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Tytuł:
Zjawisko przestępczości w województwie opolskim w latach 2000 –2012
Autorzy:
Adamczyk, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/472918.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Collegium Witelona Uczelnia Państwowa
Tematy:
przestępstwa stwierdzone
postępowanie wszczęte
kradzież
z włamaniem
rozbój,
identified offenses
proceedings initiated
theft
burglary
robbery,
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie, jak kształtowało się w województwie opolskim w latach 2000 –2012 zagrożenie przestępczością przeciwko mieniu oraz przeciwko życiu i zdrowiu. Omówione zostały podstawowe kategorie przestępczości pospolitej w oparciu o powszechnie stosowane statystycznie kategorie oceny tych zjawisk w odniesieniu do wszystkich powiatów. Z uwagi na dane, jakie zostały udostępnione przez Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych i Administracji oraz Komendę Wojewódzką Policji w Opolu, autorka zanalizowała dynamikę przestępstw stwierdzonych wraz z postępowaniami wszczętymi z ich wykrywalnością.
The purpose of this article is to investigate the issue of crime against property, life and health and its risk in the Opole province between 2000 and 2012. It discusses the main categories of crime based on the widely used statistical category assessment of these phenomena in different countries. In view of the data provided by The Ministry of Internal Affairs and Administration and by The Regional Police Headquarters in Opole, the author analyses the dynamics of the above mentioned kinds of crime recorded and the procedures of their detection.
Źródło:
Zeszyty Naukowe Państwowej Wyższej Szkoły Zawodowej im. Witelona w Legnicy; 2014, 1, 10
1896-8333
Pojawia się w:
Zeszyty Naukowe Państwowej Wyższej Szkoły Zawodowej im. Witelona w Legnicy
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Treść i zakres znamienia „włamanie” (art. 279 § 1 k.k.) – czy kradzież z włamaniem może nastąpić tylko z pomieszczenia zamkniętego?
The problem of burglary (disputable issues)
Autorzy:
Tyburcy, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1595909.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Szczeciński. Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego
Tematy:
theft
burglary
theft of car
property
protection
kradzież
kradzież z włamaniem
włamanie
mienie
kradzież samochodu
Opis:
Można wyróżnić dwie teorie dotyczące charakteru zabezpieczenia rzeczy przed kradzieżą z włamaniem. Pierwsza nich (podmiotowa) wymaga wyłącznie, aby zabezpieczenie wyrażało wolę ochrony rzeczy przed kradzieżą. Natomiast według drugiej koncepcji (przedmiotowo-podmiotowej) powinno istnieć również realne zabezpieczenie przed kradzieżą, które powoduje względne trudności w jego pokonaniu. Odrzucenie teorii użycia znacznej siły fizycznej jako przesłanki włamania, którą należy uznać za archaiczną, wcale nie musi implikować opowiedzenia się za teorią podmiotową (zabezpieczenia). Można więc kwalifikować jako włamanie otwarcie zamka podrobionym lub oryginalnym (uzyskanym bezprawnie) kluczem, a nie kwalifikować tak pokonania jedynie symbolicznego zabezpieczenia (np. plomby lub suwaka w namiocie). Należy opowiedzieć się za możliwością kwalifikowania z art. 279 § 1 k.k. włamania do komputera (np. auta) w celu kradzieży rzeczy chronionej przez ten komputer przed kradzieżą.
The term “burglary” represents a certain concept specific for legal language and legal terminology, the sense of which may differ from the understanding of “burglary” in the common language. Two theories concerning the nature of theft protection and burglary protection can be distinguished. The first one (subjective) requires only the expressed will to protect a particular thing from theft. However, according to the second concept (subject/object), a real means of protection from theft (causing relative difficulties in overcoming them) should also exist. The rejection of the theory of the use of substantial physical force as a prerequisite for burglary, which should be considered archaic, does not necessarily imply opting for the subjective approach. Therefore, it is possible to qualify an act of opening a lock with a forged or original (unlawfully acquired) key as theft, and not to qualify as such an act of overcoming merely symbolic safeguards (such as a seal or slider in a tent).
Źródło:
Acta Iuris Stetinensis; 2019, 25, 1; 153-177
2083-4373
2545-3181
Pojawia się w:
Acta Iuris Stetinensis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Risk of Damage to Reailway Infrastructure Due to Theft and Devastation
Autorzy:
Janowiec, Filip
Kula, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/27314874.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Zielonogórski. Oficyna Wydawnicza
Tematy:
railway
transportation
railway infrastructure
risk assessment
theft
devastation
transport kolejowy
infrastruktura kolejowa
ocena ryzyka
kradzież
dewastacja
Opis:
Theft and devastation of railway infrastructure are one of the most important factors that affect the safety of the railway transport system. In Poland, the railway transported 245.1 million passengers and 243.6 million tons of cargo in 2021, so it is extremely important to ensure the maximum possible safety standards. Theft and devastation of railway infrastructure contribute to significant material damage to railway network managers. The costs of rebuilding railway equipment are estimated at millions of zlotys every year. They also influence the proper functioning of railway traffic. Due to this phenomenon, there are delays of passenger and freight trains, the total of which amounted to over 100,000 minutes in 2021. Therefore, the effects of such hooligan acts also affect passengers and commercial customers of the railways. The article is an attempt to describe the impact of theft and devastation of railway infrastructure on its safety and the operation of railway lines in Poland. By analyzing the available statistical data and using the CSM method, as well as applying certain simplifications, it was possible to determine the approximate level of risk using techniques used in practice. Based on the adopted risk reference levels, a systematic reduction in both the probability of occurrence of negative phenomena and their consequences was observed.
Źródło:
Civil and Environmental Engineering Reports; 2023, 33, 3; 129--145
2080-5187
2450-8594
Pojawia się w:
Civil and Environmental Engineering Reports
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Spory o wykładnię znamion przestępstwa kradzieży energii (art. 278 § 5 k.k.) – czy prawnicy znają fizykę?
