Temat: criminology, - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Kapitał społeczny a przestępczość
Social Capital and Crime
Autorzy:: Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698880.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2008
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępczość
kapitał społeczny
kryminologia
social capital
crime
criminology
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 113-118
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Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Kierunek biologiczny we współczesnej kryminologii
Biological Trend in Contemporary Criminology
Autorzy:: Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699136.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1984
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: biologia
kryminologia
zachowanie
środowisko
biology
criminology
behaviour
environment
Opis:: Discussions of the relationship between biological factors and criminality have a long tradition in criminology. During the first stage of development of positivistic criminology, they constituted a predominant trend in the study of etiology of crime and delinquency. Then, with the future development of this school, they became one of its major lines, together with the study of cultural variables. The controversions between adherents of these two trends of the positivistic school resolve themselves into the essential question nature or nature. In other words, is a given human behaviour (e.g., criminal) a result of the man’s biological equipment, or was it influenced by the course of the process of upbringing in the broad sense. In different periods one or the other of these approaches predominated. Now it is generally considered that both nature and nurture regulate human behaviour in the process of constant interaction. Contemporary students of the role of biological factors in the etiology of crime abstain in general from attributing to these factors the conclusive role in the formation of criminal behaviour. Instead, they maintain that in certain circumstances a given biological factor may contribute to the appearance of behaviour which departs from the norm. In principle, biological factors may be divided into those which contribute more directly to the appearance of criminal behaviour, and those which exercise only an indirect influence - in interaction with environmental variables. The first group consists of such variables as tumours and other pathological injuries of the central nervous system, some forms of epilepsy and certain types of hormonal disorders. In a sense, all the above variables are directly connected with behaviour disorders which, in certain situations, may lead to the appearance of criminal behaviour. These regularities concern a small percent of offenders only, so general conclusions can not be drawn on this ground as regards biological conditions of delinquency. Among biological variables which influence behaviour problems (including criminal behaviour) indirectly, in interaction with environmental variables, the following are included in general: effect of prenatal and birth complications on the development of the child's central nervous system, minimal brain dysfunction and their correlates factors connected with heredity, chromosomal abnormalities (particularly XYY syndrome), and various psychophysiological variables related to the conditioning of behaviour. These variables can not be said to cause in themselves behaviour disorders favourable to crime and delinquency; it is imperative that particular environmental conditions arise for these disorders to appear. Thus in this case we deal with the effecti of different variables conditioned by class or environment, on the individual's biological formation and the role of the relationship between biological and environmental variables in shaping of man's adaptivity, including his ability to behave according to the norm. In the present article, a review of the contemporary studies of the above problem has been made. It has repeatedly been discovered that, in environment which is economically and socially unpriviledged, there are decidedly more prenatal and brith complications which are favourable to injuries of the child's central nervous system. Such injuries positively hinder social adaptation, particularly if the influence of environment in which the child is brought up is negative. The same may be said about the role of minimal brain dysfunction in the formation of the child's social attitudes. Here also, the influence of the environment may intensify the effect of the biological factor. In the studies of genetic determination of abnormal behaviour, results were obtained which indicate that in the etiology of such behaviour, hereditary factors are of some importance, while environment often „intensifies” the effect of genetic factors. The approach which is characterized by the search for the connection of both biological and environment variables with behaviour disorders (including criminal behaviour) has a strong position in Polish criminology thanks to the works of Professor Batawia and his associates. In the final of the article, the importance of disclosures as regards the role of biological factors in the etiology of delinquent behaviour in the field of crime prevention has been discussed.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1984, XI; 123-141
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Refleksje na temat niektórych problemów współczesnej kryminologii
