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Wyświetlanie 1-6 z 6
Tytuł:
Sprawcy podpalenia – charakterystyka psychologiczna
Firesetters – Psychological Profile
Autorzy:
Piotrowski, P.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/372796.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Centrum Naukowo-Badawcze Ochrony Przeciwpożarowej im. Józefa Tuliszkowskiego
Tematy:
podpalenie
psychologia
motywacja
przestępca
arson
psychology
motivation
offender
Opis:
Cel: Celem pracy jest dokonanie przeglądu badań oraz koncepcji teoretycznych dotyczących zarówno psychologicznego funkcjonowania sprawców podpaleń, jak i kryminologicznych aspektów przestępstw polegających na umyślnym wzniecaniu pożarów. Metody: W pracy przeanalizowano angielskojęzyczną oraz polską literaturę na temat psychologicznego, kryminologicznego i psychiatrycznego podłoża przestępczego wywoływania pożarów. Wyniki: Podpalenie to jedno z przestępstw powodujących poważne zagrożenie porządku publicznego oraz niebezpieczeństwo odniesienia obrażeń, utraty życia i mienia przez jednostki. Popełnienie tego czynu nie wymaga najczęściej ani szczególnych umiejętności, ani pomocy innych osób, a sprawcom dość łatwo jest zachować anonimowość. W literaturze wyróżnia się najczęściej kilka głównych motywów popełnienia przestępstwa podpalenia. Są to: zemsta, podniecenie, wandalizm, maskowanie dowodów, odnoszenie korzyści oraz ekstremizm polityczny (terroryzm). W opracowaniu omówiono między innymi jedną z najnowszych koncepcji wyjaśniających tło przyczynowe podpaleń – wielotorową teorię podpaleń. Populacja sprawców podpaleń jest wewnętrznie zróżnicowana. Gdyby jednak dokonać zabiegu ekstrapolacji, typowym sprawcą podpalenia okazałby się młody mężczyzna o niskim statusie społecznym i zawodowym, notowany przez policję, zmagający się z problemami natury psychologicznej lub psychiatrycznej, których źródeł można doszukiwać się w dysfunkcyjnym środowisku wychowawczym. Wnioski: Literatura poświęcona psychologicznym uwarunkowaniom dokonywania podpaleń nie jest zbyt bogata. Uzyskanie jednoznacznych danych jest utrudnione z kilku względów. Przede wszystkim badacze reprezentujący nauki społeczne nie są zgodni co do terminologii dotyczącej przestępczego wzniecania pożarów. Ponadto niektóre projekty badawcze obejmują stosunkowo niewielką grupę podpalaczy. Charakterystyka osób wzniecających pożary jest też niejednokrotnie wycinkowa w tym sensie, że koncentruje się wyłącznie na wybranym aspekcie zjawiska. Nawet jeśli uznamy, że dotychczasowy stan wiedzy na temat psychospołecznych przyczyn podpaleń nie jest zadawalający, dotychczas zgromadzone dane będzie można wykorzystać w procesie opracowywania metod oddziaływań prewencyjnych i terapeutycznych. Powinny one uwzględniać psychologiczne i kryminologiczne mechanizmy leżące u podstaw przestępczego wzniecania pożarów oraz wewnętrzne zróżnicowanie populacji sprawców.
Aim: To review the literature on research and theoretical concepts related to the psychological functioning of firesetters and the criminological aspects of arson (deliberate firesetting). Methods: A thorough analysis of the English and Polish literature on the psychological, criminological and psychiatric determinants of criminal arson. Results: Arson is a crime causing threat to public order and resulting in injuries, death or property damage for individuals. It is easy to start a fire, because it does not require special skills or help from other people; it is also relatively easy for perpetrators to remain anonymous. According to the literature on the subject, the main motives for committing arson include revenge, excitement, vandalism, crime-concealment, profit and political extremism (terrorism). The article provides an overview of the latest concepts explaining the causal background of criminal arson, including the FBI classification, the Canter and Fritzon typology, Fritzon’s et al. analysis of firesetting as an “action system”, Jackson’s functional analysis of arson and Multi-Trajectory Theory of Adult Firesetting (M-TTAF). The population of deliberate firesetters is not a homogenous group. However, some conclusions on the characteristics of this group can be drawn. “The typical fire-raiser” is likely to be a young, single male, usually of low social and professional status, with a police record, struggling with psychological or psychiatric problems, whose sources can be traced back to a dysfunctional family environment. Conclusions: The literature on the psychological conditions of firesetting is still relatively scarce. Achieving a clear understanding is difficult for several reasons. First of all, there is no consensus among social scientists on the terminology used to describe criminal arson. Some research projects include a relatively small group of firesetters. The profile of offenders is often partial in the sense that it focuses only on the selected aspect of the phenomenon. Even if we assume that the current state of knowledge on the psychosocial causes of arson is not satisfactory, the collected data should be considered when designing prevention and treatment programmes. In particular, psychological correlates and criminological mechanisms underlying firesetting, along with the internal diversity of the population of offenders, should be taken into account.