Autorzy:
Tomasz, Tyburcy,
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/902461.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-04-16
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
theft
theft of electricity
electricity
decriminalization
result of a criminal offence
kradzież
kradzież energii elektrycznej
energia elektryczna
kontrawencjonalizacja
skutek przestępstwa
Opis:
This article aims at analyzing the constituent elements of a criminal offense, based on Art. 278 § 5 k.k. The result of the analysis is the conclusion that in practice, only electricity can be the object of that offense. Therefore it must be specified accordingly in the provision of Art. 278 § 5 k.k. The study of literature led to the conclusion that the authors often mistakenly specify the object of that crime in a manner contrary to the principles of physics. This article presents the disputed issue of classifying the energy consumption by an entity authorized under an agreement with the provider, but with an understatement of the amounts of energy consumed by that entity. The author concluded that the classification of such act is possible based on Art. 278 § 5 and 286 § 1 k.k., depending on the definition of the result of an act which, at the time it was committed, was liable to evaluation under criminal law. The analysis also includes the controversial legal case of conscious use of energy consumed by the means of an illegal tapping into the power grid or causing a malfunction in a device designed to measure the amount of energy consumed by other persons who have not committed such an action. The study of literature led to the conclusion that according to the currently prevailing view such behavior does not fulfill the constituent elements of a crime. The author further concludes that due to the difficulties with the determination of the value of the object in question during the taking of evidence, the act of „stealing” electricity has rightly not undergone decriminalization; which could otherwise result in allegations on the grounds of infringement of the substantive law.
Źródło:
Studia Iuridica; 2017, 72; 397-414
0137-4346
Pojawia się w:
Studia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Siódme: „Nie kradnij”. O średniowiecznym odkrywaniu rynku na marginesie książki Paola Prodiego
“Seventh: You shall not steal” – notes on the medieval „discovering” of the market in the margin of Paulo Prodi’s book
Autorzy:
Bukała, Marcin W.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2075798.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-30
Wydawca:
Naukowe Towarzystwo Tomistyczne
Tematy:
rynek
forum
VII Przykazanie
kradzież
Paolo Prodi
Średniowiecze
cywilizacja Zachodu
Arystoteles
Franciszek Accursius
Rajmund z Penyafort
Klarus z Florencji
Tomasz z Akwinu
Max Weber
historia
historia idei
etyka
teologia
forum sumienia
prawo
prawo kanoniczne
etyka gospodarcza
idee ekonomiczne scholastyków
kupiectwo
władza ekonomiczna
słuszna cena
powszechne oszacowanie
dobro wspólne (bonum commune)
market
VII Commandment
theft
Middle Ages
civilisation of the West
Aristotle
Francis Accursius
Raymond of Penyafort
Clarus of Florence
Thomas Aquinas
history
history of ideas
ethics
theology
forum of conscience
law
canon law
ethics of economic life
scholastic economic ideas
merchants
economic power
just price
common estimation
common good (bonum commune)
Opis:
In the article, the topic of the medieval „discovering” of the market is discussed, with the references to the Paolo Prodis’ book Settimo non rubare. Furto e mercato nella storia dell’Occidente. The author of the book, following Harold Berman, finds the changes in the 11th and 12th century Church, as the decisive mile stones in the development of the civilization of Western Christianity. The mentioned „papal revolution” led to the historical distinction between the spiritual and the political sphere, and later, to the autonomy of economic one. Accordingly, the Italian historian rejects the thesis that Enlightenment was the new beginning in the European history. In the P. Prodi’s analysis, the Latin term forum plays the crucial role. The word signified the place, square, especially the place where court proceedings occurred. Therefore, in the later abstract sense forum signified criteria or rules of judgement: both in the juridical meaning (forum civile, f. canonico, f. consciantiae), and the economic one, in which forum meant exactly „the market”. The “discovering” of the market rules was a consequence the development of the theoretical reasoning about mercantile activity. It was essentially related to the concepts of the just price (iustum pretium) and the common estimation (communis aestimatio). According to P. Prodi the common character of the estimation was of essential importance, as well as the new version of the Roman rule Res tantum valet, quantum vendi potest, with the medevial addendum: scilicet communiter. The author criticised the view, that the process of defining of the market was mainly the result of reception of Aristotelian Ethics and Politics. He underlined that in the penitential handbooks of the 12th and 13th century the focus was significantly shifted from the vice of avarice to the commandment „You shall not steal”; moreover the significant violation of the rules of fair market exchange begun to be considered as a sin against this commandment. In the article, the significance of the application of the notion forum commune by Thomas Aquinas (in the treatise on credit sale) was underlined. The interconnection between the concept of the market and the idea of common good was expressed in the juxtaposition of terms: forum commune – bonum commune. M. W. Bukała observes that the thesis about the limited influence of Aristotelian thought on the examined issue can be additionally confirmed by the analysis of the Article on mercantile profit in Summa Theologiae by St. Thomas (II-II, q. 77, a. 4), where Aquinas distances himself from the Philosopher’s view. The P. Prodi discourses were amended by the significant distinction: not every violation of ethics of economic life was considered as the theft by the medieval moralists – e.g.: the determinatio of the casus of buying grain with the deferred delivery for an undercut price, in canon „Naviganti” (X 5.5.19, 2do), and in the related comments of the 13th century canonist, Clarus Florentinus. Moreover, the Jacques Le Goff’s critique of the Prodi’s approach was undermined.