Reflections on Some of the Problems of Contemporary Criminology: Invitation to a Debate
Autorzy:: Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699118.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2002
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: refleksje
problemy
współczesna kryminologia
reflections
problems
contemporary criminology
Opis:: There seems to a pressing need for a discussion about contemporary criminology and the challenges confronting it in today’s world to be undertaken among the practitioners of this discipline. The article signposts some of the many topics around which this discussion should center. One might, for instance, ask whether the findings of studies carried out to date are still applicable in analysis of contemporary crime which has become different in kind and degree and occurs in an immensely more complicated social reality. Many authors have indicated concern about the standard and range of theoretical discussion in contemporary criminology. Questions are also being asked about the utility of the accomplishments of theoretical criminology for description of contemporary crime and its underlying causes in the societies of late modernity. A feature of contemporary societies is the ubiquity of threats from crime defined as both an objective fact and a subjective element ofthe social consciousness. It is not only that victimization by crime is becoming increasingly widespread (which is an objective fact); a crime-driven sense of menace and fear is also spreading. This is exerting a self-evident influence on the organization of private and communal life and the functioning of formal social control. The ubiquity of fears of crime helps to boost support among the public for the doctrine of law and order in its various forms. In societies afflicted by high crime rates there has been a spread of attitudes of frustration, hostility and anger towards criminality, offenders and so-called “liberal” policies on crime. Acceptance of an expansion of the extent of formal social control (meaning in effect tougher sentencing of criminals) is on the rise. Tendencies toward politicization of the menace of crime can be very clearly observed. The adoption of tougher policies on crimo is leading in many countries to an extraordinary growth of the prison population, but has done nothing to reduce crime or abate fears. Some people talk of a “crisis of penology”. Given this situation (politicization of the problem), it might be asked whether criminology is still a socially useful discipline. Another question (and source of concern) has to do with criminologists’ ability to analyze crime in circumstances of social change. Misgivings on this matter are aroused by a tendency to concentrate on description of contemporary crime (e.g. in countries in the process of transition) than on investigation of its causes. There are, therefore, grounds for wondering about the utility of traditional criminological theories and the possibilities of accounting, at the theoretical level, of the factors underlying contemporary changes in crime. At a time of manipulation of the public’s fears of crime can criminologists make any effective contribution to formulation of policies in this field? What should the research priorities in an age of so-called “new threats” from crime? Is tere still a place for investigation of the issue of norms and values (especially in the context of the differences’ between criminals and non-criminals)? How is the state of criminology affected by internationalization of crime, advances in communications and globalization? It seems obvious that it is time embark on research projects of a cross-cultural nature – but is cooperation between criminologists hailing from decidedly differing cultural backgrounds feasible? Lastly, does criminology’s accomplishments to date entitle us to draw conclusions about contemporary crime?
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2002, XXVI; 7-16
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Sytuacyjne zapobieganie przestępczości
Situational Crime Prevention
Autorzy:: Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699050.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1994
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: zapobieganie przestępczości
przestępczość
kryminologia
przestępca
crime prevention
delinquency
criminology
offender
Opis:: Disappointment in crime prevention based on the etiological approach led to a closer analysis of the circumstances of the offence, its physical conditions, and the resulting motivations of the offender. Whatever his inborn or socially acquired criminal predispositions, object and opportunity are necessary for an offence to take place. Advocates of the situational approach in criminology argue that a potential offender generally does not act on an impulse: instead, he more or less consciously analyses the situation and decides to commit the offence at a given time and place and against a given target. This is the basic assumption of situational crime prevention. Situational crime prevention resolves itself into reduction or liquidation of the physical opportunity to commit an offence, and extension of the probability of apprehension of the offender. This can be done in three different ways. First, the guard over the target can be extended or intensified, or the potential offender can be made to believe that, while dwelling in a given place, he is under incessant surveillance by the police