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Wyświetlanie 1-2 z 2
Tytuł:
Форми політичного протесту та самоорганізації громадян на Волині в умовах Революції Гідності
The forms of political protest and self-organization of citizens in Volyn in the conditions of the Revolution of Dignity
Autorzy:
Бортніков, Валерій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489363.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Revolution of Dignity,
Euromaidan,
Volyn,
political protest,
meeting
Opis:
The analysis of the political protest forms, the ability of citizens to self-organization in the struggle to defend constitutional rights and freedoms in Volyn during the active phase of the Euromaidan viability (November, 2013 – March, 2014) has been carried out. The start of the protest rally in Kyiv is related to the order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of Azarov to stop the process of preparing for the signing of an association with the European Union by Ukraine, which was to be held at the summit of the leaders of the Eastern Partnership countries on November 29 in Vilnius. The response to this was the creation of Euromaidan. In Lutsk, EuroMaidan started its activity on November 22, 2013, along with the celebration of the ninth anniversary of the Orange Revolution. Members of the youth public organization «National Alliance» announced a permanent action in support of Ukraine’s accession to the European Union. On Sunday, November 24, the demonstration of support of the European vector «Ukrainians for European Integration» was held. The first mass meeting, attended by about two thousand participants, mostly student youth, was held on November 26. On November 28, the activists of the Lutsk EuroMaydan, mainly the students, organized a picket of the Volyn Regional Council with the requirement to accept the appeal concerning the European integration aspirations of the Ukraine citizens and the resignation of the government. The massive protest movement in the region began actually after the students were beaten up by members of the «Berkut» units on the night of November 30, 2013 in Kyiv. On December 1, more than 10,000 volunteers gathered at the Lutsk Theater square, where they expressed indignation at the actions of the security forces and offered to launch a nationwide strike action aimed at eliminating of the power. An effective factor in the organization of people during the Revolution of Dignity was the effective use of modern digital technologies and communications, in particular the Internet. They had become a powerful tool for the development of horizontal social interactions, community mobilization and the self-organization of the territorial communities. The campaign aimed at boycotting of the trade marks belonging to the deputies of the Party of Regions had begun in social networks. On January 14, 2014, the Volyn Regional Branch of the All-Ukrainian Association «Maidan» was formed. Along with EuroMaidan Avtomaydan, which became a kind of mobile unit of EuroMaidan, was founded along with Euromaidan. On January 22, 2014, members of Automaidan did not allow the battalion of internal troops to leave Lutsk for Kyiv to help the security forces, with the following prolonged blockade of their barracks. A step delegitimize Yanukovych’s regime was the formation of the People’s Councils in the country’s highest legislative body and representative power bodies on the ground. A self-defense unit was founded In Lutsk on February 19, 2014 on the basis of the decision of the Volyn Regional People’s Council. The final mass meeting of EuroMaidan in Lutsk on February 23, 2011 was devoted to the public repentance of the Volyn Special Forces «Berkut» staff.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 154-162
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Становлення інституту губернаторської влади на Волині (кінець XVIII – друга половина XІX ст.)
The Establishment of the Governor’s Power in Volyn (the end of XVIII – the Second Half of the XIX century)
Autorzy:
Бортніков, Валерій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489317.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Volyn
Russian empire
autocracy
province
the Governor-General
the civil Governor
Opis:
Many scientific works are lack the specific historical material, but complex, multidimensional processes of Ukrainian state are often considered after simplified traditional schemes, without taking into account regional specificity, due to the prolonged stay of Ukrainian lands in the structure of other state formations. The process of the institution establishment of the provincial government attached from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth territories is stipulated by the policy of the tsarist government aimed at strengthening of the centralized management of the Russian Empire. It acquired the concentrated shape in the «theory of official nationality», which envisaged the integration of autocracy, orthodoxy and nation into the «united and indivisible» Russia. The policy of the central authorities was determined as well by the struggle for spheres of influence between the «Russian imperialism» and by the Polish landowners’ elite, the attempt to tear the Ukrainian population from the Polish revolutionary movement. Catherine II considered each province as a governorship, and therefore at each of them appointed “the sovereign’s Viceroy or the Governor-General and subordinate to him «the ruler of the governorship or the Governor». Later, «the Governor of province or Governor became to be known as civil Governor. The latter had subordinated for the management of economic affairs «the Lieutenant Governor or Vice-Governor”. As a rule, the Governors-General were as well commanders of military districts. On the outskirts of the Empire, the Governor-General are not so much watched, but rather directed the state policy in a certain direction, as a kind of «repeater» of the cultural activities of the state, and in some places its founder. In the North-Western and South-Western region governors-General primarily pursued political goals: «to prevent the possibility of an armed uprising and to tighten the connection of the land with the Empire». The direct management of the province was exercised by civil governors. An important step in determining their place and role in the hierarchy of the higher ranks of the Empire, and a careful regulation of their activities was the «General instructions of the civil governors» (1837) Nicholas I. The order clearly defined the legal status of these governors primarily as «security guards inviolability of the supreme rights of the autocracy.» At the same time they had no right t to «make regulations..., install, taxes or charges», and they are not allowed to change court verdicts or to assume the functions of judges. The order stated the provisions of the welfare of the inhabitants of the province, their protection from unlawful harassment. One of the powerful levers of state policy in the Russian Empire was the Orthodox Church and faith; it is no accident that the civil Governor was given the responsibility in the ensuring favorable conditions for strengthening, protection from the split, the influence of heretical doctrines and facts of the proselytism. At the heart of the provincial institutions there was the principle of their division into administrative, judicial and financial. Full executive power belonged to the provincial government, headed by the civil Governor. The Job title of the provincial Prosecutor, the provincial solicitors for criminal and civil cases, provincial land surveyor, architect, etc. had been founded. Beside the provincial board, the Governor headed a significant part of other provincial agencies. The Governor, who was appointed by the Emperor at his discretion or on the proposal of the Ministry of internal affairs, was formally the head of the local provincial administration. He was the highest representative of the administrative and police authorities in the province, had broad administrative and supervisory credentials.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 192-199
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-2 z 2

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