Źródło:
Rocznik Tomistyczny; 2018, 7; 177-192
2300-1976
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Tomistyczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rozmiary recydywy u nieletnich podsądnych sprawców kradzieży
Extent of Recidivism among Juvenile Delinquents and Their Later Careers
Autorzy:
Strzembosz, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699242.pdf
Data publikacji:
1974
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
recydywa
nieletni przestępcy
kradzież
recidivism
juvenile delinquents
theft
Opis:
  The subject of this work are the findings of studies of the follow-up period intended to establish the further fate of 343 juvenile delinquents aged 10-16, who had been guilty of theft while still under 17. In 1961 detailed, criminological research was initiated in the Juvenile Court of Praga – one of the districts of Warsaw – (records were studied, interviews undertaken in the environs, homes and schools were conducted), which embraced all the 180 juvenile delinquents between 10-16 years, living in that district, who during the course of one year had been found guilty of theft. Further a study was made of the criminal records of 178 juvenile thieves from two other districts of Warsaw, all the juvenile delinquents who had been tried for theft by courts during the period from August 1961 to May 1962 being investigated in turn. In this way was obtained a total of 358 juvenile delinquents who had been found guilty of thefts. The idea was to find out how many of them were recidivists in the follow-up period. 33% of these juvenile delinquents were under 13 and 67% were between 13 and 16 years. The division into these two groups was justified because of the different approach of the Polish penal code to minors up to the age of 13: as regards such juvenile delinquents, the court may apply educational measures only: reprimand, supervision by parents, probation and placing in an educational institution. As regards delinquents between 14 and 16, the court may also apply correctional measures – i.e. approved schools. In the present work, the author accepts as basic criterion for defining the recidivist the fact that he has faced in a Juvenile Court a new charge of theft. The category of those not considered as recidivists includes only delinquents charged once with theft. Each juvenile delinquent who has been charged (usually by the police) a second or third time with theft already figures as a recidivist with 2, 3, 4 and more appearances in court. Moreover, it was possible during the investigations, combined with detailed interviews in the homes of the delinquents, additionally to qualify as recidivists such juvenile delinquents shown to have stolen though not brought before a court. Taking into account the variety of criteria applied to recidivists, they have been divided into the following categories: (a) first of all, formal criteria were applied: considered as recidivists were those concerning whom the court had previously applied educational and correctional measures. Here, the percentage of recidivists amounted to 37.7; (b) this percentage increased to 48.6 when considered as recidivists were all those who had been charged at least twice with theft, including those concerning whom the court had not considered it relevant to apply any new measures; (c) this percentage was still higher (61.2), when listed as recidivists were all those whom the court had found guilty of at least two thefts; (d) interviews in the environment conducted as regards 180 juvenile delinquents in a single district revealed in addition that these data too were not entirely reliable in defining recidivists. Data from interviews showed that the percentage of delinquents who had committed more than one theft amounted to as much as 78.5. It was also found that, when applying the first, formal criterion recidivists among the older delinquents (46%) were far greater in numbers than among the younger (20%). The second criterion – at least two thefts – showed that the difference between older and younger delinquents as regards the percentage of recidivism among them (82.2% 73.2%) was only slight. These data indicate that the formal criterion for recidivism, used by Juvenile Courts, does not reflect the actual extent of this phenomenon. This is the more important since, the latter, broader definition, was found to be the most satisfactory for prognostic purposes. It was established that during the two-year follow-up period a substantially larger number of juvenile delinquents previously listed, according to the first formal definition, as not being recidivists (47%), faced charges than was the case with those listed according to the second definition (17.6%). Criminological investigations – combined with interviews conducted in their families – of 180 juvenile delinquents from a single district, revealed that juvenile delinquents charged with theft are as a rule socially maladjusted children, showing the first symptoms of social maladjustment even in the first grades of primary school. With 62% symptoms of demoralization were recorded with children between 7 and 10 years of age. A typical phenomenon with these juveniles is a considerable lag in their school studies, found as regards 95% of older and 76% of younger juveniles. A lag of at least two years was found with 77% of the older and 37% of the younger individuals investigated. The majority of these systematically played truant; 37% of the younger and 70% of the older juveniles had run away from home. Only as regards 33% was it not found that they consumed alcohol; 26% drank at least once a week; 25% of the recidivists were heavy drinkers. On the basis of data obtained from mothers during interviews (and for 50% of the cases also from child guidance clinics, institutions etc.) it was possible with 60% of the older investigated delinquents to establish various types of personality disorders; 26% were suspected of having suffered organic disturbances of the central nervous system; data indicating such diseases in the past were more frequently found with recidivists (37%) than with those who were not recidivists (13%). Those investigated were for the most part brought up in an unsatisfactory family environment. It was found that in 46% of the families fathers or step-fathers systematically drank alcohol to excess; delinquency of fathers was noted in 31% of the families, and in 9% the mothers were suspected of prostitution. As many as 67% of the brothers revealed symptoms of demoralization and 47% had committed theft. Recidivists differed markedly from non-recidivists as regards such negative features, characterizing the family environment as: systematic abuse of alcohol, unhappy married life of the parents, children very poorly cared for. Of all the 358 thieves investigated, a mere one-third were as juveniles (under 17) charged only once: thus they were not recidivists according to the criteria accepted in the investigation; 21% had twice faced a court; 11% – three and 34% – four or more times had been charged before a Juvenile Court. The differentiated groups of the youngest and oldest among those we investigated did not differ markedly as regards the number of appearances in court while under age. Consideration was next given to further delinquency during the period when the investigated were young adults i.e., when they were between 17 and 20. New offences were noted during that period with 50% of the former defendants who, previously had been juveniles. It also emerged that the number of charges preferred while they were under age was of essential significance for recidivism during the period when those investigated were already young adults. Among those who had been charged only once as juveniles, only 27% were afterwards convicted between the age of 17 and 20; among those charged twice – 48%; beginning with 3 charges, the percentage of later recidivists amounted to 65.8, and with 4 and more charges – to as much as 78.7%. The number of convictions while juveniles indicates a correlation not only with the actual fact of recidivism when those concerned were still young adults, but also the intensification of recidivism between 17 and 20. The majority of those who while juveniles