or other competent persons, or by the inhabitants or users of a given object or area. Second, the target can be made less open to crime: special circumstances make it less easily accessible (or completely inaccessible), and theft can no longer yield the expected profit to the offender. This procedure is called target hardening. Third, various organizational steps can be taken that change the environment of crime: new ciercumstances arise and situation in which an offence might take place is changed. The above three methods of situational crime prevention have different efficiency. Their actual efficiency depends on a variety of factors related to the methodology of the crime prevention program and to cultural conditions. As regards programs basied on increased surveillance, the most efficient are those which involve the local population who are allowed both passively to watch over their area of residence, and actively to participate in its protection. What is considered a particulary effective method of situational crime prevention is target hardening where access to the target is made difficult through a variety of physical obstacles. Not as obvious is the efficiency of another target hardening measure where valuable objects are marked so as to make it difficult for the offender to gain by his theft and to increase the probability of his apprehension. Such measures, called operation identification, prove highly efficient in some countries but are next to ineffective in others. Thee ffects here depend largely on the efficiency of the police. Whith a low detection rate of thefts, the marking of objects cannot possibly yield the expected results. It has been found in studies of offenders’ processes of deciding that their decision to commit an offencis based on the factors that condition, first, the physical opportunity (access to the object) nad second, the offender’s safety. The idea of situational crime prevention has many followers who stress the relative easiness of the application of the suggested methods and their efficiency. The opponents argue that,while it many perhaps contribute to preventing definite offences at a definite time and place, situational crime prevention does not actually prevent crime. What it leads to is displacement of crime. The offence is committed anyway but perhaps in another time or place, by other means, or against another target. Despite all the reservations concerning displacement of crime, it msot be stated that situational crime prevention often proves effective; what is more, it requires neither prolonged programs nor entangled methods of manipulating society. Admittedly the offender is not reformed; yet a definite offence is not committed in a definite place, and the target remains safe. This makes situational prevention as important an element of crime prevention programs as the generally recognized social methods.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1994, XX; 7-20
0066-6890
2719-4280
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Problematyka pasożytnictwa społecznego: aspekty kryminologiczne
Problems of "social parasitism": criminological aspects
Autorzy:: Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699214.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1985
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: pasożytnictwo
społeczeństwo
aspekty kryminologiczne
kryminologia
problematyka
niedostosowanie
social parasitism
criminological aspects
criminology
problems
maladjustment
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1985, XII; 113-118
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Teoria kontroli społecznej w kryminologii
The Theory of Social Control in Criminology
Autorzy:: Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699086.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1983
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: kontrola społeczna
teoria powstrzymywania
socjalizacja
więzi społeczne
kryminologia
containment theory
socialization
social control
social bonds
criminology
Opis:: "Social control" is one of thę most fundamental concepts in sociology. Nevertheless, the meaning of that term has changed, parallel with the development of sociology as an academic discipline. Originally, the idea of social control was the focal idea in studies of the organization and growth of industrial societies, and formed the basis of investigations of the various elements constituting law and order. Nowadays, the dominant trend is to narrow the meaning of the term „social control" to defining the process of conformism to the rules of society. It is this second meaning that is used in criminology today. There is a basic difference betwęen the theory of social control and other criminological theories. This difference consists in the fact that this theory, unlike other ones, tries to explain why people do not break the law, why they behave according to the rules of society, why they fall in with the group - in other words, why they are conformist in their attitude towards the rules and norms, as well as to the values generally accepted by society. The other theories try to find out what makes people go against the social norm. The basic principle of the theory of social control is the recognition that human beings must learn social behaviour through a process of socialisation. The aim of socialisation is to lead people to absorb the norms and values held in esteem by a given society. The process whereby the individual absorbs social norms and