Temat: code, - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Wzajemna relacja nękania z art. 190a § 1 k.k. i mobbingu z art. 943 § 2 k.p.
Autorzy:: Budyn-Kulik, Magdalena
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2054205.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:: mobbing
harassment
Criminal Code
Labor Code
nękanie
kodeks karny
kodeks pracy
Opis:: Ustawa z dnia 31 marca 2020 r. zmieniła treść przepisu art. 190a Kodeksu karnego, wprowadziła dwa nowe znamiona oraz zmieniła ustawowe zagrożenie. Opis czynu zabronionego został wzbogacony o nowe rodzaju skutku, jaki ma spowodować zachowanie sprawcy: wzbudzenie poczucia poniżenia lub udręczenia, uzasadnionego okolicznościami. Sankcja została podniesiona i obecnie za ten czyn można wymierzyć jego sprawcy karę od 6 miesięcy do 8 lat pozbawienia wolności. Przepis ten wykazywał już w pierwotnym brzmieniu pewne związki z tzw. mobbingiem. Zjawisko to zostało z definiowane w art. 943 § 2 Kodeksu pracy. Niektóre zachowania wchodzące w skład mobbingu mogą stanowić samoistne czyny zabronione. Nie ma jednak typu czynu zabronionego, który oddawałby całą zawartość bezprawia takiego zachowania. Ze względu na wysoki ładunek społecznej szkodliwości, a także powinowactwo z nękaniem i znęcaniem, które są przestępstwami, najlepszym wyjściem byłoby utworzenie nowego typu przestępstwa.
The Act of 31 March 2020 changed the content of the provision of Article 190a of the Criminal Code, introduced two new features and changed the statutory threat. The description of the prohibited act has been enriched with new types of effects that are to be caused by the perpetrator’s behavior: inducing a feeling of humiliation or torment, justified by circumstances. The sanction was increased and the perpetrator can now be punished with a penalty from 6 months to 8 years in prison for this act. This provision already showed some connections with the so-called mobbing. This phenomenon was defined in Article 943 § 2 of the Labor Code. Some of the mobbing behaviors may constitute spontaneous prohibited acts. However, there is no type of offense that would reflect the entire content of the lawlessness of such behavior. Due to the high level of social harmfulness, as well as an affinity with harassment and bullying, which are crimes, the best option would be to create a new type of crime.
Źródło:: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius); 2020, 67, 2; 59-75
0458-4317
Pojawia się w:: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius)
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: Kodeks karny skarbowy a reżim odpowiedzialności administracyjnej
Tax penal code and administrative responsibility
Autorzy:: Sepioło-Jankowska, Iwona
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1040089.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020-01-31
Wydawca:: Polskie Wydawnictwo Ekonomiczne
Tematy:: kodeks karny skarbowy
odpowiedzialność
administracyjna
kodeks karny
tax penal code
administrative responsibility
penal code
Opis:: Celem badawczym artykułu jest ustalenie, czy model odpowiedzialności karnej skarbowej jest koniecznym uzupełnieniem dla odpowiedzialności administracyjnej oraz czy w ogóle sankcja prawno-finansowa musi zostać wzmocniona poprzez oddziaływanie będące wynikiem zaktualizowania się innych sankcji, np. sankcji karnych bądź karno-skarbowych. Ustawodawca, podejmując decyzję o zabezpieczeniu interesów finansowych sankcją karną skarbową, zdecydował się bowiem na wprowadzenie odpowiedzialności karnej w stosunku do dóbr, które podlegają już pewnej ochronie prawnej. Prawo karne skarbowe stanowi zatem kolejny szczebel sankcjonowania naruszeń prawa finansowego, które już pierwotnie wyposażone jest w instrumenty umożliwiające zrealizowanie określonych obowiązków nawet wbrew woli ich adresata, stwarzając przy tym możliwość wymierzenia dotkliwych sankcji ekonomicznych. W doktrynie prawa karnego skarbowego oraz w prawie administracyjnym trudno znaleźć powody do negowania takiego stanu rzeczy. Wręcz przeciwnie, na gruncie tej ostatniej uważa się, że odpowiedzialność administracyjna oparta jest na całkowicie innych zasadach, realizowana jest przez zupełnie inne organy i w całkiem innym trybie, dlatego też podatnik narażony na sankcję podatkową może dodatkowo ponosić także odpowiedzialność karną skarbową
The research objective of the article is to determine, whether the model of criminal and fiscal liability is an essential complement of the administrative liability and if legal and financial sanctions should be enhanced by the impact of the update of other sanctions i.e. criminal sanctions or criminal and fiscal sanctions. The legislator, to protect monetary interests by a criminal sanction, decided to introduce the criminal liability regarding legal interests, which already have legal protection. The fiscal law is an additional form to remedy the infringement of financial law, which has some instruments to penalize some actions, even against the recipient's will, creating the possibility of imposing grievous economic sanctions. In the criminal and fiscal law's doctrine and in administrative law's doctrine also, there is no reason to deny such a state of affairs. It is said, that administrative liability is based on different rules, implemented with another authorities and procedure, therefore taxpayer exposed to tax sanction, can also be subject to fiscal and penal liability.