had only one case against them, were subsequently convicted only once. But of those who while juveniles were charged at least three times, the majority (64%) had multiple convictions between 17 and 20. Typical of offences committed by those who had been charged with theft as juveniles, continued to be theft; close on half of those investigated, however – and this should be emphasized – were convicted for offences against the person, officials or the authorities, and these as a rule were offences committed while intoxicated. One-third of the subjects spent in prison at least half of the four-year period, while they were young adults. In 1972, when the last follow-up period was studied, ten years had elapsed since the beginning of the investigation of the delinquents who had committed theft while juveniles. The younger among them were at that time 20 to 23 years old; the older – 24 to 27 (the average age being about 26 years). As regards these 243 older investigated individuals, it was possible to examine not only the period when they were young adults, but also the later period, after they were already 21 years old; this later period was in their case sufficiently to make it possible properly to evaluate whether during that time they had ceased committing offences or whether they continued to do so. Further delinquency of the older among those investigated during the period after 17 until their average age was about 26, was as follows: – It emerged that only 38% had not been convicted at all after the age of 17. The overwhelming majority of them (83%) had been charged only once or twice while under age. – 17% had been convicted only between 17 and 20, while 13% had been convicted only after 21. – 32% were convicted as young adults as weil as later after the age of 21. In this group, the majority (73%) had been charged before a court at least three times as juveniles. As regards the older among those investigated for the entire follow-up period, it was confirmed that the majority showed a correlation with what happened during their juvenility: further delinquency as well as persistent recidivism was found more frequently with those who were more frequently charged as juveniles. During the entire follow-up period, 19% of the older individuals were convicted only once, l3% – twice, and 30% – at least three times. The category with multiple convictions, recidivists convicted at least four times amounted to 20%, which certainly is a substantial figure, having regard to the relatively long prison sentences passed on those convicted two and three times. It should be added that though interviews in the environment during the follow-up period were lacking, making impossible a proper evaluation of the social adjustment of those investigated who during that period had no new convictions or were convicted only once, the data obtained enable the drawing of conclusions which are important for social policy. Note that even frorn among the investigated juveniles who were charged only once before a court, as many as 42% were later convicted after 17; this points to the necessity of a thorough examination of even apparently minor cases of theft involving those under age who previously had not been convicted. The extent of persistent recidivism revealed demonstrates the poor effectiveness of methods used as far in dealing with juvenile delinquents who revealed symptoms of marked social maladjustment.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1974, VI; 140-155
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rozmiary nieprzystosowania społecznego uczniów warszawskich szkół podstawowych
The extent of social maladjustment among children of Warsaw elementary schools
Autorzy:
Ostrihanska, Zofia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699042.pdf
Data publikacji:
1982
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
szkoła podstawowa
uczniowie warszawscy
nieprzystosowanie szkolne
demoralizacja
kradzież
wagary
agresja
spożywanie alkoholu
social maladjustment
primary school
Warsaw students
school maladjustment
demoralization
theft
truancy
aggression
alcohol consumption
Opis:
In the school year 1976/77 the Department of Criminology, Institute of State and Law, Polish Academy of Sciences, began research whose object was - among others - to ascertain the extent of social maladjustment among children from Warsaw elementary schools. As socially maladjusted were recognized children, whose behavior was characterized by a complex of comparatively persistent symptoms pointing to inobservance by those children of fundamental rules of behavior obligatory for the youth of this age (that is, truancy, hour-long gallivating round the streets without control, keeping company of demoralized colleagues, thefts, running away from home, drinking, taking drugs, sexual demoralization, vandalism, aggression). In the study were included all children of 3rd- 8th grades of 50 elementary schools in Warsaw: it was a random sample from all schools of this type in the city. There were over 600 classes included in the study, with the total of 17,662 children aged 9- 15.             The main object of the study was to find out how many children with the symptoms of social maladjustment there are among the pupils of grades 3- 8. It was to be achieved by obtaining information from the teachers about those among their pupils whose behavior covered by the definition of social maladjustment as presented above.             The extent of social maladjustment among the children of Warsaw elementary schools was found to be substantial, as there were 6.5% of socially maladjusted children in the classes examined (10% of the boys and 2.7% of the girls). The extent is greater in the higher grades (there were as many as 15.4% of socially maladjusted boys and 4.4% of such girls in the 8th grade), and lower in the lower grades (respectively 7.4% of boys and 1.4% of girls in the 3rd grade). From the 7th grade an exceptionally distinct increase is pronounced.             The percentage of boys revealing symptoms of social maladjustment is 3,7 times higher than that of girls. Among girls, there is a more pronounced increase in the extent of social maladjustment in higher grades as compared with lower grades, than it is the case among boys. Among the eldest girls the symptoms of social maladjustment intensified than among the eldest boys.             The study revealed also large differences in the extent of social maladjustment among different schools. The percentage of socially maladjusted children ranged from 2.3% in the ’’best” school to 17% in the "worst" one. The classes in the "worsts" schools were found to be smaller than those in the “best” ones where the disclosure of a smaller number of socially maladjustment children could have been connected with the poorer acquaintance of the teachers with their pupils in larger classes. The districts of the “worst” schools were also often defined by the head-masters as "difficult”, that is inhabited by families estimated by them as unfavorable educational environment.             The definition of social maladjustment assumed in the study revealed first of all the children who: gallivanted (77% of socially maladjusted boys and 75% of girls), played truant (70% of boys and 79% of girls), kept company of demoralized colleagues (55 and 44% respectively). The next most frequently occurring type of behavior was stealing (1/3 of boys and 1/5 of girls), while it was seldom that the children with the symptoms of social maladjustment were considered as drinking alcohol (merely 16% of boys and 14% of girls), which result not only from the fact that the children start drinking in the higher grades, but also from the teachers being only poorly informed as to the extent of drinking among their pupils. Running away from home occurs seldom among the socially maladjusted children (13% of boys and 15% of girls), as well as the symptoms of sexual demoralization (which were, however, found in as many as 20% of socially maladjusted girls from the highest grade, and in only 5% of boys from this grade); the teachers gave no information whatever as to the taking of drugs by socially maladjusted children.             