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Tytuł:
Polityka kulturalna w polskiej myśli politycznej po 1989 roku na przykładzie programów partii i ugrupowań politycznych w wyborach parlamentarnych 1991 roku
Cultural policy in Polish political thought after 1989, on the example of the programs of political parties and groups in the 1991 parliamentary elections
Autorzy:
Prętki, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/23050732.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-11
Wydawca:
Mazowiecka Uczelnia Publiczna w Płocku
Tematy:
polityka kulturalna
polska myśl polityczna
partie polityczne
programy partii politycznych
wybory parlamentarne 1991 roku
Cultural policy
Polish political thought
political parties
political party programs
parliamentary elections 1991
Opis:
Celem artykułu była analiza problematyki polityki kulturalnej w polskiej myśli politycznej po 1989 roku, na przykładzie programów partii i ugrupowań politycznych w wyborach parlamentarnych 1991 roku. W artykule zauważono, że etnocentryzm i relatywizm kulturowy nie był dominującym elementem propozycji wyborczych w zakresie kultury. Kwestie związane z ochroną polskiego rynku kultury przed zalewem negatywnych treści z zagranicy, a także ochroną polskiej tożsamości i kultury narodowej pojawiały się w różnym nasileniu w programach wyborczych takich partii politycznych i koalicji wyborczych, jak: Solidarność Pracy, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe – Porozumienie Ludowe, Partii Chrześcijańskich Demokratów, Porozumienia Obywatelskiego Centrum, Wyborczej Akcji Katolickiej, Unii Polityki Realnej. Tematyka ochrony polskiej tożsamości narodowej i kultury narodowej zdominowała propozycje wyborcze w zakresie kultury zaprezentowane przez Stronnictwo Narodowe.
The aim of the article was to analyze the issues of cultural policy in Polish political thought after 1989, on the example of the programs of political parties and groups in the 1991 parliamentary elections. The article notes that ethnocentrism and cultural relativism was not a dominant element of the cultural election proposals. Issues related to the protection of the Polish cultural market against the flood of negative foreign content, as well as the protection of Polish national identity and culture, appeared in varying degrees of intensity in the election programs of such political parties and election coalitions as: Labour Solidarity, Polish People’s Party - People’s Agreement, Party of Christian Democrats, Civic Center Agreement, Electoral Catholic Action, Union of Real Politics. The issues of protection of Polish national identity and culture dominated the election proposals for culture presented by the National Party.
Źródło:
Rocznik Towarzystwa Naukowego Płockiego; 2020, 12; 217-234
0860-5637
2657-7704
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Towarzystwa Naukowego Płockiego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wyborcy wobec sposobu wyboru i zakresu władzy liderów polskich partii politycznych
Voters in the face of election mechanism and scope of leaders authority in Polish political parties
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514648.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
party leaders
party organization
party organizational change
political parties
Opis:
The article refers to the ratio of voters to choose the method and scope of leaders authority in the Polish political parties such as the Law and Justice party, Civic Platform, Polish Peasant Party, Palikot’s Movement and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). Most party leaders are elected by indirect suffrage. From the test batches only the leader of SLD had been once directly selected. The majority of respondents (both left-wing, right-wing and centrist) supported the idea of direct selection. However more often, a direct dial is in favor of left-wing voters. The scope of formal power increases with the leaders of the party from the left to the right point of the political spectrum. The subjects were different approach to the scope of authority of leaders. More left-wing voters were in favor of limiting their rights, right-wing supporters were often in favor of making authority leaders stronger. Internal regulations of the studied formations correspond to the expectations of voters as to the extent of its formal powers. However, differ as to the expected pattern of choice.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2013, 6; 61-74
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Czy polskie partie są demokratyczne?
Are the Polish parties democratic?