Źródło:: Przegląd Ustawodawstwa Gospodarczego; 2020, 1; 8-12
0137-5490
Pojawia się w:: Przegląd Ustawodawstwa Gospodarczego
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: Regulacje kodeksu karnego z 1932 r. w zakresie penalizacji przestępstw konwencyjnych przeciwko wolności seksualnej i obyczajności
Regulations penalizing transnational crimes against sexual freedom and decency in the Criminal Code of 1932
Autorzy:: Olesiuk-Okomska, Magda
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31348406.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:: criminal code
criminal code of 1932
transnational crimes
kodeks karny
kodeks karny z 1932 r.
przestępstwa konwencyjne
Opis:: Wśród przestępstw stypizowanych w kodeksie karnym z 1932 r. znalazły się przestępstwa konwencyjne, rozumiane jako zachowania, których obowiązek kryminalizacji i penalizacji w ustawodawstwach wewnętrznych wynika z zawartych przez dane państwo wielostronnych umów międzynarodowych. Należą do nich czyny stanowiące zamachy na wolność seksualną i obyczajność, których obowiązek penalizacji nakłada dzisiaj na polskiego ustawodawcę szereg norm konwencyjnych.
Among the offences stipulated in the 1932 Criminal Code, there are transnational crimes, which include various types of behaviour which need to be criminalised and penalised in accordance with domestic legislation as a result of multilateral international agreements concluded by a given state. Among them are acts which constitute an attack on sexual freedom and decency, and the obligation to criminalise them imposes numerous transnational norms on the present-day Polish legislator.
Źródło:: Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne; 2023, 75, 2; 55-65
0070-2471
Pojawia się w:: Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: Prawo karne środowiska. Część II. Struktura polskiego prawa karnego środowiska
Environmental criminal law. Part II Structure of the Polish environmental criminal law
Autorzy:: Radecki, W.
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/271506.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2011
Wydawca:: Górnośląska Wyższa Szkoła Pedagogiczna im. Kardynała Augusta Hlonda
Tematy:: prawo karne
przestępstwa
ochrona środowiska
kodeks karny
przestępstwa pozakodeksowe
criminal law
environmental protection
criminal code
non-code offences
Opis:: Przedmiotem artykułu jest przedstawienie struktury polskiego prawa karnego środowiska sensu stricto, na które składają się przepisy o przestępstwach przeciwko środowisku zamieszczone: - w specjalnym rozdziale XXII kodeksu karnego z 6 czerwca 1997 r., - w innych rozdziałach tegoż kodeksu, - w kilkunastu ustawach z zakresu prawa środowiska zawierających przepisy karne; z uzupełnieniem teoretycznymi uwagami o metodach legislacyjnego ujęcia typów przestępstw przeciwko środowisku.
The paper presents the structure of the Polish criminal law sensu stricto which consists of the regulations on criminal offences against the environment included in: a dedicated chapter XXII of the Criminal Code of 6 June 1997, other chapters of this Code, several acts concerning environmental law which include criminal provisions. Some theoretical comments are also provided concerning a legislative approach to criminal offences against the environment.
Źródło:: Journal of Ecology and Health; 2011, R. 15, nr 4, 4; 182-187
2082-2634
Pojawia się w:: Journal of Ecology and Health
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: Kara pozbawienia wolności w protokołach Wydziału Karnego Komisji Kodyfikacyjnej II RP oraz w kodeksie karnym z 1932 r.