Źródło:
Bezpieczeństwo i Technika Pożarnicza; 2017, 45, 1; 88-100
1895-8443
Pojawia się w:
Bezpieczeństwo i Technika Pożarnicza
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Teoretyczne podstawy mediacji między ofiarą a sprawcą przestępstwa
The Theoretical Foundations of Mediation Between the Victim and Offender
Autorzy:
Czarnecka-Dzialuk, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698941.pdf
Data publikacji:
2000
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
mediacja
ofiara
konflikt
przestępca
victim
offender
mediation
conflict
Opis:
Mediation as a method of conflict resolution also applicable to conflict resulting from an offences is the alternative of legal solution of disputes, a technique shared by various models that promote the use in practice of consensus. This novel plocedure fot conflict resolution (which is however derived from the traditions of the oldest societies) - a consensual one, based on agreement between parties - has been developing most dynamically over the recent decades, and pervaded all branches of the law in most legal systems (H. Jung, T. Marshall). In the specific context of criminal justice, mediation does not necessarily aim at conflict resolution. For this reason, it is defined as a process, where parties to proceedings are offered the possibility to actively participate in resolving issues that result from the offence, and are assisted in so doing by an impartial third person or mediator. Mediation may take a variety of forms (direct or indirect); it may be conducted by professional or lay mediators, under auspices of the law enforcement agencies or by an independent social organization, and the parties to it may include not only the victim and the offender but also their relatives and other supporters as well as representatives of the criminal justice system. As has already been mentioned, the origins of mediation between the offender and his victim date back to the oldest past when all issues related to harm involved in acts that are today treated as offences were adjusted in the course of negotiations by those directly concerned assisted by their families and clans. The offences was seen as a conflict between the victim and the perpetrator, with due consideration to the social context. Once the function of reacting to crime was taken over by the state, the reactions initially resembled the modern rules of civil law. Later on, when crime was interpreted as violation of the order established by the ruler, penal sanctions aimed not only at compensating the victim but also at supporting the authority of the state. Although Nils Christie's picture of the state stealing the conflict is a convincing illustration of this situation, the fact should be borne in mind that the state's taking over of the function of punishing was an immense cultural achievement of its time, especially for those members of the conmunity who were too weak to vindicate their claims (B.-D. Meier). Solutions that provide for specific forms of consensus can also be found in modern legal systems. In the area of mediation between the victim and offender, the practice outpaced theory. It was inspired, among other things, by examples of "community justice'' of non-Western cultures; by the movement on behalf of victims, the progress of victimology, the diversion conception, and abolitionism; by the theory of social peace and conflict resolution and by the conception of reparatory justice. This latter conception deals with most problems posed by the other ones. It is, however, difficult to define, and its essence is difficult to explain, especially if we try to embrace threads important for all the trends on which it bases. Thus in the end, a simpler definition suggested by T. Marshall won general acceptance: "reparatory justice is an approach to crime, oriented on solving the problem, which engages perionally all parties involved in it as well as the community, in active relation to the public sector institutions. It is not a specific activity but a set of ruled that may set the direction of the bulk of actions of all institutions or groups related to crime. Reparatory justice is a process in which all parties involved in a specific offence meet to reach a joint solution of the issue of effects of crime and conclusions for the future". This definition was subsequently modified somewhat by other authors. In particular, it was accepted by an international body - the International Research Network on Reparatory Juvenile Justice in its Leuven Declaration of May 1997 concerning advisability of promoting the reparatory approach to juvenile delinquency. Reparatory justice is discussed as a specific trend, approach, philosophy or even idea; according to most authors, however, it has not yet developed into a consistent theory, although incessant efforts are made towards this aim. The term "reparatory justice'' is attributed to R. Barnett; H. Zehr's contribution is the first general model of that justice as an "alternative paradigm of justice" whose main principles are opposed to those of the traditional retributive justice. Also J. Braithwaite's idea of "reintegrating confusion'' was of importance for the development of the reparatory justice conception. It is associated e.g. with Hirschi's theory of control, Matza's neutralization theory, Luhmann's systemic theory, and also with the traditional penal law theories under which evil has to be compensated by punishment, but compensation involving suffering prohibits a better arrangement of social relartions. Instead, reparatory justice balances the harm involved in crime through action aimed at compensation and “doing good” (Ch. Pelikan, B.D. Meier). M. Wright stresses that this