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Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 27
Tytuł:
System polityczny Socjalistycznej Republiki Wietnamu
Political system of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2022685.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
The article describes peculiarities of the political system of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, a country which has been undergoing modernization, but certainly not as fast as the other spheres of social-economic life. Many of the shortcomings of the system were evoked and their elimination is postulated. The need for building a civil society: a broader participation of the Vietnamese in social, economic and political life, the necessity of a greater role played by private sector and its engagement in the financing of higher education and professional practice, as well as a further liberalization of commerce is called upon in the strategy. The Communist Party of Vietnam still plays a dominant role in the political system, and the elections to the National Assembly prove that there is no will of renouncing this model. Nevertheless, there were some attempts of change in this field. The party personnel has been rejuvenated. The new secretary general Nong Duc Manh started liberalizing the political system with great caution. The fact that he was reelected as secretary general at the 10th Congress, proves that the process of reforming the country is irreversible. On the other hand, we have to remember that this process is very unstable, shaky and characterized by a lack of consequence.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 2009, XII; 40-58
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Russia in the process of constructing regional structures in Southeast Asia
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2142004.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
international relations
regionalism
Russia
the region of Southeast Asia
ASEAN
Opis:
The article aims to show the integration processes in Southeast Asia, with regard to the participation of Russia, and to determine the reason why Russia takes part in them. Based on the demonstration of the international process, two theses have been proven: (1) The project of establishing a Greater Eurasia with the participation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and ASEAN is a grandiose and strategic goal for Russia. The project is supposed to recall the traditional policy conducted by Russia, consisting of it playing the role of a bridge between Asia and Europe drawing China’s attention to this alternative proposal to the Chinese concept of the Belt and Road Initiative. (2) Russia is a player in the geopolitical game in Southeast Asia, even though it is perceived as the closest ally of China. Under the circumstances, where the relations with the EU have been destabilised, it is in the interest of Russia to further the integration and stabilisation of the region with its more active participation. Russia’s more active participation in regional integration is hampered by its low level of economic cooperation with countries in the region and its image: the activities of Russia are still perceived through the prism of the actions and interests of China, its strategic ally both on a regional as well as global scale.
Źródło:
Eastern Review; 2021, 10; 9-24
1427-9657
2451-2567
Pojawia się w:
Eastern Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Indochiny – trudna integracja
Indochina – an uneasy integration
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2025129.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
This article sets out to present the evolution of integration ideas and the status of Indochina states’ integration at the turn of 20th century. Since the end of the 19th century the observed attempts of Indochina region’s integration can be considered unsuccessful. They have been naturally based on the geographic proximity of the Peninsula’s states. Initially, the idea was to create a federation, imposed by the colonial power – France. Another initiative, forced by political situation, was to unite the national liberation movements with communist Vietnam as a leader. Successive regional economic initiatives stimulated by the United Nations also turned out to be failures because they were selectively directed towards some states and didn’t contribute to creating a regional consciousness. It was as late as in 1990’s that the region’s integration process was initiated thanks to the solution of some problems and disputes in mutual relations, and an objective tendency to strengthen the regional ties. The creation of Indochina states’ regional subsystem proceeds in the framework of the Southeast Asia region with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as its organizational structure. The process of Indochina’s integration takes the most comprehensive form, consisting in an economic integration, designed to support trade liberalization and a stable socio-economic growth. Nevertheless, some activities have an uncoordinated nature. The Indochina states don’t aspire to create a uniform political or military structure. They cooperate in this field through the ASEAN initiatives. The activity of the former French Indochina’s leader, Vietnam, is also developing in this direction. Therefore, the main objective of the Mekong subregion is such an economic growth, that it could enter ASEAN free trade zone as planned, in 2008, and reinforce the regional structures under the circumstances of the globalization of contemporary international relations.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 2006, IX; 190-206
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wietnamska droga do niepodległości. Sytuacja polityczna w Wietnamie w latach 1945–1946
The difficult path towards independence: political situation in Vietnam in the years 1945–1946
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2028932.pdf
Data publikacji:
2002-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
The World War II and the new political situation at its end offered to Vietnam real chances for independence. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and some of his advisers, supported Vietnamese aspirations, being deeply convinced that Indochina should no longer belong to France. Although these ideas were never included into the official documents, and his successor, president Harry Truman, did not promote them, they undoubtedly facilitated negotiations between France and Viet Minh leaded by Ho Chi Minh, and changed entire French policy towards Indochina. Such American statements strengthened Ho Chi Minh’s position in his struggle for independence. The Vietnamese leaders adopted a strategy of fait accompli: they initiated to build an independent state. On September 2nd, 1945 the Proclamation of the Independence was announced. It was followed by the decree on the parliamentary elections (September 8th, 1945), the elections themselves (January 6th, 1946), the establishment of the government (March 2nd, 1946), and the adoption of the Constitution (November 8th, 1946). They served as the proofs of the strength and stability of the new authorities. Under such conditions they initiated a diplomatic struggle for an international recognition, first of all by France. Ho Chi Minh himself sent numerous notes and letters to the governments of the USA, the USSR and Great Britain with requests for their support. However, immediately after the war the great powers, for various reasons, did not intend to initiate confrontation with France nor promote the anticolonial movements. The USSR and the USA adopted a policy of “neutrality” in this respect. Even China was interested first of all in strengthening of her own international position and in gaining some economic privileges from France. When the Guomindang forces (under General Lu Han) occupied Vietnam (in 1945–1946) they were perceived by the Vietnamese leaders rather as a threat to independence than an ally. On February 28th, 1946, an agreement was signed by two sides: France and Ho Chi Minh. It faced, however, highly critical reactions on the Vietnamese side, since it opened to France the way of return to Indochina. Ho Chi Minh himself also signed the agreement, and on this basis the French forces entered Haiphong on the March 6th, 1946, and Hanoi on March 9th. Further talks between Ho Chi Minh and the French authorities failed to produce a political agreement. Eventually on March 10th, 1946, the occupation of Indochina by all allied forces (introduced there to disarm the Japanese troops) ended, and the French army started to control all the major cities. Since this period Ho Chi Minh became the symbol of freedom and independence of Vietnam.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 2002, V; 63-79
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Trudne pojednanie : dyplomacja w procesie normalizacji stosunków amerykańsko-wietnamskich
Dyplomacja w procesie normalizacji stosunków amerykańsko-wietnamskich
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata.