The penalty of imprisonment in the protocols of the criminal division of the Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic and in the Criminal Code of 1932
Autorzy:: Trybus, Małgorzata
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31348399.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:: criminal code
Codification Commission
alternative sentence of imprisonment
Makarewicz Criminal Code
kodeks karny
Komisja Kodyfikacyjna
pozbawienie wolności
kodeks karny Makarewicza
Opis:: Katalog kar zasadniczych w kodeksie karnym z 1932 r. obejmował dwie kary pozbawienia wolności, tj. więzienie i areszt. Kara więzienia miała przede wszystkim za cel resocjalizację sprawców. Szczególną jej odmianą była kara dożywotniego pozbawienia wolności. Z kolei areszt uznawano za karę względnie izolacyjną o charakterze przymusowo-zapobiegawczym. Traktowano go również jako surogat niehańbiącej kary pozbawienia wolności. W artykule przybliżono rozważania prowadzone w trakcie obrad Komisji Kodyfikacyjnej II RP, Wydział Karny (Prawo materialne), dotyczące wskazanych form reakcji karnej na przestępstwo, jak również przedstawiono te kary w świetle przepisów kodeksu karnego Makarewicza.
The catalogue of basic punishments in the 1932 Criminal Code included two types of imprisonment, i.e. prison and jail. The main purpose of prisons was to rehabilitate offenders. A particular variant of this punishment was life imprisonment. On the other hand, the jail was considered a punishment of relative isolation which was coercive and preventive in nature. It was also treated as a surrogate for non-degrading penalty of imprisonment. The purpose of the paper is also to portray the deliberations of the Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic, its Criminal Division (Substantive Law), concerning the indicated forms of criminal reactions to a crime as well as to present these punishments in light of the provisions of the Makarewicz Criminal Code.
Źródło:: Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne; 2023, 75, 2; 89-102
0070-2471
Pojawia się w:: Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Polskie kodeksy karne okresu międzywojnia
Autorzy:: Bradliński, Kamil
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/617314.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2018
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:: the Second Polish Republic
Military Penal Code
Penal Code
unification of criminal law
II Rzeczpospolita
kodeks karny wojskowy
kodeks karny
kodyfikacja prawa karnego
Opis:: The lawyers of the Second Polish Republic succeeded in the codification and the unification of criminal law. The most prominent codifiers of this period were J. Makarewicz, A. Mogilnicki, and E. Krzymuski. The Penal Code of 1932, created by those prominent lawyers, is considered to be very polished and detailed to this day. Even the Military Penal Codes of 1919, 1928 and 1932 laid the foundations for the subsequent regulation of this branch of law.
Prawnicy II Rzeczypospolitej odnieśli sukces w zakresie kodyfikacji prawa karnego, unifikując przepisy na terenie całego kraju. Wybitnymi kodyfikatorami tego okresu byli m.in. J. Makarewicz, W. Makowski, E.S. Rappaport, A. Mogilnicki czy E. Krzymuski. Stworzony przez nich kodeks karny z 1932 r. do dzisiaj jest stawiany za wzór sztuki prawotwórczej. Również kodeksy karne wojskowe (1919, 1928, 1932) położyły podwaliny pod późniejsze uregulowanie tej gałęzi prawa.
Źródło:: Studenckie Zeszyty Naukowe; 2018, 21, 38
1506-8285
Pojawia się w:: Studenckie Zeszyty Naukowe
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: Wprowadzenie do problematyki szpiegostwa we francuskim kodeksie karnym
Introduction to the issue of espionage in the French Penal Code
Autorzy:: Mariański, Michał
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/29519332.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2023-12-12
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Opolski
Tematy:: French law
espionage
penal code
prawo francuskie
szpiegostwo
kodeks karny
Opis:: The subject of the analysis in this article are the legal regulations contained in the French Penal code in the scope relating to the crime of espionage. As part of this study, which is only an initial stage and offers an impulse for further extended research in this matter, the author, apart from issues related to the crime of espionage, also presents the systematics and specificity of the French Penal code that can significantly improve understanding of the nature of the analyzed regulations. The importance of conducting comparative research in this area also results from the geopolitical situation that occurred after the Russian Federation launched its invasion of Ukraine in 2022, which has significantly increased the scale of threats to the security of European countries. The description and characteristics of legal regulations regarding the crime of espionage in French law, together with the latest French language literature on the subject, as an element of research on broadly understood state security, may be the first stage and an incentive to conduct further comparative research in this subject matter. This publication may also be an interesting auxiliary material for a broader assessment, as part of separate studies, of the state of Polish regulations in this area.