In the obtained picture of social maladjustment among school children there was a variety of the types of behavior regarded as symptoms of maladjustment; the intercorrelations between separate symptoms were not strong. Connections between these symptoms are more frequent and stronger in the case of children from higher grades, in whom the process of social maladjustment is more intense. The child from the 3rd grade defined as socially maladjusted is first of all a neglected child: gallivanting, playing truant, keeping company of demoralized colleagues, often behaving aggressively. Among the 8th grade children a larger cumulation of various types of behavior was found and also other symptoms were noted much more frequently. In the lower grades, truancy is the behavior which initiates and intensifies the process of social maladjustment: among those playing truant the cumulation of other symptoms can be found much more often than among other children. In the case of older boys, it is the company of demoralized colleagues that acquires the initiating and intensifying role in the process of social maladjustment.. It increases and shapes aggressive attitudes, provides patterns and encouragement to drinking alcohol, and is also conducive to gallivanting, stealing and sexual demoralization.             According to the teachers, the majority (over 2/3) of the socially maladjusted children had severe learning problems, which had distinct repercussion on their unsatisfactory school progress. Such children were termed maladjusted to school education. Apart from the socially maladjusted children, the teachers also named 6,2% of boys and 3,5% of girls from the examined classes as revealing symptoms of school maladjustment. Every sixth boy from the classes included in the study was socially maladjusted or maladjusted to school, and every sixteenth girl. As the children grew up, there was a trend to cumulation of the symptoms of social and school maladjustment in them. Among the socially maladjusted boys from the lowest grades, an essential dependence was found between their reading and writing problems and their truancy, which - as stated above - initiates the process of social maladjustment in these grades. When asked about the causes of the child’s learning problems, which occur among the half of socially maladjusted children, the teachers indicated the insufficient care at home and bad family situation as the cause. Among boys, this cause is particularly important in the case of socially maladjusted children from lower grades (2/3 of all cases), and diminishes in the higher grades when - according to the teachers - it is the child himself who is to blame, particularly for his laziness.             According to the teachers, among the families of socially maladjusted children those are prevailing who - for various reasons - are incapable of coping with their protective and educational tasks. Among the socially maladjusted children, the contribution of those from incomplete families (approximately 1/3 of the families of socially maladjusted boys and as many as 42.2% of the families of girls) and those brought up by mothers alone (approximately 1/4 of boys and 1/3 of girls) is much greater than in the average population. The degree of education of the parents is usually low with physical workers prevailing, and while the fathers usually have some professional training, the majority of mothers have no profession at all. In the families examined both parents usually work out of home (which is typical of a Polish urban family).             In the families of over 1/3 of maladjusted boys and nearly 1/2 of girls, there are conditions that decided about their distinct socially deprived character as educational environment. According to the teachers, alcoholism or excessive drinking of one of the parent accurs in over 1/3 of these families. The family background of socially maladjusted girls is more socially negative than this of boys. The intensity of negative characteristics of the environment was particularly explicit among the children whose social and school maladjustment symptoms were cumulated.             The majority of socially maladjusted children had learning problems concerning at least two school subjects. The majority had also problems in learning to read and write and were still below the level of their grade at the time of the study as regards their command of these skills which are essential for school education.             Protective and educational activities undertaken by schools in respect of socially maladjusted children are minimal as compared with the needs. Only 10% of boys and 15% of girls visit day-rooms or day stay-in schools. As few as 11% of boys and 8% of girls attend youth clubs in the culture clubs. While the day-rooms and day stay-in schools are visited by children from worse family environment, usually those taken better care of in their families attend youth clubs.             A large part (approximately 2/3) of socially maladjusted children were included in the "summer holiday action” and participated in holiday camps. Also, regarding a large part of them psychologists and educators were consulted; however, the teachers await assistance of guidance centre not only in the form of diagnosis but also of a long-term treatment of maladjusted child and his family.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 191-231
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rodzaje kradzieży tożsamości oraz przypadki kradzieży tożsamości w Polsce
Autorzy:
Męzik, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/26917642.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-02-03
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
tożsamość
badania kryminologiczne
kradzież
identity
criminological research
theft
Opis:
Zjawisko podszywania się pod inną osobę jest obecne w historii i kulturze od starożytności. Historia biblijnego Jakuba, który przy pomocy matki - Rebeki, przebrał się za swojego starszego brata, aby to jemu ojciec udzieli błogosławieństwa i przekazał majątek jest najstarszym przypadkiem kradzieży tożsamości opisanym w literaturze1. Przez lata słynni szpiedzy posługujący się cudzą tożsamością, a także wybitni oszuści stali się bohaterami kultury popularnej. Wydaje się jednak że to przełom XX i XXI wieku, wraz z rozwojem technologii i postępującą globalizacją sprawił że kradzież tożsamości stała się przedmiotem reakcji prawnokarnych w najbardziej rozwiniętych państwach świata. W państwach takich jak Stany Zjednoczone powstały również wyspecjalizowane organizacje zajmujące się wspieraniem ofiar kradzieży tożsamości, oraz przeciwdziałaniem temu zjawisku. Problematyką kradzieży tożsamości zajęły się również organizacje broniące prawa do prywatności. Instytucje te wyodrębniły rozmaite rodzaje kradzieży tożsamości, kilka z nich omówię w tym artykule. Spróbuję również przybliżyć obraz tego zjawiska w Polsce, opisując przypadki kradzieży tożsamości na podstawie dostępnych publikacji.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2014, 21; 54-66
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępstwo rozboju w świetle polskiego prawa karnego
The crime of robbery in the light of polish criminal law
Autorzy:
Majchrzak, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/495802.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-03-31
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe Franciszka Salezego
Tematy:
mienie
kradzież
prawo karne
zabór cudzego mienia
property
theft
criminal law
the seizure of someone else’s property
Opis:
Artykuł ukazuje syntetycznie przestępstwo rozboju według prawa karnego polskiego. Jest ono najcięższe z grupy przestępstw przeciwko mieniu. Przestępstwa rozboju dopuszcza się ten, kto kradnie cudze mienie, używając lub grożąc natychmiastowym użyciem przemocy wobec osoby albo doprowadzając człowieka do stanu nieprzytomności lub bezbronności. Rozbój należy do przestępstw umyślnych o kierunkowym zamiarze zaboru cudzego mienia w celu przywłaszczenia. Rozbój jest przestępstwem złożonym ponieważ obejmuje znamiona kradzieży oraz tzw. czynności rozbójnicze. Rozbój godzi przede wszystkim w prawo własności i posiadanie, ale również dotyka takich dóbr osobistych człowieka jak wolność, życie i zdrowie.
