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Tytuł:
Społeczne postrzeganie korupcji politycznej w perspektywie oceny uczciwości władz politycznych
The Social Perception of Political Corruption vs the Evaluation of Honesty of Political Authorities
Autorzy:
Wojtasik, Waldemar
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514793.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
corruption,
political corruption
political power
honesty
Opis:
Political corruption is a multidimensional phenomenon, concerning political authorities at all possible levels. It is defined as the abuse of power by political entities in order to obtain personal benefits in the form of greater power or wealth. It shows that the subject of political corruption is not only material benefits but also the mechanisms of increasing the influence or special treatment. The character of political corruption results in the public interest in it, enhanced by the public character of the individuals it refers to. It is also influenced by the processual character of the phenomenon itself, but first of all by the specific attractive nature of corruption in social awareness. The article presents the findings of research concerning opinions on political corruption. Its goal is to study the relationships between the respondents' opinions on political authorities' honesty and the determinants of corrupt phenomena. The main research question is: Is there any relationship between the person's opinion on political authorities' honesty and the person's perception of political corruption? The hypothesis related to the question assumes there is a connection between the perception of political authorities' honesty and the evaluation of components of political corruption. The research is part of a research project carried out by the IPSO ORDO Academic Foundation on the perception of the corruption phenomenon in the public domain.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2017, 17; 119-128
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
WPROWADZENIE DO DYSKUSJI NAD KONCEPCJĄ OPOZYCJI POLITYCZNEJ
INTRODUCTION TO THE DEBATE ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL OPPOSITION
Autorzy:
Pałecki, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512781.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
Tematy:
Political opposition
political power
subjectivity in power relations
Opis:
After the adoption of the understanding of political power as a game of social agen-cy in a politically organized community, the author states that the scope of the subjectivi-ty of both sides of power relations is variable, but the subjectivity of subordinates cannot be completely reduced. He defines political opposition as a normatively regulated and institutionally realized right to resist power entities.
Źródło:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo; 2016, 14, 1; 5-11 (7)
1732-9639
Pojawia się w:
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Understanding and comparison of East and West Philosophies
Autorzy:
Gluchmanova, Marta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2157848.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych i Edukacji Humanum
Tematy:
place
philosophy
political power
exploration.
Opis:
The author stressed and emphasized some of the most interesting papers which were presented during the 11th East-West Philosophers’ Conference: “Place.”
Źródło:
Społeczeństwo i Edukacja. Międzynarodowe Studia Humanistyczne; 2016, 4(23); 37-43
1898-0171
Pojawia się w:
Społeczeństwo i Edukacja. Międzynarodowe Studia Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Understanding and comparison of East and West Philosophies
Autorzy:
Gluchmanova, Marta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2131179.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych i Edukacji Humanum
Tematy:
place
philosophy
political power
exploration
Opis:
The author stressed and emphasized some of the most interesting papers which were presented during the 11th East-West Philosophers’ Conference: “Place.”
Źródło:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne; 2016, 2(21); 55-61
1898-8431
Pojawia się w:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Теоретико-методологічниі аспекти технологій легітимації політичної влади в Україні
Theoretical and Methodology Aspects of the Technologies’ Legitimation of Political Power in Ukraine
Autorzy:
Чубаєвський, Віталій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489438.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Ukraine
democratic transformation
political power
technologies of the legitimation
of political power
the electoral process
Opis:
The analysis of theoretical and methodological aspects of the essence, content and specificity of the application of technologies’ legitimation of political power in Ukraine at the stage of democratic transformation has been shown in the article. These technologies are defined as a kind of social engineering, deliberate, purposeful action to influence a wide range of subjects of political relations, with the aim of creating a positive image of the government using evidence-based set of tools, methods and procedures. The attention has been focused on the unexplored side of the legitimation of power – its symbolic regulation and organizations, in particular the mythologizing and ideologizing. The legitimacy of power in Ukraine before the events of the Euromaidan was being achieved thanks to legitimate technology of simulation of democratic changes, which is a type of the virtualization technology. The analysis of the nature of the relationship between the state and society at the time of independence with the release of the respective stages, which in fact match the timing of presidential candidacies and is evidenced by the domination of certain legitimate technologies, has been implemented. At the present stage of socio-political development of Ukraine the populism in all the richness of its forms and manifestations and means of use acquires threatening volumes. The most dangerous consequences of destructive influence of populism are: the formation of an overly simplified picture of the socio-political reality; the delegitimization of the existing political and social order due to its constant criticism; the formation of two-dimensional («people» – «enemies») picture of the world with the simultaneous vulgarization of the complex problems’ solution, etc. The process of legitimation of political power during elections, and, respectively, the