Przedmiotem analizy w ramach niniejszego artykułu są regulacje prawne zawarte we francuskim kodeksie karnym w zakresie odnoszącym się do przestępstwa szpiegostwa. W ramach niniejszego opracowania, które stanowi jedynie wstępny etap i impuls dla dalszych, poszerzonych badań w tej materii, autor poza zagadnieniami dotyczącymi przestępstwa szpiegostwa przedstawia również systematykę i specyfikę francuskiego kodeksu karnego, co w sposób znaczny wpływa na lepsze zrozumienie charakteru analizowanych regulacji. Waga prowadzenia badań porównawczych w tym zakresie wynika również z sytuacji geopolitycznej, jaka nastąpiła po rozpoczęciu w 2022 roku przez Federację rosyjską inwazji na Ukrainę, która znacznie zwiększyła skalę zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa państw europejskich. Opis i charakterystyka aktualnych regulacji prawnych w zakresie przestępstwa szpiegostwa we Francji, wraz z uwzględnieniem najnowszej francuskojęzycznej literatury przedmiotu, jako element badań nad szeroko rozumianym bezpieczeństwem państwa, mogą być pierwszym etapem i impulsem dla dalszych badań o charakterze porównawczym w tej materii. Niniejsza publikacja może stanowić również interesujący materiał pomocniczy dla szerszej oceny, w ramach odrębnych opracowań, stanu polskich regulacji w tym zakresie.
Źródło:: Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne; 2023, 21, 2; 197-209
2658-1922
Pojawia się w:: Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: O polityce karnej z perspektywy retrospektywnej
On Criminal Policy in Retrospection
Autorzy:: Pływaczewski, Emil W.
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698744.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2008
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: polityka karna
kodeks karny
analiza retrospektywna
criminal policy
penal code
retrospection
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 617-628
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: Przestępstwa przeciwko rodzinie w kodeksie karnym Hiszpanii
Crime Against Family in the Spanish Penal Code
Autorzy:: Kunicka-Michalska, Barbara
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698738.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2008
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępstwa przeciwko rodzinie
kodeks karny
Hiszpania
crime against family
Spanish Penal Code
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 533-541
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:: Terminologia militarna polskiego kodeksu karnego w przekładach na język niemiecki
Military terminology of the Polish Penal Code in German translations
Autorzy:: Pietrzak, Agnieszka
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2192180.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2022-12-21
Wydawca:: Akademia Humanistyczno-Ekonomiczna w Łodzi
Tematy:: terminologia militarna
tłumaczenia
ekwiwalencja
kodeks karny
military terminology
translations
Penal Code
equivalence
Opis:: Niniejszy artykuł zajmuje się problematyką terminologii militarnej z punktu widzenia przekładoznawstwa. W artykule przeprowadzona została analiza kontrastywna wybranych terminów pochodzących z części wojskowej polskiego kodeksu karnego oraz ekwiwalentów zastosowanych w trzech tłumaczeniach kodeksu na język niemiecki. Celem badania jest ocena użytych ekwiwalentów oraz zastosowanych strategii tłumaczeniowych. Pozwoli to ocenić, czy tłumaczenia polskiego kodeksu karnego na język niemiecki są wartościowym narzędziem pracy tłumacza.
The paper deals with the issue of military language from the point of view of translation studies. This paper conducts a contrastive analysis of selected terms from the military part of the Polish Penal Code with equivalents used in three translations of code into German. The aim of the study is to assess what equivalents were used and what translation strategies were employed. This will make it possible to assess whether translations of the Polish Penal Code into German are a valuable tool for the translator.
Źródło:: Językoznawstwo; 2022, 17, 2; 81-91
1897-0389
2391-5137
Pojawia się w:: Językoznawstwo
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 11.

Tytuł:: GLOSA APROBUJĄCA DO WYROKU IZBY KARNEJ SĄDU NAJWYŻSZEGO Z 29 MAJA 2018 R. O SYGN. AKT II KK 99/18
Autorzy:: Rosiak, Łukasz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/664212.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
Tematy:: oﬀences against property
petty oﬀence
oﬀence
thef
the Polish Code of Petty Oﬀences
the Polish Penal Code.
przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu
wykroczenie
przestępstwo
kradzież
kodeks wykroczeń
kodeks karny.