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953218.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
political parties
democracy
party leader
Opis:
The article analyzes the application of democratic principles in the structures of polish political parties such as: Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform), Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), Twój Ruch (Your Movement), Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People’s Party), Prawica Rzeczypospolitej (Right Wing of the Republic), Polska Partia Pracy (Polish Labour Party), Partia Zieloni (Greens), Solidarna Polska (Solidary Poland). The author of the article discusses the issues of leadership competition, creation of informal groups in the party elections, members disciplining, and leaders forcing environmental risks arising from the principles of internal democracy. The author stated that the parties should be left free to shape structures while legally protect the democratic principles of choice and the relationship between the authorities and the equality of rights of members of the party.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 47; 84-97
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Anti-systemness of the Protest Parties
Autorzy:
Michalak, Bartłomiej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2025236.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
protest parties
party politics
political parties
political theory
Opis:
Last decades of the past century, as well as the current one, may be characterized by the increase of political role of the movements that are called “the protest parties.” Scholars, journalists and politicians put a lot of attention to that phenomenon. However, it is focused just on selected elements of the problem. Beginning from the 1980s European public opinion may observe the rise and development of groups of ecologists. The unexpected electoral success of the new type of party is called “the New Populism.” Back in the 1990s it caused many concerns, opinions and discussions on the issue whether such parties are harmful for modern and stabilized western European democracies. At the turn of the century the political scene has been dominated by new forms of activity, which are the anti-globalization and alternative globalization movements.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2011, 40; 110-121
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Party leadership in Poland in comparative perspective
Autorzy:
Radecki, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647573.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
party leadership
leaders
intra-party democracy
political parties
Polska
Opis:
The aim of this paper is to analyse leadership in Polish political parties in comparative perspective. In the further parts of this paper, the methods of leader selections, their competitiveness, as well as reasons for their stepping down are discussed. Similarly to the western political parties, the Polish ones have been changing their methods of leadership selection. So far each time it has consisted in a formal increase in the inclusiveness of the selection. The reasons for transferring the rights relating to the leadership selection to party members were brought closer to the premises typical for Westminster democracies rather than the consensual ones. The analysis of the Polish case shows that the internal elections have been characterized by different levels of competitiveness.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2015, 22, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
An overeview of attitude towards selected aspects of electoral programs of Polish political groups taking part in the 2014 elections to the European Parliament
Autorzy:
Ganowicz, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647755.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Political Science
party system
political parties
political programmes
Europarliament 2014 elections
Opis:
Elections to the European Parliament (EP), because of its role in establishing the legal order in member states of the European Union (EU), should become increasingly crucial among all the direct elections in which Poles participate in our country’s political system.  But the results of analyses carried out by various research institutions indicate that, in Polish public opinion, the elections to the EP are the least important in terms of the meaning they have for Poles. Since the start of their organization, these elections have consistently come second (in terms of significance) to domestic elections – Presidential, Parliamentary, and local.Yet these elections, for many reasons, were actually the most important of all European elections so far. The following paper is an attempt at answering the question of how important the issues of Polish membership in the EU, EU`s functioning and policy, economic and some selected socio-cultural (especially moral and religious) problems. To answer that question, an analysis was made of the program documents of all parties participating in the 2014 elections to the EP, as well as of party leaders’ statements, mostly posted on the Internet (i.e. on the political groups’ websites). The analysis was conducted taking into consideration three areas:Political: – expansion of the Eurozone into Poland, the possibility of blocking treaties by particular member countries, a common EU foreign policy, the idea of „European solidarity”, the assessment of the integration process, and potential sanctions to be placed by the EU on Russia;Economic: – commercialization and privatization of the health care system, the problem of government interference in the economy, environmental protection at the cost of economic development, decreasing expenses as a means of fighting the economic crisis, and employee redundancies;Moral – Religious: – the possibility of legalizing unions by homosexual couples, the legalization of abortion and marijuana for personal use, the possibility of trading on Sundays and holidays, the introduction of sexual education into schools, the separation of church and state by removing religious symbols from the public sphere, as well as the impossibility of financing churches through public funds. 