The article presents a synthetic view on the crime of robbery according to the Polish criminal law. It is the heaviest of crimes against property. The crime of robbery is committed by someone who steals someone else’s property, uses or threatens to immediately use violence against a person or leads a person to the state of unconsciousness or vulnerability. Robbery belongs to intentional crimes of the intent to seize someone else’s property for the purpose of its appropriation. Robbery is a complex crime because it includes elements of theft and the so-called robbery activities. The crime of robbery primarily violates property and possession rights, but it also infringes on such personal interests as freedom, life and health.
Źródło:
Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe; 2019, 40, 1; 51-59
1232-8766
Pojawia się w:
Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość przeciwko mieniu w Polsce w latach 1924–2005 w świetle danych statystyki policyjnej
Crime against Property in Poland between 1924 and 2005 in the Light of Police Statistical Data
Autorzy:
Krajewski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698858.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępstwo przeciwko mieniu
statystyka policyjna
kradzież
mienie
Policja
dane statystyczne
1924-2005
offence against property
police statistics
theft
property
Police
statistics data
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 119-131
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość nieujawniona. Porównanie polskich rezultatów ICVS '86 i '92
Unreported Crime. Polish Findings of ICVS '86 and '92 Compared
Autorzy:
Siemaszko, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698662.pdf
Data publikacji:
1998
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość nieujawniona
rozbój
przestępstwo seksualne
kradzież
unreported crime
robbery
sexsual offense
theft
Opis:
Poland participated in all the three ICVS series conducted so far, and research was each time carried out by the Law Enforcement Institute. However, due to Poland’s underdeveloped telephone network, only the 1989 (Warsaw) survey used the method of telephone interview. The next two series, of l992 and 1996, examined relative big and carefully selected national samples of households (of assumed over 2 thousand respondents in 1992 and over 4 thousand in 1996), but the traditional face-to-face method was used. The field survey was carried out by renowned opinion survey centers supervised by the Institute. Particularly worth stressing is the fact that Poland was probably the only country involved in ICVS where surveys started exactly on time. It should also be added that we achieved more than satisfactory completion rates: the proportion of refusals was about 5% in 1992 and 14% in 1996, and thus much smaller compared to survey using the CATI (Computer Assisted Telephone Interview) method. This of course influenced the quality of our findings. In 1995, Polish people most often fell victim to consumer offenses (14.2%) and carbreaking (10.1%). Rather high were also the proportions of interntional car damage (9.6%) and theft of personal property (5.6%). In the remaining cases, victimization coefficients never went beyond 5%. Compared to 1991, victimization structure underwent no greater changes. Of the 13 types of offenses examined, only 5 showed increases or decreases by more than 1% in the proportion of victims; the biggest change was 2.6% which was in practice still within the bounds of measurement error. Generally it seems, therefore, that in l991 and l995 unreported crime became stabilized in Poland as opposed to reported crime which in most cases still shows rather a strong upwards trend. Thus while robbery rate was 1.7 in 1991, the 1995 rate was higher by a mere 0.1% and amounted to 1.8. It should be added, though, that also our findings confirm the thesis as to a growing brutality of robbery and a change in the perpetrators’ modus operandi. For example, the proportion of robberies committed by one person went down from 25.2 to 18.8%. Besides, a larger proportion of respondents said to robbers had been armed. Also the „effectiveness” of robbery went up: a greater proportion (43.6 compared to 37.7%) stated that the robbers had actually managed to steal something. On the other hand,  though, which is against expectations, also the proportion of statements as to robbers being armed went down. To our great surprise it appeared, too, that among the 13 countries participating in the survey (where ICVS '96 was carried out on the national sample) Poland had the highest robbery rate. The rate of batterics (attempts) went down from 4.2 in 1991 to 3.7 in 1995, that is by 0.5%. Yet characterization of those acts would be incomplete if we failed to mention that, in that same period, the proportion of batteries by assailants armed with dangerous weapons or firearms went up from 6 to 20.6%, and the weapons or firearms were actually used in 35.2% of cases. The more serious nature of batteries is also manifested by a considerable growth in the number of cases in which the victims needed a doctor: 32.8% in 1995 compared to 22.4% in 1991. As opposed to robbery, though, the battery rate in Poland is among the relatively low. Reduced most among acts with the element of aggression in years under comparison was the number of sex ofenses: from 3.6% in 1991 to 1.5% in 1995, that is by 2,1% (the difference being significant). It should be mentioned, though, that while none of the victims of this kind of act actually called it rape in 1992, the proportion of such persons was as much as 7% in the most recent survey. There was at the same time a rather considerable drop (by over 7%) in the number of victims who called the act ,,indecent assault”. Thus also the structure of this kind of acts underwent a specific change. What can be treated as indirect indication of seriousness of sex offenses are also statements as to criminal nature of the act (,,Do you consider the act an offense?”). Also those statements („Yes” answers) confirm the drop in the number of more serious acts of this kind (from 6.1% in 1992 to 53.5% four years later). Also reduced (by over 10%) was the proportion of statements as to serious or very serious nature of the incident. The relatively small danger of sex offenses in Poland is confirmed by confrontation with international data: in three countries only, the proportion of victims of such acts is smaller than in Poland. The growth of car sales situates Poland among European leaders. It was therefore interesting to find out about the impact of the growing number of cars on offenses ,,against cars”. According to the criminal opportunity theory, a considerable growth