Opis:: The comment relates to the verdict issued by the Supreme Court on the adjudication of oﬀences and petty oﬀences against property (viz. theft), for which the financial criterion for criminalization (as of 9 November 2013) is the minimum value of payment for work, as set down in Kodeks wykroczeń (the Polish Code of Petty Oﬀences). In cases of this kind the value of minimum pay should be taken for the day when the verdict for the oﬀence was passed, not for the day on which it was committed.
Glosowany wyrok Sądu Najwyższego dotyczy problematyki orzekania o czynach przeciwko mieniu, w stosunku do których od 9 listopada 2013 r. kryterium uznania danego czynu za przestępstwo albo za wykroczenie stanowi określony w kodeksie wykroczeń wskaźnik minimalnego wynagrodzenia za pracę. We wskazanym zakresie należy mieć na uwadze minimalne wynagrodzenie z daty orzekania w przedmiocie odpowiedzialności za taki czyn, a nie z daty jego popełnienia.
Źródło:: Zeszyty Prawnicze; 2019, 19, 2
2353-8139
Pojawia się w:: Zeszyty Prawnicze
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 12.

Tytuł:: Praktyczny wymiar strony podmiotowej jako znamienia czynu zabronionego z art. 284 k.k. w świetle orzecznictwa sądowego
Practical dimension of the perpetrator as the feature of prohibited act under art. 284 of the penal code in the light of judicial practice
Autorzy:: Orzeł, Jacek
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/443933.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Wyższa Szkoła Humanitas
Tematy:: strona podmiotowa
kodeks karny
czyn zabroniony
the feature
Penal Code
prohibited act
Opis:: Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza orzeczeń najwyższej instancji sądowej oraz sądów apelacyjnych na przestrzeni lat 1996– 2015, uzupełniona o stanowisko doktryny, w zakresie reprezentowanych poglądów dotyczących dekodowania znamienia strony podmiotowej czynu zabronionego z art. 284 k.k. w zachowaniu sprawcy występku przywłaszczenia. Autor dokonuje syntezy tez sądowych, podejmując próbę stworzenia enumeratywnego katalogu zachowań wskazujących na zamiar przywłaszczenia, jednocześnie poddając pod rozwagę pojawiające się w praktyce stosowania prawa wątpliwości związane z jego subsumcją na kanwie niejednolitej wykładni reprezentowanej w orzeczeniach sądowych.
The article analyses the judgements of the highest judicial instance and of the appeal courts in the years 1996 - 2015, supplemented by the position of doctrine, in terms of represented views on decoding the feature of the perpetrator of an act prohibited under art. 284 of the Penal Code in the behaviour of a perpetrator of a petty crime - appropriation. The Author synthesises the judicial theses in attempt to create an enumerative catalogue of behaviours indicating the intent of appropriation and at the same time raising for consideration the doubts that appear in the practice of law and are associated with its subsumption based on an inconsistent interpretation represented in court decisions
Źródło:: Roczniki Administracji i Prawa; 2015, 15/1; 161-171
1644-9126
Pojawia się w:: Roczniki Administracji i Prawa
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Od bluźnierstwa do przestępstwa, czyli co tak naprawdę chroni państwo: Boga czy uczucia religijne? – studium historyczno-prawne
From Blasphemy to Offence, or What does the State Really Protect: God or Religious Feelings? – a Historical and Legal Study
Autorzy:: Wasil, Wioleta
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1895832.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-10-04
Wydawca:: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:: przestępstwo
kodeks karny
bluźnierstwo
uczucia religijne
offence
Penal Code
blasphemy
religious feelings
Opis:: Przestępstwo obrazy uczuć religijnych sięga swoimi korzeniami przestępstwa bluźnierstwa przeciwko Bogu, wobec tego religijne podłoże tego przepisu jest niezaprzeczalne. Mając powyższe na względzie, należy odrzucić zarzut jakoby przestępstwo to było wyrazem świeckości państwa, a z religią, w szczególności chrześcijańską, nie miało nic wspólnego. Polska nie jest państwem wyznaniowym, aczkolwiek w stosunkach z religią znajduje się w relacji separacji skoordynowanej, czego znamienitym przykładem jest umieszczenie art. 196 w Kodeksie karnym.