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2016, 23, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Spain`s Party System at Times of the Economical Crisis after 2008
Autorzy:
Myśliwiec, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514541.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
political parties
party system
economical crisis
Opis:
In reality of representative democracy, the economic situation of the state is one of the most important factors determining the stability and durability of a political system. In 2008 an intense economic crisis affected whole Europe. One of consequences of this situation were serious changes in composition and functioning of political systems and its subsystems in almost all countries belonging to the region. This phenomenon has also occurred in contemporary Spain. The main aim of this paper will be to show how the Spanish party system has changed after the outbreak of the economic crisis of 2008.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2015, 11; 125-162
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Czy współczesne partie potrzebują jeszcze członków? Wnioski z badań empirycznych w polskich partiach politycznych
Do contemporary political parties still need members? Conclusions from the empirical study into Polish political parties
Autorzy:
Pacześniak, Anna
Wincławska, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514445.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
political parties
membership
grassroots members
party elite and party leadership
Opis:
Research on political party members started on a grand scale at the beginning of the 1990s and it has gone in three main directions: (1) members and activists as a resource for the parties; (2) members as constituting “the party on the ground”; and (3) political participation of the members (van Haute, Paulis & Sierens 2017). In this article we are drawing from all three traditions of the research. The paper is based on empirical investigation from the project “Political Parties and their Social Environment. An Analysis of the Organization and Communication Activities of Polish Political Parties”, in which in-depth interviews with the parties’ leaders and parliamentarians were conducted and questionnaires were collected from the grassroots members and activists. To structure our research we put forward the following theses: (1) The parties’ elites declaratively appreciate the role of rank-and-file members in the organizations, but in practice rarely undertake activities to encourage people to join the parties or to engage the members they already have in party work. (2) The grassroots members would like to have more influence on party decisions. (3) The factor that is more important in differentiating the parties on their roles and expectations towards the organizations is the party age rather than its parliamentary or extra-parliamentary status.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2017, 17; 7-26
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Electoral Defeat and Party Change: When do Parties Adapt?
Autorzy:
Pacześniak, Anna
Bachryj-Krzywaźnia, Maciej
Kaczorowska, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375464.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-10
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
electoral defeat
political parties
party change
Europe
Opis:
Electoral defeat has sometimes been called the mother of party change, but is this reputation warranted? In this paper we investigate whether party characteristics such as government status, party systemic origins, or ideological family affect how parties respond to defeat. Examining 73 parties in 28 countries, considering party efforts to change their leadership, their programs and their organizations, we conclude that only systemic origin (post-communist vs. West European countries) is a relevant factor affecting depth of party change. Parties take some corrective actions after electoral defeat, however, they are not likely to be a wholesale reforms. Thus, it would be more accurate to describe electoral defeat as a midwife of a party change, not as its mother.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2020, 27; 63-78
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Party system and media in Poland after 1989
Autorzy:
Sula, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/471123.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008-09
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
Polska
political parties
party system
media
cartelization
Opis:
The importance of the media for the party system formation in Poland in the transforma- tion is unarguable. This signifi cance resulted from the lack of developed party structures that could be involved in process of communication between party elites and electorate. Hence, media became the only possible instrument that might have been used in arousing electorate’s interest. However, the interdependence between party system and media means also that the parties had their influence on the legal framework of the media and sometimes ideological profile as well.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2008, 1, 1; 145-155
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Why do Poles (still) Dislike Political Parties? Some Survey Insights into Anti-Party Attitudes in Poland, 1995–2011
Autorzy:
Gendźwiłł, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1930060.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014-01-07
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
anti-partyism
anti-party attitudes
political parties
party system institutionalization
public
opinion
Polska
Opis:
The article examines the negative approach of Poles towards political parties and partisanship in the recent years, presenting this phenomenon as a part of wider anti-party syndrome, characterizing Polish democracy after 1989. Adapting the approach of Torcal, Gunther and Montero (2002), the author constructs a scale of the anti-partyism, based on the statements typical for anti-party discourse, assessed by respondents in three surveys conducted in 1995, 2001 and 2011. Subsequently, some explanations of anti-party attitudes are tested. The analyses demonstrate that anti-partyism in Poland is relatively durable and embraces both cultural and reactive components. Anti-party attitudes are more visible among citizens socialized during the communist period. However, the consolidation of democracy generated its “own” anti-partyism: the youngest citizens were gradually more disinclined to political parties in the period analyzed (1995–2011).