values depends mainly on the character of his links with the primary social groups, on the cohesion of the system of social norms, and on how far conformily with those norms will offer him the advantages he looks for. A survey of the criminological literature dealing with the question of the effect of social control on deviant behaviour reveals that several theoretical approaches exist, each of them emphasizing different elements of such control. These elements are: the social bonds, the system of norms and yalues and the course and results of socialisation. These three theoretical approaches are not mutually exclusive. They are undoubtedly complementary. We can distinguish three theoretical approaches to social control: a) the socialisation approach, b) the sociar bond approach, and c) the normative system approach. In the first of these approaches, attempts are made above all to explain how socialisation takes place, and what results it leads to. The chief representatives of this approach may be said to be W. Reckless, I. Nye, and A. Reiss. Recklessr is the author of the containment theory, in which he distinguishes the following elements of social control: We have outer containment when external pressure is exerted on the individualn by the group, or by society, in order to bring about behaviour approved by the group. This kind of pressure is exerted through training the individual to carry out socially approved roles, through his affiliation to tradition and the community in which he lives, and through direct control. We have inner containment when, through socialisation, the individual develops self-control, that is, what we sometimes call his conscience. Five elements developed in the course of socialisation go to make up inner containment: a favorable self-concept, goal orientation, a realistic,aspiration level, adequate frustration tolerance, and commitment to socially accepted norms and values. These two mechanisms - outer containment and inner containment - function either together or soparately. In some cases they reinforce each other, while in other cases they are complementary. On the whole, inner containment regulates behaviour based on a person's internal pressures whereas outer containment is used when factors in the environment favour criminal behaviour. But there are also frequent situations where, when inner containment fails, behaviour is modified by exteinal controlling factors; and conversely, it sometimes happens that in situations where control by the social group or social institutions is ineffective, self-control is the regulating mechanism. Nye is of the opinion that the role of social control in society is that it strengthens our motivation towards conformist behaviour. It is a factor that increases our conformism, whereas lack of it encourages anti-social behaviour. Nye sees four types of social control: Internal control occurs when, in the course of socialisation the individual Internalises the norms and values generally accepted in the given society, so that they become components of this conscience. Indirect control is based on the emotional links between the child and his parents which cause the child to absorb the rules of behaviour passed on by the parents in the course of socialisation. Direct control is exerted by the social institutions and primary groups; punishments are threatened in the case of nonconformist behaviour. Then we have legitimate need satisfaction, where society guarantees that the emotional needs of the individual will be met if he conforms, but threatens that these needs will not be satisfied if he does not conform. In his well-known paper on the connection between the breakdown of social control and the occurrence of criminal behaviour, A. Reiss3 declares that criminaIity may be defined as behaviour that is the consequence of the failure of personal control and social control, as regards the regulation of human behaviour in keeping with the social norms. According to Reiss, criminal behaviour occurs firstly, when there is a relative lack of internalised norms and rules that would keep behaviour conformist; secondly, when a control mechanism that previously functioned properly breaks down; and thirdly, when the group to which the individual belongs is such that the social principles for inculcating conformist behaviour are on the whole lacking, ( or when there is a split between these social principles). Criminality may be regarded as a function of the relationship between personal control and social control. The second approach to the theory of social control lays emphasis on the social bond. Hirschi is the chief exponent of this approach, according to which the bonds (taken in the wide sense) between the individual and other people are the fundamental instrument of social control. According to Hirschi, the social bond consists of four main elements: 1) personal, emotional links (attachment), 2) a rational commitment to conformist behaviour, along with expectations as to punishment and reward (commitment); 3) a degree of involvement which would leave no room for deviant behaviour (involvement), and 4) beliefs. In the case of personal attachment, the behaviour of the individual will depend on how sensitive he is to the opinions of others, on how far he reckons with their views. The people who matter here are the members of the primary groups to which the given individual belongs, the people whose opinion he respects, the people who will expext him to conform to the norms which they themselves