The offence against religious feelings has its roots in the offence of blasphemy against God, hence the religious ground of that regulation is undeniable. Considering the above, the imputation that the offence in question is an expression of secularity of the state and that it had nothing to do with religion, especially the Christian religion, should be rejected. Poland is not a confessional state, but in relations with religion it is in a relation of coordinated separation, an eminent example of which is including Art. 196 in the Criminal Code.
Źródło:: Kościół i Prawo; 2019, 8 (21), 1; 203-218
0208-7928
2544-5804
Pojawia się w:: Kościół i Prawo
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Efektywność nadzoru ochronnego (wyniki badań 232 recydywistów poddanych nadzorowi ochronnemu)
The effectiveness of protective supervision (results of a stud of 232 habitual criminals put under protective supersivion)
Autorzy:: Rzeplińska, Irena
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699072.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1983
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: recydywa
nadzór ochronny
recydywista
resocjalizacja
kodeks karny
protective supervision
recidivist
resocialization
Penal Code
recidivism
Opis:: 1.The 1969 Penal Code introduced a new system of sanctions for offences committed by habitual criminals in special circumstances. Two new categories of special recidivism are here introduced: special basic recidivism (Art. 60, § 1 of the Penal Code), and special multi-recidivism (Art. 60, § 2 of the Penal Code). The legal consequences of a conviction under Art. 60, § 1 or § 2 are as follows: 1) longer terms of imprisonment, 2)the application of special measures: protective supervison and commitment to a social readaptation centre, These measures take effect after the prison sentence has been served. Under the protective supervision system, the habitual offender is free, but supervised for a period of 3-5 years. The readaptation centre is a closed institution. The habitual offender is sent there for a minimum period of two years, up to a maximum of five years. After two years the penitentiary court may free the recidivist if it thinks he is unlikely to commit another crime after regaining his freedom. The conditions under which a person is sent to a readaptation centre differ, according to whether he or she was sentenced under Art. 60, §1 or Art. 60, § 2 of the Penal Code. A recidivist may be sent to a readaptation centre by either the criminal court or the penitentiary courts. The decision to apply these measures may be taken at diverse stages of the juridical and penitentiary process: 1) when the sentence is pronounced (by the criminal court), 2) towards the end of the prison sentence (penitentiary court), or 3) during the period of protective supervision (penitentiary court). In the first of the three stages mentioned above, the recidivist senrenced under Art. 60, § 1 of the Penal Code may or may not be put under protective supervison. It is not obligatory. In the case of a person sentenced under § 2 of Art. 60 of the Penal Code, it is obligatory either to put him under protecive supervision or to send him to a social readaptation centre. The decision to send a recidivist to a social readaptation centre (a more severe measure) is taken only if the court is of the opinion that protective supervision would be insufficient io prevent a return to crime. In the second of the three stages mentioned above, towards the end of the recidivists's sentence the penitentiary court takes the following decisions: 1) it may put the habitual criminal under protective supervision if that was not done in the sentence of the criminal court; 2) it may alter the decision of the criminal court and put the offender under a protective supervision order instead of sending him to a social readaptation centre. The third and last stage in which decisions are taken about the application of special measures, is when the offender is actually under the supervision of a Probation Officer. If the supervision is not working out satisfactorily, the recidivist may be sent to a social readaptation centre. 2.The habitual offender is supervised by a Probation Officer after he has served his prison sentence. No person who is under protective supervision may change his place of residence without the consent of the court. He is obliged to appear in court if summoned, and to carry out the court's recommendations (Art. 63 of the Penal Code). The court may order the recidivists: 1. to perform an obligation incumbent on the sentenced person to provide support for another person; 2. to perform specified work for a social purpose; 3. to perform remunerated work, pursuing an education or preparing for an occupation; 4. to refrain from abusing alcohol; 5. to submit to medical treatment; 6. to refrain from frequenting specified surroundings or places; 7. other appropriated behaviour in the period of protective supervision, if it may prevent the commission again of an offense. During the protective supervision period, the court may issue orders, or extend or alter those already given. During the protective supervision period the recidivist comes under the supervision of a Probation Officer appointed by the court, who at the same time is responsible for organizing the resocialization of the person being supervised. Protective supervision ceases: 1 when the appointed period of probation is at an end, and when probation has been successful, 2) Or aerlier, if the person being supervised fails to carry out the orders and obligations placed on him, or if he makes it impossible or difficult for the purpose of the protective supervison order to be attained (e.g. by committing a crime when under supervision, which means that the supervision was unsuccessful, 3) owing to causes which bring supervision to an end (e.g. death of the supervised person). 