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2014, 184, 4; 467-486
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Impact of the intra-party democracy on political parties reactions to the electoral defeats - a case study of the selected political groupings in Poland
Autorzy:
Kaczorowska, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2156608.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-13
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
intra-party democracy
electoral defeat
political parties
Polska
Opis:
An electoral defeat usually marks a significant turning point in the life of political parties. It is often the beginning of the changes taking place within them (Harmel, Janda 1994; Gauja 2016: p. 50–51). Existing research suggest that the desire to improve the electoral outcome is the main argument for reform within political parties (Janda 1990; Harmel et al. 1995). This article looks at a relationship between the reactions of political parties to electoral defeat and one factor found to be important in this respect – i.e. the level of intra-party democracy (IPD) analysed at the organisational level. The study uses the IPD measurement model developed by Benjamin von dem Berge and his team (see: von dem Berge et al. 2013). The article provides the analysis of the level of intra-party democracy of the selected four Polish political parties (on the basis of their statutes) continuously present on the Polish political scene after 2001 and its impact on changes within political groupings after electoral defeats. The author examined the statutes of the Law and Justice (PiS), the Civic Platform (PO), the Polish People’s Party (PSL) and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). These parties suffered defeats either in the 2011 or 2015 elections. The main research problem is to determine how the level of IPD of the examined parties influences their reactions after electoral defeats. The research hypothesis is: political parties with a higher level of IPD should change under the influence of electoral defeats more than parties with a lower level of this indicator. The study used also the methodology of data analysis (party’s statutes and other documents) and 21 structured in-depth interviews with representatives of party elites. Based on the results, the index of change after defeat in political parties is created.
Źródło:
Przegląd Europejski; 2021, 4; 191-207
1641-2478
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Europejski
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Demokracja w recesji? Diagnozy i projekty naprawcze
Democracy in a recession? Diagnosis and repair projects
Autorzy:
Pańków, Irena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2042940.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-11-16
Wydawca:
Collegium Civitas
Tematy:
demokracja liberalna
partia polityczna
zmierzch partii
adaptacja partii
populizm
polityczna personalizacja
podejście komparatystyczne
collective action
cross-national comparison
party adaptation
party change
party decline
political parties
political personalization
Opis:
Esej podejmuje kwestie ważne dla współczesnej demokracji. Z raportów instytucji monitorujących jej stan na świecie wyłania się obraz demokracji w recesji. Stanowi on globalne tło do „lokalnych” wyników badań i analiz zawartych w pracy badaczy, których książka stanowi główny przedmiot eseju. Rahat i Kenig badają dwa główne zjawiska współczesnej demokracji: zmierzch partii politycznych i personalizację polityki. Autorzy dokumentują wyraźne zjawisko personalizacji polityki i mniej wyraźny, bo przyjmujący dwie formy, trend zmian partyjnych (upadek bądź adaptacja). Oba zjawiska są paliwem polityki populistycznej. Groźne dla demokracji trendy opisane do roku 2015 nasiliły się później w postaci „wojen kulturowych”, stanowiących zdaniem innych badaczy ślepą uliczkę dla demokracji liberalnych.