conception largely tallies with the common-sense ideas as to how society should react to crime, supported by appropriate actions, analysis, and studies. Mediation and other restorative reactions are sometimes shown as responses that function instead, parallel or within the traditional justice system. Much speaks, however, for integration of reparatory justice with the criminal justice system. The approach that isolates mediation altogether from criminal justice pays insufficient attention to the danger of inequality of the parties to mediation in the area of efficient execution of their conflicting interests. Thus public interest requires that the course and results of mediation proceedings be supervised. The manner in which reparatory justice may replace repressive one depends first and foremost on the seriousness of crime. It is not in all cases that a purely reparatory reaction should be recommended as sufficient. This is among the frequent arguments of critics of reparatory justice (although even its supporters accept the existence of limits to its application). Skeptics also stress that reparatory justice violates a number of generally accepted rules of procedure, especially that of equality before the law (which, however, could be disputed) and the offender’s procedural rights due to him in criminal proceedings (which is in fact a weakness of reparatory justice, but collisions might be solved by appropriate rules and standards of the reparatory process or e.g. by judicial review of negotiated solutions). The conception of reparatory justice is often explicated through opposition of the basic models of reaction to crime (although faulty in some respects, this method well illustrates the most fundamental features). Reparatory justice is sometimes called the "third path'', an alternative to the (neo-) retributive penal law and the rehabilitation model which proves ineffective, and a fully mature self-standing model (L. Walgrave, I. Aertsen). M. Wright stressed two spccial ideas that distinguish reparatory justice from the traditional criminal justice system. The first of them is that the process itself constitutes an essential element of the reaction, that it is constructive and may even have a therapeutic importance. The other idea is compensation interpreted in a much broader sense - from symbolic actions such as work to those reducing the risk of the offender relapsing into crime. The justification and legitimization of mediation in criminal cases bases not only on new theorietical conceptions. Such justification can also be found in the assumptions of the traditional justice system. This is what B.D. Meier did assuming as his point of departure the penal law system's public function, including in particular that of restoring public order that has been violated through crime, and also that of preventing repeated violations. The traditional systems have always provided for two or three different models of reaction to crime. Prevalent is punishment imposed on the person who has been found guilty. The second model involves imposition of special measures irrespective of the offender's liability (security and preventive measures). The third model, of crucial importance for legitimization of mediation in the criminal justice system, consists in renouncing formal proceedings, e.g. in view of slight social harmfulness of the act, the fact that no public interest is involved in the imposition of penalty, or reasons of general and special prevention. According to T. Marshall, justifications of reparatory justice (fulfilled i.a. through mediation) should be sought in the community nature of the offence and its effects. Explaining the theoretical foundations of mediation between the victim and the offender is a complex task because of the multitude of its sources as well as theories and conceptions quoted, and particularly because of the lack of agreement as to the essence of the usually quoted conception of reparatory justice and as to its treatment as "competitive'' with fespect to traditional justice or (for which interpretation I would like to declare) as that system's highly profitable logical supplementation, improvement and expansion. Also in Poland, the practice of actions involving mediation have outpaced the theory: for several years now, there has been quite a rapid growth in its application in practice. In both spheres, there are many problems and challenges worth taking up. At the same time, expanding the theory is of importance for the practice. Explanation of the ideas, aims and foundations of mediation and of its position with respect to traditional justice is paramount for the institution's reasonable development, evaluation and shaping towards its meeting the expectations.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2000, XXV; 9-28
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przyczyny i czynniki stymulujące przestępstwa rozbójnicze
Causes and Factors of Crime Racketeering and Extortion
Autorzy:
Adamczyk, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2140563.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Naukowe Dolnośląskiej Szkoły Wyższej
Tematy:
demoralizacja
przestępca
rodzina patologiczna
agresja
demoralisation
offender
family pathological
agresion
Opis:
W artykule omówiono przyczyny i czynniki mające wpływ na przestępczość rozbójniczą. Przybliżono wpływ środowiska rodzinnego, rówieśniczego, czynników osobowościowych, sytuacyjnych i wiele innych w oparciu o badania sondażowe przeprowadzone w Areszcie Śledczym w Poznaniu wśród osadzonych. Określono związki korelacyjne pomiędzy poszczególnymi czynnikami a przyczynami przestępczości rozbójnicze tj. jak bezrobocie, zatrudnienie, gęstość zaludnienia.