3. The study reported here dealt with one of the two special measures mentioned above - protective supervision. The main problem examined is the effectiveness of protective supervision. Protective supervision is a system which has two goals: one is to keep the supervised person from committing another crime (here we may speak of the restraining function of supervision), while the other is to resocialise the person on supervision (in this case we may speak of the resocialising function of probation). The key question asked by anyone who examines the effectiveness of some penal measure is: whether, and to what extent, does it attain its aims? With this definition in mind, the effectiveness of probation was examined in two fields. In the first (narrower) field, the author asked if there had been a juridical improvement in the behaviour of persons put under supervision. In the second (wider) field, success was measured by the extent of the supervised persons resocialisation - that is, an attempt was made to find out how the supervised person functioned in society, that is, whether he kept to the basic social norms that society expects,of its members. In both fields, the moment of time when effectiveness of supervision was assessed was that at which supervision ceased. Those who successfully completed their period of probation were checked again at the end of 38 months, to see whether or not they had reverted to crime. The group studied here consisted of all male recidivists in Warsaw who were put under a protective supervision order in 1971-1972. There were 232 persons in the group. Two research techniques were used. ln the first, the relevant documents were studied (documents concerning previous criminal caces, prison documents, records of the course of protective supervision, data, about previous convictions, as well as about periods spent in penal institutions and in remand). In the second, the recidivist was interviewed on the basis of a questionnaire. 4. Out of the 232 persons investigated, 43.1 % completed the supervision period successfully, 53.3% failed to do so, and in 3.4% of the cases death intervened. In this group of recidivists who had been put under supervision the author differentiated three groups: Group I - taken as having been resocialised during the supervision period, and as having successfully completed their supervision. This group consisted of 57 men (26% of the total number studied). Group II – regarded as not having been resocialised, but that completed the probation period successfully, without ill consequences for themselves. Group II consisted of 43 men (19% of the total). Group III, consisting of men who were not resocialised, and who as a result suffered the additional ill effect of being isolated in the social readaptation centre; this group failed to complete their supervision successfully. In this group were 124 men (55% of the total). Some of the unresocialised men in Group III did not carry out any of the duties or orders given them. Some reverted to crime even although for a time they carried out their duties and orders. Some did not carry out their duties and orders, and reverted to crime. In this group the supervision system failed to fulfil the functions expected of it. With regard to those who did not carry out their obligations and orders it failed in its resocialisation function, while with regard to the others, who committed a crime while under supervision, it failed in both its functions: restraint and resocialisation. The following characteristics were found in Groups I, II and III. Group I consisted mostly of the youngest men (only one-eighth of the group were over 40). They were educated at least up to elementary school standard (approx. age 14-15). During the probation period they carried out work that called for skills. They were physically healthy. In their case the supervision period was one in which their lives were financially more stable (they had paid jobs). They also had stable family lives, and started their own a families. Of all the groups, they had the fewest convictions up to the time the probation period began. They had mainly committed offences against property, but a significant number had been gauilty of crimes of a predominantly aggressive nature. Drunkenness was not noted among them during the supervision period. The men in this group declared that after they had come out of prison and been put under protective supervision they had no special trouble in beginning life again in freedom. They also said they were pleased with life. Group II consisted of men who, judged from the formal point of view, completed their supervision period successfully. But their behaviour during supervision, and above all their heavy drinking, does not justify us in regarding them as having been resocialised. These were habitual criminals who when put under supervision were older (mostly over the age of thirty), as compared witn the men in Group I. As many as a quarter of the men in Group II were habitual criminals aged forty and over. Compared with the men in Group I, they were less well educated, and worse qualified for jobs. Among them various types of physical complaints were found, possibly because they were older, and possibly also because they had a longer career of crime. Fewer of them were married. They seemed to make little effort to achieve financial stability. During the supervision period they frequently changed their job - often because of some infringement of discipline, or because they arbitrarily threw up their job. When they began probation, they had more convictions behind them than the men in Group I. Group II had the lowest number of men who had committed serious crimes against property, or serious aggressive crimes. They were guilty mostly of petty crimes. Above all the habitual criminals in this group are the most awkward ones from the social point of view. They were