related electoral technologies, occurs at all stages of the electoral process – well before the official nomination of the applicants to obtain powers. For example, for the formation of public opinion in the period between elections the technology of the customized polls which referred to the defendants in the upcoming elections is used. The legitimation of power occurs during the nomination and registration of candidates, political parties and blocks of political parties – participants in the electoral competition, in the formation of their campaign offices and funds of the election commissions, election campaigning, the actual voting and also during appeals and judicial processes. Especially dangerous to society and to the development of democracy is manipulative constitutional and legal technology, when the electoral laws and even constitutional provisions «wing» as the political situation. The ruling circles with the manner of application of certain provisions of the electoral system, particularly the type of electoral system, size of entry barriers, permission or prohibition of participation in elections of blocs of political parties, the order of formation of election commissions, etc. form the preconditions for the victory of certain political forces. The modern period of social development is marked by a significant influence on the formation of people’s consciousness of communication and information technologies, as television and radio create the illusion of presence of the broad masses of the population, including the audience abroad. Psychological and image-based technologies are designed to influence the consciousness and sub consciousness of the person. The use of such technologies is quite different from the ordinary informing of man. They are aimed at disruption of its activities. The purpose of these operations – is the impact on the public consciousness in a certain direction, aiming at the subordination of the will of the people and their behavior in such a way as to force them to act, if not against their own interests, then with a significant «correction» in favor of the initiators of the use of such technologies. The technologies are used not only for political legitimation of the power, but its de-legitimization. A common practice of de-legitimization of candidates seeking to get to power is the technology of «black PR», «dirty» technologies, the publication of compromising materials on the Internet with their subsequent legalization in the Ukrainian mass media, etc. The special feature of the development of the political process in Ukraine is the use of «dirty» technologies associated with the artificial aggravation of inter-regional contradictions. Their use has become widespread since the early 2000s and lasted until the beginning of the dramatic events connected with the annexation of Crimea and the exclusion of the Eastern territories of the country by an external aggressor. The main direction technologies of the political power legitimation is their virtualization and symbolic regulation, the content of which depends on the characteristics legitimate periods of functioning of the political power in Ukraine. The current stage of the political power legitimation in Ukraine, which began with the overthrow of the regime of Yanukovych, certifies the playback of her previous technologies of democratic reforms’ imitation.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 179-191
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Официальный статус церкви как юридического лица публичного или частного права в европ- ейских конституциях
Autorzy:
Прокопович, Галина Алексеевна
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2141743.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Instytut Studiów Międzynarodowych i Edukacji Humanum
Tematy:
constitutional tradition
EU members
political power
Opis:
This article is devoted to the research of common constitutional traditions of the countries – EU members in the sphere of human rights. Though this sphere is not deprived of any common elements, but it has certain differences in the systems of historic, social, institutional heritage. It is these differences that constitute the cultural basis of European unity that inoculates it its own cultural models and its legal tradition. Considerable coincidences in constitutional traditions of the EU countries let us come to the conclusion that the true guarantee to provide the fundamental rights should be looked for not in the authorities of the political power, but in the depth of nations’ cultures.
Źródło:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne; 2009, 3(3); 37-54
1898-8431
Pojawia się w:
Humanum. Międzynarodowe Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Gilgamesh, Political Power, and Human Nature
Autorzy:
Świercz, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/420713.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
Tematy:
Gilgamesh
Enkidu
human nature
political power
political philosophy
Opis:
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The objective of the article is an analysis of the Epic of Gilgamesh from the perspective of political philosophy. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The main research problem undertaken in this article is the problem of human nature and its connection with political power in light of the Sumero-Akkadian Epic of Gilgamesh. The article is based on an analysis of the source text (the Epic of Gilgamesh) in the English version by Andrew George, with the secondary literature also taken into consideration. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The point of departure is a justification of the subject undertaken here, with a reference to Leo Strauss’ political philosophy. Next, three key aspects of the subject matter are analyzed: the humanization of Enkidu, the search for immortality, and the conception of political power. RESEARCH RESULTS: The main result of the scientific analysis is the indication of themes concerning the significance and understanding of human nature and their relationship to the concept of political power that formed in Mesopotamia. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: In the conclusions, the author indicates the unmistakable presence of a notion of human nature in Sumero-Akkadian reflection, as well as the connection between this notion of human nature and a paradigm of political power. The author also points to a religious aspect crucial for understanding these concepts.