recognize. According to Hirschi, the groups with whom bonds are all important are: the parents, the school, and the peer group. Commitment means that the person absorbs the life style of his environment. A strong commitment to conformist behaviour, with the aim of achieving the kind of goals ranked high by the given culture, means that the person may lose a great deal if he acts contrary to the norms accepted by that culture. At the same time, conformism guarantees as it were that the person's aspirations will be achieved. Strong involvement in conformist behaviour results in the fact that the person spends so much time and energy in keeping to the generally accepted model of behaviour that even "physically" he cannot behave otherwise (e.g. for lack of time). Beliefs affect the acceptance or otherwise of the norms adhered to in a given society. Difference of behaviour between individuals may be due to difference in the degree to which the norms laid down by the law are accepted. By and large Hirschi believes that all four types of social bond act together. Yet he also accepts that the diverse elements separately may each have an independent effect on the person's behaviour. Schrag is one of those who adopt the normative and system approach to the question of the functioning of social control. He examines the functioning of the social control system on two planes; 1) culturally approved ends- culturally approved means, and 2) behaviour expected in a given society (prescriptions) – actual behaviour (performance). The cultural goals (prescribed ends) are values such as: freedom, justice, equality, happiness, security, Means that are approved by society (prescribed means) are such norms as: the law, beliefs, legal codes, regulations, agreements. Goals which may actually be achieved (performed ends) are goals such as influence, social status, prestige, education, reputation, money. The means actually used to attain these goals (performed means) are practices such as. customs, traditions, conventions of behaviour, innovations in existing customs. A social system works well when all its constituent elements work well together. In such circumstances there are no disruptions in the functioning of social control. But if the various elements of the system clash, social control ceases to function efficiently, that is, it ceases to regulate human behaviour effectively. There is always a danger that the connections between the various elements of the system will become looser. This danger may take at least six forms: the accepted norms may not be able to protect the group values; goals may be beyond the reach of practical action; ways of behaving may be at odds with the sopially accepted norms; goals may be in conflict with the generally accepted values; there may also be a contradiction between values and practices, and between goals and norms. If the system is to work well, it is essential that there should be no basis divergence between formal (= legal) norms, and informal (= moral) norms. If the legal norms are rejected by the group because they do not fit in with the group's values, social control will not work. According to Schrag, the causes of crime should be sought not so much in the individual as in the social system and the way it functions. To sum up, one may present the sociological theory of social control as follows. It asks what makes people ready to subscribe to the norms and values accepted in a given society. Three basic types of answer may be given to this question. Answers of the first type stress the course and the effectiveness of socialisation processes. Answers of the second type emphasize the role of social bonds in the shaping of conformist behaviour. Answers of the third type draw attention to the importance of cohesion in the system of norms and values in a given society. On the whole, socialisation is a process that takes place within the primary groups. Its aim is to make the individual adopt society's norms and values. The optimum situation is where these norms become internalised, that is, they become an integral part of the person's internal mental and moral structure. If this happens, we can say that inner control governs behaviour - that is, the person’s own conscience keeps him from behaviour that does not fit the generally accepted patterns. This goal can be achieved when there are strong bonds of affection between an individual and his parents, and also when the individual finds emotional support in other primary groups. The role of the primary groups is not only to provide good personal models to imitate, or to help the inaividual to adopt the generally accepted norms, but also to exercise direct control over tbe individual' behaviour by inducing him to conform. If the individual is to absorb a sociaily approved system of norms and values, that system should be a well integrated one, the rules should be clearly stated, and behaviour at odds with the approved norm should encounter expected social sanctions. Social control is most effective when three basic factors play a role: when socialisation follows its undisturbed course, when the individual finds support in the group and the group is able to control the behaviour of the individual, and thirdly when the system of social norms and values is cohesive and clear. In times of social unrest, when bonds are weaker, and the individual does not know what to expect from society, social control will be unable to exert effective control over the individual’s behaviour.