in the numer of such offenses could be expected, caused by increased ,,supply”. It appeared, however, that the growing number of cars failed to bring about any significant growth in the number of offenses against cars. Proportions of victims of car theft and intentional car damage (among car owners) went up in the period under analysis by a mere 0.1% (from 1.4% to 1.5% and from 9.5% to 9.6% respectively); in the case of victims of carbreaking, the proportion went down by 0.4% (from 10.5% to 10.1%). From comparison with international data on offenses ,,against cars'' it follows that Poland is among countries with medium-level threat of car theft; instead, the threat of car-breaking and international damage to cars is above the average, Poland ranking second and fourth respectively. Greater changes were found in the cases of one-track vehicles: motor-cycles and bicycles. In both cases, the numer of victims went down: by 1.8% in the case of motorcycle thefts, and by 1.1% in the case of bicycle thefts; it is worth stressing that the drop was significant. In most countries under research, thefts of one-track vehicles, bicycles in particilar, are a much greater problem than in Poland. Among the analyzed acts against property, the greatest drop (by 2.5% which makes the difference significant) was found in the case of the number of victims of theft of personal property. A sub-category of this group was pocket-picking inquired about by a filtering question. Worth stressing here is a drop in proportion of pocket-picking among thefts of personal property: from 83.2% in 1991 to 71.3% four years later, that is by over 10%. However, Poland is stil among countries with the greatest threat of thefts of personal property, pocket-picking included (which is rather understandable the fact considered that most Polish people still carry cash instead of a credit card). There was also a slight downward trend in the proportion of victims of housebreaking, both attempted (by 0.5%) and committed (by 0.1%). The proportions of victims of housebreaking (attempted and committed) situate Poland among countries with a medium-level threat of that type of offense. Compared to the previous survey. There was a considerable growth (by 2.6% which makes the difference significant) in the number of victims of consumer frauds. Instead, the number of victims of corruption of State officials went down by 0.7%. As follows from comparisons with international data, Poland is among the countries with the highest threat of such acts. Particularly alarming is the fact of as high a level of corruption in both post-communist countries included in the sample: in Poland and Czech Republic alike, that level is several times higher compared to the remaining countries. Similar trends can generally be found in a comparison of numbers of offenses per l00 respondents; here, however, differences in dynamics of individual offenses can be noticed with greater clarity. Striking is also a growth in the rate of batteries (attempts): from 6.7 in 1991 to 7.4 in 1995. The general victimization risk index is now 23 in Poland; it was 27 in the previous survey which means a drop by 4 points. From a comparison of that index with its foreign counterparts it follows clearly that the general extent of crime is not too big in Poland. At any rate, Poland is below the average of 11 Western countries of which 3 only (Finland, Austria and North Ireland) have indices lower than the Polish one. Yet underlying this apparent stabilization of unreported crime in the discussed period is a rather considerable growth or drop in the numer of repeated victims. Thus the proportion of repeated victims (respondents who fell victim to a given type of offense on at least two occasions during the last 12 months) went up in the case of car thefts by 9.1; in the case of car-breaking – by as much as 15.1; in the case of international damage to car – by 4.7; in the case of theft of personal property – by 8.2; in the case of burglary - by 4.9; in the case of robbery - by 9.7; and in the case of battery (attempt) – by  8.1. The only proportions that showed a downward trend were those of victims of motorcycle theft (by l0.2); bicycle theft (by 1.1); and sex offences (by 13.2). This is therefore a significant growth in concentration of crime (a greater numbers of acts against those same persons). Interestingly, the direction of the trend is not always the same in the case of one-time and repeated victims. For example, the proportion of victims of car-breaking went down by 0.4 in the period analysis while that of repeated victims went up by over 15. Differences in the dark number between individual offenses are very big. As follows from the findings of the Polish part of ICVS ’96, they range from nearly 100% (in the case of consumer frauds),to under 10% (in the case of car thefts). Besides, against expectations, the dark number was by no means the highest in the case of sex offences (it was very high, though: 88%). Generally it can be stated that the lowest dark number is found in the case of willful taking of property of considerable value, that is car and motor-cycle thefts, burglaries and bicycle thefts (7.2%, 21%, 45.7% and, 55.2% respectively). Seldom reported, instead, are thefts of personal property: the dark number is here nearly 80%. Also robbery and battery have a high dark number of 62.5% and 68.8% respectively. The dark number is definitely the highest (nearly 100%) in the case of the above-mentioned consumer frauds and corruption. As regards the inclination to report an offense, differences between the findings of the 1992 and 1996 survevs were greater but by no means explicit. Generally, there was an increase in the numer of reported aggressive offenses: batteries (by 6.4%); robberies (by 6.1%); and sex offenses (3.6%). The opposite trend was found in the case of reported thefts. The greatest was the drop in reported motor-cycle thefts (by 10.1%) and carbreaking (by 8.6%; here, the difference was significant). The proportion of reported bicycle thefts went down by 2.2%; that of cars – by 0.2%; and that of thefts of personal property remained unchanged. There was, instead, a rather considerable growth in the proportion of reported damages to car (by 3.2%) and burglaries (by 6.1%). The dark number of offenses is still very high in Poland, much higher than in the West. There, the average proportion of reported offences in the groups of six acts under analysis amounts to 50; in Poland, it is merely 34. This means that police data on crime in Poland are not too reliable as they say very little about its actual extent. Compared to the previous survey, the people's feeting of safety increased rather considerably