The essay examines two of the most prominent developments in contemporary democratic politics, party change and political personalization, and the relationship between them. It presents a broad-brush, cross-national comparison of these phenomena that covers around fifty years in twenty-six countries through the use of more than twenty indicators. It demonstrates that, behind a general trend of decline of political parties, there is much variance among countries. In some, party decline is moderate or even small, which may point to adaptation to the changing environments these parties operate in. In others, parties sharply decline. Most cases fall between these two poles. A clear general trend of personalization in politics is identified, but there are large differences among countries in its magnitude and manifestations. Surprisingly, the online world seems to supply parties with an opportunity to revive. When parties decline, personalization increases. Yet these are far from being perfect zero-sum relationships, which leaves room for the possibility that other political actors may step in when parties decline and that, in some cases, personalization may not hurt parties; it may even strengthen them. Personalization is a big challenge to parties. But parties were, are, and will remain a solution to the problem of collective action, of channeling personal energies to the benefit of the group. Thus they can cope with personalization and even use it to their advantage.
Źródło:
Zoon Politikon; 2020, 11; 81-102
2543-408X
Pojawia się w:
Zoon Politikon
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Formalne determinanty pozycji przywódców w strukturach pozaparlamentarnych partii politycznych w Polsce
Formal determinants of the position of leaders in the structures of non-parliamentary parties in Poland
Autorzy:
Hartliński, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/520276.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Fundacja Niepodległości
Tematy:
przywódca partyjny
organizacja partii
demokracja wewnątrzpartyjna
partie polityczne
Polska
party leader
party organization
intra-party democracy
political parties
Polska
Opis:
The study is aimed at analysing the statutes of 76 political parties and constitutes an attempt at characterising the formal position of party leaders in the structures of Polish non-parliamentary parties. Formal conditions determining leadership in non-parliamentary parties may be characterised with references to a few issues. Almost all of such parties have either of two formally determined positions of the leader. This is chairman (35) and president (33). In the majority of the parties (44) the position of the leader is an independent body set apart in their organisational structure. In fewer parties, the leader is the head of a collegiate body. Classifying the hierarchy of party bodies, in the greatest number of cases the leader was not set apart (29). If it was done, the leader received the second (20) or the third (14) position. The leader almost always, as a result of the position he occupies, becomes a member of other key bodies in the party. In slightly more than half of the parties (39), the leader has an opportunity to decide about the choice of his closest collaborators thanks to the right to propose candidates to take such positions. The length of the term in office is also different in different parties, although the most common period is 4 years (31 parties). In 63 out of 71 parties the leader is chosen by the delegates of local structures during a national congress. As regards the proposed research hypothesis, non-parliamentary parties do not significantly differ from the mainstream parties. There are no considerable disproportions with reference to the applied terminology, selecting various bodies, solutions concerning terms of office, automatic election to the most important decision-making bodies, as well as methods of selecting the leaders. The only difference concerns the fact that in non-parliamentary parties the leader is often not set apart against other party bodies, which is a situation quite rare among the main political parties. As far as the distinguished indexes are concerned, there is of course some degree of variation, yet both parliamentary as well as non-parliamentary parties show similar tendencies in formal positioning of the leaders in their structures.
Źródło:
Prawo i Polityka; 2015, 6; 40-64
2080-5799
Pojawia się w:
Prawo i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
External Factors Determining the Electoral Strategies of Political Parties in Multi-Level Systems
Autorzy:
Kosowska-Gąstoł, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642961.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
electoral strategies
political parties
multi-level system
party organisation
regionalisation
Opis:
This article identifies the factors which determine the electoral strategies of political parties in multi-level systems and describes how they can influence these strategies. It particularly focuses on the two aspects: regionalisation and “nationalisation” (centralisation) of the strategies. In the first case, state-wide parties allow their regional branches to develop their own strategies, in the second one – the regional strategies are dominated by the strategies of statewide parties. The article shows the features of political systems that foster each of these cases, especially the way in which a multi-layered system is created (bottom-up, top-down), the relations between the state authorities at central and regional levels (connected, separated), electoral systems and cycles.
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2014, 1 (5)
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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