"Social control" is one of thę most fundamental concepts in sociology. Nevertheless, the meaning of that term has changed, parallel with the development of sociology as an academic discipline. Originally, the idea of social control was the focal idea in studies of the organization and growth of industrial societies, and formed the basis of investigations of the various elements constituting law and order. Nowadays, the dominant trend is to narrow the meaning of the term „social control" to defining the process of conformism to the rules of society. It is this second meaning that is used in criminology today. There is a basic difference betwęen the theory of social control and other criminological theories. This difference consists in the fact that this theory, unlike other ones, tries to explain why people do not break the law, why they behave according to the rules of society, why they fall in with the group - in other words, why they are conformist in their attitude towards the rules and norms, as well as to the values generally accepted by society. The other theories try to find out what makes people go against the social norm. The basic principle of the theory of social control is the recognition that human beings must learn social behaviour through a process of socialisation. The aim of socialisation is to lead people to absorb the norms and values held in esteem by a given society. The process whereby the individual absorbs social norms and values depends mainly on the character of his links with the primary social groups, on the cohesion of the system of social norms, and on how far conformily with those norms will offer him the advantages he looks for. A survey of the criminological literature dealing with the question of the effect of social control on deviant behaviour reveals that several theoretical approaches exist, each of them emphasizing different elements of such control. These elements are: the social bonds, the system of norms and yalues and the course and results of socialisation. These three theoretical approaches are not mutually exclusive. They are undoubtedly complementary. We can distinguish three theoretical approaches to social control: a) the socialisation approach, b) the sociar bond approach, and c) the normative system approach. In the first of these approaches, attempts are made above all to explain how socialisation takes place, and what results it leads to. The chief representatives of this approach may be said to be W. Reckless, I. Nye, and A. Reiss. Recklessr is the author of the containment theory, in which he distinguishes the following elements of social control: We have outer containment when external pressure is exerted on the individualn by the group, or by society, in order to bring about behaviour approved by the group. This kind of pressure is exerted through training the individual to carry out socially approved roles, through his affiliation to tradition and the community in which he lives, and through direct control. We have inner containment when, through socialisation, the individual develops self-control, that is, what we sometimes call his conscience. Five elements developed in the course of socialisation go to make up inner containment: a favorable self-concept, goal orientation, a realistic,aspiration level, adequate frustration tolerance, and commitment to socially accepted norms and values. These two mechanisms - outer containment and inner containment - function either together or soparately. In some cases they reinforce each other, while in other cases they are complementary. On the whole, inner containment regulates behaviour based on a person's internal pressures whereas outer containment is used when factors in the environment favour criminal behaviour. But there are also frequent situations where, when inner containment fails, behaviour is modified by exteinal controlling factors; and conversely, it sometimes happens that in situations where control by the social group or social institutions is ineffective, self-control is the regulating mechanism. Nye is of the opinion that the role of social control in society is that it strengthens our motivation towards conformist behaviour. It is a factor that increases our conformism, whereas lack of it encourages anti-social behaviour. Nye sees four types of social control: Internal control occurs when, in the course of socialisation the individual Internalises the norms and values generally accepted in the given society, so that they become components of this conscience. Indirect control is based on the emotional links between the child and his parents which cause the child to absorb the rules of behaviour passed on by the parents in the course of socialisation. Direct control is exerted by the social institutions and primary groups; punishments are threatened in the case of nonconformist behaviour. Then we have legitimate need satisfaction, where society guarantees that the emotional needs of the individual will be met if he conforms, but threatens that these needs will not be satisfied if he does not conform. In his well-known paper on the connection between the breakdown of social control and the occurrence of criminal behaviour, A. Reiss3 declares that criminaIity may be defined as behaviour that is the consequence of the failure of personal control and social control, as regards the regulation of human behaviour in keeping with the social norms. According to Reiss, criminal behaviour occurs firstly, when there is a relative lack of internalised norms and rules that would keep behaviour conformist; secondly, when a control mechanism that previously functioned properly breaks down; and thirdly, when the group to which the individual belongs is such that the social principles for inculcating conformist behaviour are on the whole lacking, ( or when there is a split between these social principles). Criminality may be regarded as a function of the relationship between personal control and social control. The second approach to the theory of social control lays emphasis on the social bond. Hirschi is the chief exponent of this approach, according to which the bonds (taken in the wide sense) between the individual and other