengläser). In Poland, this group is most often represented by cups of Eggers type 189. It is assumed that the technique of snake-thread decoration originated in the East, from where it was borrowed in the late 2nd or early 3rd century CE by glassmakers operating in the West. Snake-thread glass vessels from the (south-)eastern Mediterranean region are usually colourless or greenish, with applied elements of the same colour as the base glass. The second group of snake-thread glasses comes from the province of Germania inferior, where they evolved from colourless vessels decorated with likewise colourless threads to colourless vessels adorned with coloured threads; the threads were often notched. The third group of snake-thread vessels consists of glasses from Pannonia (Fig. 13). The base glass and applied decorations of vessels from this group are often colourless or greenish, however, blue and white threads can also occur. Finds from Pannonia are mainly dated to the first half of the 3rd century CE. It is this last group that yields the best counterparts of the depictions of birds on the Czarnówko beaker, which belongs to the so-called flower and bird group (Fig. 8). Likewise, the chequerboard-shaped imprint visible on the vessel in question is considered to be one of the characteristic features of Pannonian glassware of the flower and bird group. Fragments of glass with colourless birds with imprints of the so-called honeycomb pattern are known from Carnun-tum (Petronell-Carnuntum, Austria); fragments of light green and white glass, in one case with a blue bird (all with a honeycomb motif), come from Intercisa (Dunaújváros, Hungary), and a fragment of colourless glass with an opaque blue bird with a flat surface was found in Brigetio (Komárom-Szőny, Hungary). Nota bene, beakers are in fact the only Pannonian vessels featuring depictions of birds. Finally, decoration of blue threads, such as the one on the lower frieze of the Czarnówko beaker, is also known from Pannonia. Thus, we can assume that this vessel is most likely of Pannonian provenance. The bottle described above is one of the best-preserved fish-shaped vessels in the world. Similar bottles, varying in shape and detail, are scattered through-out the Roman Empire, but only one is more or less accurately dated (from the cemetery by Luxemburger Straße in Cologne, grave 60), although the closed nature of that assemblage is not at all certain. Two more vessels of the same type come from Cologne. Unlike the Czarnówko fish, however, the Cologne ves-sels were made in such a way that they could stand on their own (Fig. 11). It is assumed that they are perfume bottles, and most likely this was also the original function of the Czarnówko vessel. With the Cologne “fish” as its closest stylistic counterparts, the artefact in question was most likely also made in the province of Germania inferior, in or around Cologne. Judging by the size of the marks left by the log coffin, the location of the tooth fragments, the composition of the grave goods, and the identification of the cremated bones from the fill of the burial pit as most likely female, we can conclude that a girl or young woman of high social status was buried in the Czar-nówko grave. An analysis of the grave contents, the two brooches in particular, makes it possible to precisely date the burial and thus the two glass vessels. The silver brooch, decorated with gilded silver foil and silver beaded wire, has a knee-shaped bow, a prominent crest on the head and a high catch-plate (Fig. 6:6). It corresponds to Almgren type 132, although, due to its unique nature, this jewellery piece does not find direct morphological analogies. Nevertheless, sever-al similarly richly decorated brooches of this type, made of copper alloys or, less frequently, silver and iron, are known from the Wielbark Culture area (Fig. 12). They all come from assemblages from phase B2/C1−C1a. The second brooch is a “plain” copper-alloy fibula with a high catch-plate, most resembling Almgren types 193 and 202 (Fig. 6:7). Similar brooches are also commonly found in the Wielbark Culture area during phase B2/C1−C1a. The miniature beads of opaque orange glass of type TM53, tubular beads of transparent colourless glass with spiral threads of opaque white and red glass of type TM304z, mosaic beads of type TM366, tubular beads with a hexagonal cross-section of opaque blue glass of type Lind 16 and, possibly, large spherical beads of transparent green glass of type TM13 (Fig. 7:8) should also be dated to the phase in question at the earliest. Finally, the three-layer antler comb (Fig. 7:9) is, by definition, of “purely” late Roman provenance. The remaining artefacts have features of either poor chronological value (glass and amber beads of type TM 182, biconi-cal beads of type TM IV, barrel-shaped amber beads of type TM392, clay bowls of type XbA, beakers of type XIIIB, small vases of type XIV; Fig. 5, 7:8) or no such value at all (copper-alloy needle/pin, spindle whorls; Fig. 7:10.11).Therefore, we ultimately believe that the burial from Czarnówko feature 1793 can be confidently dated to stage C1a of the Late Roman Period, i.e., the last two decades of the 2nd century or the very beginning of the 3rd century CE. The few similarly dated stately graves discovered in the Baltic Sea basin, especially in Pomerania, seem to be a reflection of the events of the Marcomanni wars and the period immediately after them. As a result of these happenings, the political topography of Germania magna underwent a decisive transfor-mation, with the rise of new centres of wealth and power, changes to the settlement structure, expansion of supra-regional elite communication networks and emergence of new supra-tribal coalitions. Among others, these new conditions benefited the communities of northern Central Europe and southern Scandi-navia, as reflected in the increased influx of Roman imports to these areas. The items often arrived from the provinces along the Middle Danube River. At the same time, older contacts, such as with the Rhineland, remained intact. Both these directions of contact seem to find their individual expression in the glass vessels from feature 1793 at Czarnówko, East Pomerania.
Źródło:: Wiadomości Archeologiczne; 2022, LXXIII, 73; 131-156
0043-5082
Pojawia się w:: Wiadomości Archeologiczne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: Review: H. G. Schuster: 'Deterministic Chaos - An Introduction'
Autorzy:: Żebrowski, Jan J.
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/748046.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1996
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Matematyczne
Tematy:: .
Opis:: Artykuł nie zawiera streszczenia
The article contains no abstract
Źródło:: Mathematica Applicanda; 1996, 25, 39
1730-2668
2299-4009
Pojawia się w:: Mathematica Applicanda
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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