which may also indirectly confirm the thesis that generally, there is no actual growth in crime in Poland. There was a growth by 11 points in the proportion of respondents who said they felt safe strolling in their neighborhood after dark; the proportion of those who said they avoided specific streets for reasons of safety dropped by one-third; and the proportion of persons who considered it highly probable that they would fall victim to burglary during the next 12 months was reduced by half. Despite the rather explicit growth in the Poles' feeling of safety, there was also a most considerable growth in their critical opinions on police work. Thus the proportion of respondents who consider police actions to control crime ineffective went up by a half. Respondents also spoke of fewer policemen patrolling the streets: the proportion of those who said that a police patrol turned up in their neighborhood at least once a day went down from 27.5 top 23.3. Mentioned more often among reasons for not reporting an offense was idleness of the police. Persons dissatisfied with the treatment they received from the police prevailed among those of the victims who had reported the last offense against them. The proportion of the satisfied was the highest among victims of reported battery: 40%. Among victims of reported robbery, instead, the proportion of those satisfied with the treatment they received from the police was somewhat under 30%. Worth mentioning in this context is also a considerable drop in effectiveness of police work as regards regaining of stolen cars. While the 1992 findings indicated a satisfactory effectiveness in this respect (in 77.4% of cases, the owners got their stolen car back) there were a mere 45.l% of such cases in the 1996 survey. Crowning this definitely unfavorable appraisal of police work is the nearly three times' growth in the number of persons who mentioned police officers among officials demanding a bribe (31.9% compared to previous 11.4%). It appears, therefore, that stable crime and growing feeling of safety is not accompanied - as one might expect – by more favorable appraisals of police work. This results probably from the fact that the people's expectations in this respect went even higher up since 1992.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1998, XXIII-XXIV; 45-74
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Pospolita przestępczość kryminalna w powiatach województwa dolnośląskiego w latach 2000–2012
Common Crime in Districts of Lower Silesian Province in Years 2000–2012
Autorzy:
Adamczyk, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2140857.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-28
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Naukowe Dolnośląskiej Szkoły Wyższej
Tematy:
przestępstwa stwierdzone
postępowanie wszczęte
kradzież
kradzież z włamaniem
rozbój
kradzież rozbójnicza
wymuszenie rozbójnicze
wykrywalność
ascertained crime
initiated proceedings
theft
theft with burglary
robbery
robbery theft
extortion by force
detectability
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie, jak kształtowało się w województwie dolnośląskim w latach 2000–2012 zagrożenie przestępczością przeciwko mieniu oraz życiu i zdrowiu. Omówione zostały podstawowe kategorie przestępczości pospolitej w oparciu o powszechnie stosowane statystycznie kategorie oceny tych zjawisk w odniesieniu do wszystkich powiatów. Należy pamiętać, że nie tylko Policja jest odpowiedzialna za rozpoznawanie i zwalczanie wszelkich form przestępczości. Z uwagi na dane, jakie zostały udostępnione prze Komendę Główną Policji oraz Komendę Wojewódzką Policji we Wrocławiu, autorka zanalizowała dynamikę przestępstw stwierdzonych wraz z postępowaniami wszczętymi i ich wykrywalnością.
The aim of the article is to show what the crime threat to property, life and health looked like in the Lower Silesian province during years 2000–2012. The basic categories of common crime based on the widely used statistical categories of evaluating these phenomena with reference to all districts were discussed. It is necessary to remember that not only the police is responsible for recognising and fighting all the forms of crime. Taking into consideration the data which were made available to the writer by the Police Headquarters and the Provincial Police Headquarters in Wrocław the writer analysed the dynamics of crimes together with initiated proceedings and their detectability.
Źródło:
Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego; 2015, 9, 2; 167-186
1896-8848
2450-3436
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Odzyskiwanie skradzionych dóbr kultury po latach od ich kradzieży
Recovery of stolen cultural property after years of theft
Autorzy:
Grajewski, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/685764.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
muzeum
kolekcja
kradzież
eksponat
kryminalistyka
museum
collection
theft
exhibit
forensic
Opis:
Nowadays, demand and will to possess works of art and monuments is rapidly increasing, but at the same time the quantity of them is not increasing to meet the demand. Theft of art does not cause decrease in its value, on the contrary, its long-term storage even increases the value. This situation results in an increase of its market value, which becomes the tempting object of the crime. Criminal groups have also recognized the situation and they well know needs of the collector’s market and take advantage of them. In the 90-ies there were many burglaries at sacra buildings, museums and private houses in which mainly works of art were stolen. Currently, we can observe that the pieces of art, which were lost in those years appear more and more often on the art. market.
W obecnych czasach popyt na dzieła sztuki i zabytki gwałtownie wzrasta, jednak liczba samych zabytków i dzieł sztuki nie zwiększa się wraz z tym popytem. Kradzież dzieła sztuki lub zabytku nie skutkuje utratą jego wartości, wręcz przeciwnie – wieloletnie przechowywanie powoduje dalszy wzrost jego wartości. Z tego względu dzieła sztuki i zabytki stanowią kuszący przedmiot przestępstwa. Sytuacja ta została dostrzeżona przez grupy przestępcze, które znają i wykorzystują potrzeby rynku kolekcjonerskiego. W latach 90. odnotowano wiele włamań do obiektów sakralnych, muzeów i domów prywatnych, w trakcie których przedmiotem przestępstwa były głównie dzieła sztuki. Obecnie można zaobserwować, że skradzione w tamtych latach zabytki coraz częściej pokazują się na rynku sztuki.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica; 2018, 82; 35-46
0208-6069
2450-2782
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
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