people are the fundamental instrument of social control. According to Hirschi, the social bond consists of four main elements: 1) personal, emotional links (attachment), 2) a rational commitment to conformist behaviour, along with expectations as to punishment and reward (commitment); 3) a degree of involvement which would leave no room for deviant behaviour (involvement), and 4) beliefs. In the case of personal attachment, the behaviour of the individual will depend on how sensitive he is to the opinions of others, on how far he reckons with their views. The people who matter here are the members of the primary groups to which the given individual belongs, the people whose opinion he respects, the people who will expext him to conform to the norms which they themselves recognize. According to Hirschi, the groups with whom bonds are all important are: the parents, the school, and the peer group. Commitment means that the person absorbs the life style of his environment. A strong commitment to conformist behaviour, with the aim of achieving the kind of goals ranked high by the given culture, means that the person may lose a great deal if he acts contrary to the norms accepted by that culture. At the same time, conformism guarantees as it were that the person's aspirations will be achieved. Strong involvement in conformist behaviour results in the fact that the person spends so much time and energy in keeping to the generally accepted model of behaviour that even "physically" he cannot behave otherwise (e.g. for lack of time). Beliefs affect the acceptance or otherwise of the norms adhered to in a given society. Difference of behaviour between individuals may be due to difference in the degree to which the norms laid down by the law are accepted. By and large Hirschi believes that all four types of social bond act together. Yet he also accepts that the diverse elements separately may each have an independent effect on the person's behaviour. Schrag is one of those who adopt the normative and system approach to the question of the functioning of social control. He examines the functioning of the social control system on two planes; 1) culturally approved ends- culturally approved means, and 2) behaviour expected in a given society (prescriptions) – actual behaviour (performance). The cultural goals (prescribed ends) are values such as: freedom, justice, equality, happiness, security, Means that are approved by society (prescribed means) are such norms as: the law, beliefs, legal codes, regulations, agreements. Goals which may actually be achieved (performed ends) are goals such as influence, social status, prestige, education, reputation, money. The means actually used to attain these goals (performed means) are practices such as. customs, traditions, conventions of behaviour, innovations in existing customs. A social system works well when all its constituent elements work well together. In such circumstances there are no disruptions in the functioning of social control. But if the various elements of the system clash, social control ceases to function efficiently, that is, it ceases to regulate human behaviour effectively. There is always a danger that the connections between the various elements of the system will become looser. This danger may take at least six forms: the accepted norms may not be able to protect the group values; goals may be beyond the reach of practical action; ways of behaving may be at odds with the sopially accepted norms; goals may be in conflict with the generally accepted values; there may also be a contradiction between values and practices, and between goals and norms. If the system is to work well, it is essential that there should be no basis divergence between formal (= legal) norms, and informal (= moral) norms. If the legal norms are rejected by the group because they do not fit in with the group's values, social control will not work. According to Schrag, the causes of crime should be sought not so much in the individual as in the social system and the way it functions. To sum up, one may present the sociological theory of social control as follows. It asks what makes people ready to subscribe to the norms and values accepted in a given society. Three basic types of answer may be given to this question. Answers of the first type stress the course and the effectiveness of socialisation processes. Answers of the second type emphasize the role of social bonds in the shaping of conformist behaviour. Answers of the third type draw attention to the importance of cohesion in the system of norms and values in a given society. On the whole, socialisation is a process that takes place within the primary groups. Its aim is to make the individual adopt society's norms and values. The optimum situation is where these norms become internalised, that is, they become an integral part of the person's internal mental and moral structure. If this happens, we can say that inner control governs behaviour - that is, the person’s own conscience keeps him from behaviour that does not fit the generally accepted patterns. This goal can be achieved when there are strong bonds of affection between an individual and his parents, and also when the individual finds emotional support in other primary groups. The role of the primary groups is not only to provide good personal models to imitate, or to help the inaividual to adopt the generally accepted norms, but also to exercise direct control over tbe individual' behaviour by inducing him to conform. If the individual is to absorb a sociaily approved system of norms and values, that system should be a well integrated one, the rules should be clearly stated, and behaviour at odds with the approved norm should encounter expected social sanctions. Social control is most effective when three basic factors play a role: when socialisation follows its undisturbed course, when the individual finds support in the group and the group is able to control the behaviour of the individual, and thirdly when the system of social norms and values is cohesive and clear. In times of social unrest, when bonds are weaker, and the individual does not know what to expect from society, social control will be unable to exert effective control over the individual’s behaviour.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1983, X; 7-22