Źródło:
Horyzonty Polityki; 2019, 10, 32; 31-46
2082-5897
Pojawia się w:
Horyzonty Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Philosophy and Power in North America: a Brief Introduction
Autorzy:
Mango, Peter
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/512385.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne Adalbertinum
Tematy:
philosophy
political power
American politics
North America
Opis:
Someone once claimed that every person is a citizen of two countries: of their own, and of the United States of America. This is obvious hyperbole, perhaps written when Europeans were even more fascinated by America’s political ex-periment, economic expansion, and population growth than by its popular cul-ture. Peoples the world over do not automatically identify with the United States; in fact, many define themselves in opposition to it. The article first ex-amines some primary political powers in American politics, and then traces certain distinct philosophies as responsible for affecting perspectives on centralized government, socioeconomic affairs, foreign policy, and socio-cultural issues.
Źródło:
Studia Ełckie; 2013, 15, 4; 483-501
1896-6896
2353-1274
Pojawia się w:
Studia Ełckie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Miejska ulica jako przestrzeń życia politycznego - między ładem cenzury a żywiołem buntu
Urban street as political space: between order of censorship and spontaneity of rebellion
Autorzy:
Błahut, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/667245.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
Tematy:
urban space
social interaction
political power
rebellion
Opis:
This paper regards the urban street as social space, where different symbolic interactions occur between individuals and groups of people. The established social and political order within this space happens to be disturbed by different forms of protest. An article attempts to compare the course of riots in former times to those at present. The comparison implies that the functional grandness of the urban street belongs to the past. This is mainly caused by new legal regulations restricting freedom of assembly and the new tele-electronic media space, and by a deepening division of the Polish society into different groups of interest, and its consequent inability to consolidate. An indirect cause also is the new order and mentality developed in democratic societies and by a consumeristic lifestyle.
Źródło:
Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne; 2015, 15
1506-5790
2353-9860
Pojawia się w:
Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Political Discourse: A Mirror Reflecting a Leader’s Hidden Self
Autorzy:
Vrabie, Irina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1834005.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-08-02
Wydawca:
Mazowiecka Uczelnia Publiczna w Płocku
Tematy:
political power
discourse
persuasion strategies
instrument
mass persuasion.
Opis:
Social, cultural and political power can be attained through such small gestures, words and simply through one‘s way of being. Great world leaders use words and political discourse as a calculated and deliberate tool in their political plans, as a way of sharing their valuable experience, or only what they intend to reveal to the world, with the hope that every gesture and thought will make a difference. Nevertheless, the ideas that they display and want to put into practice may not be as selfless and benevolent as they let their people believe, their discourses may be just a way of obtaining a strategic position in order to manifest their personal or institutional interests. This paper will try to shed some light on the characteristics of some strategic political discourse, belonging to Nelson Mandela and Donald Trump, in order to reveal some of the most frequently used persuasion strategies through the use of language. It shall be revealed how words can provide people with a raptured vision of the future and the society they live in, or how they can represent an instrument of mass persuasion.
Źródło:
Społeczeństwo. Edukacja. Język; 2019, 9; 77-86
2353-1266
2449-7983
Pojawia się w:
Społeczeństwo. Edukacja. Język
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obywatel w państwie. Kilka uwag o typach ładu zbiorowego i społeczeństwie polskim
The Citizen in the State. Some Remarks on the Types of Social Order and on Polish Society
Autorzy:
Sowa, Kazimierz Z.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/527120.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
social order
civil society
political power
Polish history
Opis:
In the paper the author singles out three types of social order, that is the way of a social organization from the political power point of view: 1) religious order, 2) masterful order, and 3) civil order. The basic form of the social order is the state. According to the author the main difference between, from one had, the first two types, and the third from the other, lies in different political relation between the government and the rank and file members of the state. In the case of the first two types – religious and masterful – all members, “citizens”, are subject to the state, whereas in the case of civil order – the state is subject to its citizens. Poland after demise of communism has developed apparently a civil state, but Polish civil society has been still rather weak. The author of the essay is searching for the roots of this weakness in the Polish history.