The article discusses the causes and factors that influence crime robbery. Approximated the effect of family environment, peer, personality factors, situational, and many others. Discusses the survey carried out in Remand in Poznan among inmates. The parsed correlations of variables IE. as unemployment, employment, population density.
Źródło:
Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego; 2017, 11, 2; 156-173
1896-8848
2450-3436
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Bezpieczeństwa Międzynarodowego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sytuacyjne zapobieganie przestępczości
Situational Crime Prevention
Autorzy:
Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699050.pdf
Data publikacji:
1994
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
zapobieganie przestępczości
przestępczość
kryminologia
przestępca
crime prevention
delinquency
criminology
offender
Opis:
Disappointment in crime prevention based on the etiological approach led to a closer analysis of the circumstances of the offence, its physical conditions, and the resulting motivations of the offender. Whatever his inborn or socially acquired criminal predispositions, object and opportunity are necessary for an offence to take place. Advocates of the situational approach in criminology argue that a potential offender generally does not act on an impulse: instead, he more or less consciously analyses the situation and decides to commit the offence at a given time and place and against a given target. This is the basic assumption of situational crime prevention.             Situational crime prevention resolves itself into reduction or liquidation of the physical opportunity to commit an offence, and extension of the probability of apprehension of the offender. This can be done in three different ways.             First, the guard over the target can be extended or intensified, or the potential offender can be made to believe that, while dwelling in a given place, he is under incessant surveillance by the police or other competent persons, or by the inhabitants or users of a given object or area.             Second, the target can be made less open to crime: special circumstances make it less easily accessible (or completely inaccessible), and theft can no longer yield the expected profit to the offender. This procedure is called target hardening.             Third, various organizational steps can be taken that change the environment of crime: new ciercumstances arise and situation in which an offence might take place is changed.             The above three methods of situational crime prevention have different efficiency. Their actual efficiency depends on a variety of factors related to the methodology of the crime prevention program and to cultural conditions. As regards programs basied on increased surveillance, the most efficient are those which involve the local population who are allowed both passively to watch over their area of residence, and actively to participate in its protection.             What is considered a particulary effective method of situational crime prevention is target hardening where access to the target is made difficult through a variety of physical obstacles. Not as obvious is the efficiency of another target hardening measure where valuable objects are marked so as to make it difficult for the offender to gain by his theft and to increase the probability of his apprehension. Such measures, called operation identification, prove highly efficient in some countries but are next to ineffective in others. Thee ffects here depend largely on the efficiency of the police. Whith a low detection rate of thefts, the marking of objects cannot possibly yield the expected results.             It has been  found in studies of offenders’ processes of deciding that their decision to commit an offencis based on the factors that condition, first, the physical opportunity (access to the object) nad second, the offender’s safety. The idea of situational crime prevention has many followers who stress the relative easiness of the application of the suggested methods and their efficiency. The opponents argue that,while it many perhaps contribute to preventing definite offences at a definite time and place, situational crime prevention does not actually prevent crime. What it leads to is displacement of crime. The offence is committed anyway but perhaps in another time or place, by other means, or against another target. Despite all the reservations concerning displacement of crime, it msot be stated that situational crime prevention often proves effective; what is more, it requires neither prolonged programs nor entangled methods of manipulating society. Admittedly the offender is not reformed; yet a definite offence is not committed in a definite place, and the target remains safe. This makes situational prevention as important an element of crime prevention programs as the generally recognized social methods.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1994, XX; 7-20