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Środowiskowo–przestrzenne uwarunkowania przestępczości. Wybrane zagadnienia współczesnej ekologii przestępczości
Environmental and Spatial Conditions of Crime. Selected Problems of Modern Ecology of Crime
Autorzy:: Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698528.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1993
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: środowisko przestępczości
uwarunkowania przestępczości
ekologia przestępczości
badania kryminologiczne
kryminologia środowiskowa
conditions of crime
ecology of crime
criminological research
environmental criminology
Opis:: The modern criminologists who deal with environmental aspects of crime stress the fact that for an offence – a definite criminal act – to occur, four elements must necessarily coincide: law, perpetrator, object, and place of crime. The modern environmental criminologists are interested in the fourth of these elements, that is the spatial aspect of crime. Discussed in the paper have been the main trends of the modern study of spatial conditions of crime. Unlike the former ecologists of crime, the modern researchers are interested not only in the actual place where the offence was committed or the perpetrator resides, but also – to a much grester extent – in the social and physical features of the place of crime, in the actions that should be undertaken to reduce the “susceptibility to crime” of a given ecological unit, and in the course and consequences of the process of ecological stigmatization of a given region. On of the main trends of modern ecology of crime is analysis of the relations between functions and features of the of the separate fragments of urban space on the one hand, and the extent of crime in that area on the other hand. The basic difference between the discussed trend and the former traditional ecological thought born in the Chicago school of criminolology consists in the latter’s attempts at finding the causes of spatial differentiation of the extent of crime in the combination of sociodemographic factors, architecture, and town-planning. Thus also the factors related to a town’s physical structure are taken into consideration. As has been found in many recent studies, the different crime indices found in the separate urban neighbourhoods are related to those areas’ different functions, social features, and architecture. Another interesting trend is analysis of the process of change within clearly delimited neighbourhoods. The term generally used in this connection is a neighbourhood’s “career in crime”; its sense is identical to that of “career in crime” of an individual which can be found in criminological works. According to British and American authors, changes, in a neighbourhood’s nature can be related e.g. to changing housing policy which obviously influences the shaping of definite human communities in given areas. The social situation in neighbourhoods submitted to formal housing policy is thought to be particularly entangled. This results from the nature of that policy: applied to the population characterized by pent up social problems, it usually consisted in placing large numbers of similar families in one rather small area. Thus individual problem families added up to form agglomerations of problem groups of the population. The problem of careers in crime of housing districts is related to another important trend in the modern study of environmental conditions of urban crime: the functioning of informal social control which many consider to be as important a factor of urban crime prevention as the official control. Informal control is also thought to influence the oscial perception of disorder in housing districts. Concerned here is accumulation in a given neighbourhood of external symptoms of social disorganization, that is all the events that might be found – by the locals and strangers alike – to manifest the breakdown of the accepted norms of behavior in urban environment. Analysed is the process of transition from such external symptoms of disorder to crime in a given neighbourhood. Two direct effects are distinguished of occurrence in a neighbourhood of noticeable symptoms of disorder, perceived by the locals as well as strangers. On such effect is the offenders’ conviction as to inefficient (formal and informal) control, in the neighbourhood, which makes criminal activity relatively safe. The other effect consists in some inhabitants’ reluctance to participate in the local life. Their withdrawal from such life results in a distinct breakdown of informal social control, and sometimes in noticeable decline of the neighbourhood which often proves irreversible. Another trend – relatively novel and no doubt characteristic of modern ecology of crime – investigates the impact of architecture of a town or district on crime found in that neighbourhood. On of the currents here, derived from the tradition of situational crime prevention, argues that the actual architecture of the housing districts and other elements of urban space can influence crime, that is facilitate or hamper offences. According to the other current, definite architecture can release deviant and criminal conduct as tenants of the popular large apartment houses feel anonymous and uncontrolled by others. Study of the ways offenders perceive towns, and of their related decisions as to commission of definite acts, is the last of the discussed trends of modern ecology of crime. The related problem here is offenders’ mobility and the distance between their place of residence and locus delicti. Offenders have been found to choose definite objects guided by their belief as to the value, visibility and accessibility of those objects, by transport facilities, and by the apparent presence or absence of supervision on part of the police or other users of the urban space.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1993, XIX; 7-16
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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