Źródło:
Państwo i Społeczeństwo; 2012, 1; 13-25
1643-8299
2451-0858
Pojawia się w:
Państwo i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Importance of Myths and Legends in Shaping Polish Historical Policy in the 21st Century: Contemporary Determinants
Autorzy:
Wojtaszak, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28411126.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
memory politics
historical policy
myth
legend
political power
Opis:
The aim of the article is to analyse the value of myth and legend in shaping historical policy. The activity of politicians and their influence on shaping historical policy is most often associated with political change, secession, reconstruction, or state renewal. The creators of these transformations seek to find historical connections in the past that would legitimise the changes and the purposefulness of the actions taken by the government. Historians play a considerable role in such endeavours; however, they should not forget historical truth, which may conflict with political needs.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2023, 44 (51); 125-138
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Етимологічна та змістовна варіативність і системність класичного / вузького визначення політичної опозиції
Etymological and content variativity and system of classical / narrow definition of political opposition
Autorzy:
Кольцов, Віталій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489299.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
governmen
opposition
determinism of the political opposition
parliamentary opposition
political power
competition
Opis:
Political opposition (in the narrow sense of the word) plays an important role in the mechanism of checks and balances under the conditions of one or another type of political regime. Accordingly, the study of political opposition is impossible without studying the political system and political power, and the political opposition is a term and a concept that is of paramount importance for understanding political competition, relations between power and non-power, the state and society. However, the narrow definition of political opposition is varied and ambiguous, although its essence and unilateral. Its unidirectionality is a consequence of classical research in the late 60's and early 70's of the twentieth century. It was initially argued that political opposition is an antipode of government within any political system, and therefore forms the basis of the political-system context of the analysis of inter-institutional relations. Consequently, the narrow definitions of political opposition are variable, albeit averaging equal to the mechanisms of checks and balances. The point is that, in the classical sense, political opposition is interpreted relatively, because it is relevant to staying in one form or another disagreement with other authorities. The specificity of the narrow understanding of political opposition is due to the view from which angle of view and theoretical and methodological point of view it is normative, institutional, structural and functional. At the same time, the perception of political opposition is the unified as an institution with its functions and structure. A lot part of scientists appeals to definition political opposition in an even more narrow and even normative or instrumental sense. This generates the requirement of perception of political opposition as an institution that is sharply opposed, on the one hand, individual political actors, but on the other hand, any sudden outbursts of protests and violence, although they can be a tool of influence of the political opposition. In addition, it determines the vision of the political opposition as an institution outside government or power in its narrow sense. Largely this narrow and normative understanding of the political opposition due to the fact that the study of empirical cases of political opposition or claim and the necessity of its classification, even the classics of political theory of the opposition mainly focus their attention on one particular kind of political opposition, namely the parliamentary opposition, which is understood as the most advanced and institutional example of a political conflict. Using this theoretical and methodological logic of the political opposition in its classic Definition often limited to one particular political sphere - the Parliament - or just one specific actor - party (or parties) that represents a minority in the legislature. The primary objective of the political opposition in its classical definition is getting political, especially governmental power. This means that political and parliamentary opposition are equivalent in the narrow approach. As a conclusion, an appeal to the essence and phenomenon of political competition is the synthetic descriptor of a narrow or classical definition of political opposition. In this regard, any form of political opposition is always generated around a certain type of political competition, and not vice versa, because political competition does not necessarily involve a political opposition. In this case, competition between the government and the political opposition, which are political categories, is primarily a competition for political power. Or, in other words, competition under the scheme of "government-opposition" is traditionally considered as a controversy over the issues of obtaining and implementing power. The government and the opposition must be determined by some degree of mutual recognition of each other, and therefore excludes a high degree of violence in their relationship and competition (whereby the opposition in time of war and unauthorized by the government the strike are not manifestations of political opposition), changing their structured rules. Although on the other hand, such conceptualization of the political opposition as a base is insufficient, because it works only in a democratic political regime. But this observation is not the task of the presented scientific exploration, it is subject to further scientific research on the problem of determining the political opposition.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 230-237
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Fenomenologia autorytetu w ujęciu Alexandre Kojève’a
Alexandre Kojève’s Phenomenology of Authority
Autorzy:
Winczewski, Damian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2231671.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-06-02
Wydawca:
Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
Tematy:
fenomenologia
władza polityczna
autorytet
konstytucjonalizm
phenomenology
political power
authority
constitutional theory
Opis:
Cel badawczy: Celem badawczym artykułu jest przedstawienie teorii autorytetu Alexandre’a Kojève’a poprzez prezentację jego założeń filozoficznych i politycznych. Problem i metody badawcze: Głównym problemem analizowanym w niniejszym artykule jest omówienie implikacji politycznych płynących z zastosowania metody fenomenologicznej w odniesieniu do pojęcia autorytetu. Filozofia Kojève’a stanowi próbę krytycznego namysłu, której efektem jest fenomenologiczne oddzielenie autorytetu od siły i przemocy, co prowadzi do interesujących konkluzji wskazujących na to, że stabilna władza polityczna nie może być oparta na przemocy, lecz na pokojowych rządach prawa. Proces wywodu: Artykuł rekonstruuje kolejne fazy teorii autorytetu Kojève’a, prezentując znaczenie samego filozofa w kulturze, następnie omawia jego definicję autorytetu i wynikające stąd wnioski polityczne. Została zrekonstruowana wizja uniwersalnego i homogenicznego państwa opartego na supremacji władzy sądowniczej. Finalnie tekst wieńczy część krytyczna – omówienie propozycji Kojève’a. Wyniki analizy naukowej: Z jednej strony zostają przedstawione słabe strony refleksji filozoficznej bohatera tekstu, które ufundowane są na intuicyjnej i subiektywnej spekulacji w kwestii autorytetu. Z drugiej strony przemyślenia Kojève’a zawierają wiele przenikliwych refleksji na temat współczesnych teorii demokratycznych. Jego analizy mogą zostać potraktowane jako jedna z perspektyw tłumaczących dzisiejsze problemy integracji europejskiej. Wnioski, innowacje i rekomendacje: Artykuł pokazuje, w jaki sposób filozoficzne myślenie teoretyczne potrafi wskazać na istotne problemy w procesie integracji europejskiej.