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Investigating Citizens’ Concern About Corruption and Anti-corruption: A Case Study in Vietnam
Badanie postrzegania przez obywateli zjawiska korupcji i jej zwalczania. Studium przypadku w Wietnamie
Autorzy:
Van Vu, Tuan
Cao, Oanh
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1964465.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:
corruption
anti-corruption
offender
transparency
preventive measures
korupcja
antykorupcja
przestępca
transparentność
środki zapobiegawcze
Opis:
Corruption has been the centre of attention on a global scale. Almost all studies concentrate on corruptive effects on the governance, economics or politics. This paper investigates the citizens’ perceptions towards corruption and anti-corruption in Vietnam. This is a new look contributing to the panoramic picture of anti-corrup-tion. The study employed a descriptive approach with a researcher-made ques-tionnaire for 385 respondents selected by a stratified random sampling method based on Cochran’s formula. It was found out that preventive measures and corrup tion laws are not severe enough to admonish corruption offenders. Transpa-rency is not highly promoted for people to access information, so citizens’ super-vision is not very effective. There is a mismatch between citizens’ perceptions and external organisations’ assessment. It is necessary to implement anti-corruption law strictly and renovate people’s right to get corruptive information. Moreover, the government should recheck and adjust preventive anti-corruption laws to match each specific type of corruption. Urgently, the operation of the state appa-ratus ought to cooperate and join hands to combat corruption. It is advisable for the government to collaborate with external organisations to exchange experience in curbing corruption.
Korupcja znalazła się w centrum uwagi na skalę globalną. Niemal wszystkie badania skupiają się na jej szkodliwych skutkach w odniesieniu do rządów, ekonomii i polityki. Niniejszy artykuł bada to, jak obywatele postrzegają korupcję i antykorupcję w Wietnamie. To nowe spojrzenie przyczyniające się do szerokiego ujęcia problematyki antykorupcji. Badanie ma charakter opisowy, do jego przeprowadzenia wykorzystano autorską ankietę dla 385 respondentów, wybranych metodą losowania warstwowego w oparciu o wzór Cochrana. Okazało się, że środki zapobiegawcze i przepisy dotyczące korupcji nie są wystarczająco surowe, by stanowiły przestrogę dla sprawców korupcji. Transparentność nie jest promowana na tyle mocno, by ludzie mieli dostęp do informacji, więc kontrola obywatelska nie jest zbyt skuteczna. Istnieje niezgodność między postrzeganiem korupcji przez obywateli a tym, jak oceniają ją organizacje zewnętrzne. Konieczne jest ścisłe wdrożenie prawa antykorupcyjnego i odnowienie prawa obywateli do uzyskiwania informacji dotyczących korupcji. Co więcej, rząd powinien ponownie sprawdzić przepisy dotyczące zapobiegania korupcji i dopasować je do każdego rodzaju korupcji. Działanie aparatu państwowego powinno się pilnie oprzeć na współpracy i połączeniu sił w celu zwalczenia korupcji. Wskazane jest, by rząd nawiązał współpracę z organizacjami zewnętrznymi w celu wymiany doświadczeń w kwestii ograniczania korupcji.
Źródło:
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne Studia nad Prawem; 2021, 13, 4; 189-216
2080-1084
2450-7938
Pojawia się w:
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne Studia nad Prawem
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sprawstwo czynu zabronionego w świetle art. 194 Kodeksu karnego z 1997 roku
The Deed Authorship Prohibited in the Light of art. 194 Criminal Code from 1997
La perpétration d’un acte prohibé en vertu de l’art. 199 du Code pénal de 1997
Autorzy:
Grudzińska, Karolina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1891737.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
wolność religijna
dyskryminacja religijna
odpowiedzialność karna
przestępca
religious freedom
religious discrimination
criminal responsibility
offender
Opis:
The article applies to criminal liability arising from religious discrimination. Article reflect definition of offender and perpetration. It discusses the possibility of committing a criminal act in the forms of phenomenal. Religious discrimination takes place only when offender acting intentionally and his actions are determined by a particular motivation of worldview or profession of the victim. The discrimination can be after the operation or the abandonment.
Źródło:
Kościół i Prawo; 2014, 3 (16) nr 1; 167-178
0208-7928
2544-5804
Pojawia się w:
Kościół i Prawo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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