Współwytwórcy:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo. Wydawca
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Łódź : Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Dyplomacja
Polityka
Monografia
Opis:
Bibliografia, netografia na stronach 289-306. Indeks.
Dostawca treści:
Bibliografia CBW
Książka
Tytuł:
Rosja–ASEAN: nowe koncepcje współpracy i stare ograniczenia
Russia-ASEAN: new concepts of cooperation vs. past limitations
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1935882.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
stosunki międzynarodowe
Rosja
ASEAN
regionalizm
Wielka Euroazja
international relations
Russia
regionalism
Greater Eurasia
Opis:
W artykule została przedstawiona ewolucja stosunków Rosji ze Stowarzyszeniem Narodów Azji Południowo-Wschodniej ASEAN, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem relacji współczesnych. W drugiej dekadzie XXI w. Rosja zintensyfikowała kierunek azjatycki swojej polityki zagranicznej. W opinii wielu ekspertów ta polityka przekłada się w zbyt oczywisty sposób na relacje z Chinami, przez co Rosja może uzależnić się od tego mocarstwa i być postrzegana jako niesamodzielny gracz regionalny. Podejmowane są zatem działania, aby zdywersyfikować partnerów. ASEAN jest jednym z bardziej perspektywicznych, choć jednocześnie trudnych kierunków. Perspektywicznych ze względu na dynamikę rozwoju oraz aktywne uczestnictwo w regionalnych, jak również transregionalnych działaniach, trudnych, bowiem mimo deklaracji rozwój stosunków między ASEAN i Rosją postępuje powoli. Nową koncepcją rosyjską, która ma ożywić współpracę a jednocześnie pokazać, że Rosja może być niezależnym graczem regionalnym, jest projekt Wielkiej Euroazji, który jest zgodny z aktualnymi trendami „nowego regionalizmu”.
The article examines the evolution of political ties between Russia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) with the special regard to contemporary relations. In the 2nd decade of the 21st century Russia intensified the “Asian direction” of its foreign policy. A lot of political pundits claim that this strategy has an impact on relations with China, and can lead to the growing reliance on Beijing. Therefore Russia, which may be perceived as a dependent regional player, takes actions to diversify political partners. Southeast Asia is one of the most prospective but difficult regions to establish a network of alliances. Prospective – because of its dynamic development, and participation in regional and transregional initiatives. Difficult, cause despite many declarations, improvement of the relations between the ASEAN and Russia has been advancing at a slow pace. The concept of Great Euroasia, which is a typical trend of “new regionalism”, can revive cooperation, making Russia independent regional player.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2019, 61; 207-224
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problem autonomii regionów Rosji w sferze aktywności międzynarodowej na przykładzie rosyjskiego Dalekiego Wschodu
Autorzy:
Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/568574.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
paradiplomacy
the Russian Far East
region of East Asia
institutional conditions of the
international activity of Russia regions
Opis:
Modern states use any means necessary that are provided by foreign policy. At this point, states more often use new means to implement foreign policy – there are, in a broad sense, soft power policies – public diplomacy and promotion of state’s international interests. While tasks of traditional diplomacy that are connected with state’s political security and military security have to be implemented by state’s central organs, however, all the rest can be and are implemented by decentralized self-government authorities. These new forms of diplomatic activity developed, especially, after the Cold War ended and can be classified as paradiplomacy i.e. the involvement of sub-national actors (regions) of the national states in international relations. Russian regions, including the Russian Far East, establish these forms of activity. However, legal conditions are quite alike, the practice between regions differs from each other. The general conclusion, which emerges from the analysis, points to the fact that many decisions concerning paradiplomacy are made by federal authorities and the level of regional authorities’ activity in new millennium has decreased comparing to the 1990s. This conclusion also concerns the Russian Far East. The external surroundings of the Russian Far East – Asia-Pacific region is extremely active international actor. Russia looks with more concerns on the region and sees itself a strategic approach for further international activities. This approach is also important due to the Russian Far East international activity, however, any attempt at adding this region to East Asia integration concepts is inefficient. Problem is noted and the goal of Ministry of Foreign Policy of Russian Federation is to incorporate regional diplomacy to traditional diplomacy. In activity of regions is still ample potential, which is clearly noticeable. In 2013, the 5th program – The Far East and Trans-Baikal Socio-Economic Development Strategy to 2025 was adopted. However, there is a concern that this program may suffer the same fate as other unrealized programs to exploit potential and development of this region, if a few requirements, which are listed in paradiplomacy theoretical models, are not accomplished e.g. the strengthen of regional authorities. They are better in defining its needs and opportunities but they should efficiently cooperate with inhabitants living in these regions. However, the requirements are greater influence on their choice, greater trust and identifying with activities of authority.
Źródło:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2017, 1(12); 92-108
2084-3291
Pojawia się w:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 27

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