Research Objective: The research aim of the article is to present the theory of the authority of Alexandre Kojève, discussing his philosophical assumptions and political implications. The Research Problem and Method: he main problem analyzed in this article is to discuss the political implications of applying the phenomenological method to the concept of authority. Kojève’s philosophy is an attempt at critical reflection that results in a phenomenological separation of authority from force and violence, leading to interesting conclusions that stable political power cannot be based on violence, but must be based on the peaceful rule of law. The Process of Argumentation: The article reconstructs the successive phases of Kojève’s theory of authority, presenting the importance of the philosopher himself in culture, then discussing his definition of authority and the resulting political conclusions. Then the vision of a universal and homogeneous state based on the supremacy of the judiciary was reconstructed. Finally, the text ends with a critical sumarry of Kojève’s proposal. Research Results: On the one hand, there are presented the weaknesses of the philosophical reflection of the text’s protagonist, which are founded on intuitive and subjective speculation on the issue of authority. On the other hand, Kojève’s reflection contains many significant reflections on contemporary democratic theories and their imperfections. His analyzes can be treated as one of the perspectives explaining today’s problems of European integration. Conclusions, Innovations, and Recommendations: The article in conclusions shows how philosophical theoretical thinking is able to identify significant problems of European integration.
Źródło:
Horyzonty Polityki; 2022, 13, 45; 11-30
2082-5897
Pojawia się w:
Horyzonty Polityki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nie pytajcie mnie, kim jestem, ani nie mówcie mi, abym pozostał taki sam..., czyli o tożsamości władzy według Michela Foucaulta
Do not ask who I am and do not ask me to remain the same..., about the identity of power according to Michel Foucault
Autorzy:
Bień, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1941571.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
władza
tożsamość
współczesność
polityka
Michel Foucault
political power
identity
modernity
politics
Opis:
Pojęcie władzy jest jednym z głównych problemów w myśli Michela Foucaulta. Filozof w sposób krytyczny analizuje współczesne mu dyskursy polityczne, religijne i światopoglądowe oraz historyczne uwarunkowania ich powstania, aby następnie podjąć się trudu zdefiniowania pojęcia władzy. Sam termin rozumiany jest przez niego holistycznie – obejmuje ono wszystkie aspekty życia indywidualnego, rodzinnego i społecznego jednostki, dyskursu społecznego, problemu wiedzy, wykluczenia oraz oddziaływania światopoglądowego, w tym religii. Celem artykułu jest opis elementów tożsamości władzy w myśli Michela Foucaulta oraz odpowiedź na pytanie, w jaki sposób jest ona konstruowana oraz jak wpływa na upodmiotowienie człowieka w społeczeństwie.
The concept of power is one of the main problems of social concepts in the work of Michel Foucault. The philosopher critically analyzes contemporary political, religious and ideological discourses as well as the historical conditions of their emergence, in order to undertake the trouble of defining the concept of power. The term itself is understood by him extremely holistically – it covers all aspects of the individual, family and social life of an individual (entity), social discourse, the problem of knowledge, exclusion and ideological influence, including religion. The purpose of the article is to describe the elements of the identity of power in the thought of Michel Foucault and answer the question how it is constructed and how it affects the empowerment of man in society?
Źródło:
Cywilizacja i Polityka; 2020, 18, 18; 202-213
1732-5641
Pojawia się w:
Cywilizacja i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 26

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