the ones who mostly said they were dissatisfied with their lives. While on supervision they did not give up heavy drinking. Moreover, although ordered to take a "drying-out" cure , they did not go for treatment at all, or did so irregularly. Before their conviction they had worked irregularly, with gaps in between jobs, but during the whole supervision period they worked. Groups III: protective supervision was a failure with group. As compared with the other groups the men in this one had more previous convictions - the average number of previous convictions being nearly six. More of them, as compared with the men in the other groups, went in mainly for crimes against property; the minority went in for crimes of a predominantly aggressive character and crimes of diverse types. Half of the men in Group II came into the 21-30 age group when ,they began supervision, while the other half were older (moreover, one-seventh were habitual criminals aged over forty). Even at the beginning of supervision the men in this group were in a worse situation than the others - especially as compared with the men in Group II, for they were worse educated, and worse prepared for earning living. The majority of the men in this group were single. Only one in five was married. Their health was noticeably poorer than that of the men in the other groups. Most of the men in this group drank heavilly during the supervision period. The men here confessed that immediately after getting out of prison they had trouble in getting back to a normal life. The main obstacles were lack of money, and the difficulty in finding a job. When questioned they said that on the whole they were not happy about their lives. The majority (72.6%) had reverted to crime while on supervision. The others had been taken out of supervision because they did not carry out their obligations ot the orders or the probation officer. 6. In this study of men put under protective supervision, one in every four is reckoned to have been a success. it was noted that during the supervision period factors that made for success were: setting up a family, having a regular skilled job, and avoidance of heavy drinking. In view of the above, it is the youngest habitual criminals who have the best chance of completing their supervision period successfultry. Age is in their favour, they have a better chance of a stable family life, they are better educated, better fitted for a job, they do not show the symptoms of social degradation associated with alcoholism, Because of these factors they are more likely to be able to return to a normal life. 7. During a period of 38 months from the end of the each man's supervision period, a check was kept on whether or not these men had further convictions. The men covered by this part of the study were those in Groups I and II, that is, those who successfully completed their probation. Thirteen men from Group I and twelve men from Group II (that is, twenty-five men altogether), had subsequent convictions. They constituted 25% of the two groups. It may therefore be stated that the majority (three-quarters) of the men in Groups I and II had no convictions during the thirty-eight months following the end of their supervision period. 8. In the supervised groups studied here, we took one quarter as having been resocialised by the end of supervision, one-fifth as having at most improved formally, and over a half as not having been resocialised - in their case supervision ended in failure. On the basis of this study it may be stated that the chief criterion on which the man on supervision was judged (and on which the success of the supervision proces was judged) was whether or not he carried out the instruction to have a paid job. This was due to two reasons: in the first place, if the man was in paid employment, it mean that he was fulfilling at least the minimum of the demands made on him during the supervision period (this minimum was: to earn his own living). Secondly, it was easy for both the Probation Officer and for the man he was supervising to check whether this order was being carried out, and how. The implementation of their instructions was treated as being of less importance. The main one was to have paid employment. If the man being supervised was in a job, but failed to carry out other instructions given to him, the Probation Officers did not ask for him to be taken off supervision. At the present moment, when reform of the criminal law in Poland is under discussion, one of the problems being examined is that of the penal liability of people who revert to crime, and the question of what legal penalties should be imposed on them. It has been pointed out during this discussion that the severe legal penalties imposed on habitual criminals during the last ten years have not been effective. Consequently the question still remains open: whether we should not apply the special measures described above - protective supervision or commitment to a social readaptation centre after the prison sentence is served. What we have learned from the use of a closed institution such as a social readaptation centre shows that it is completely ineffective. As for protective supervision, it has been postulated that this way of controlling the behaviour of habitual criminals should be transferred from the sphere of penal measures to the sphere of social security measures. It has been suggested that within the framework of post penitentiary care, specific medsures to help, which would be carried out by the probation officers, would be available to habitual criminals after coming out of prison.
1.The 1969 Penal Code introduced a new system of sanctions for offences committed by habitual criminals in special circumstances. Two new categories of special recidivism are here introduced: special basic recidivism (Art. 60, § 1 of the Penal Code), and special multi-recidivism (Art. 60, § 2 of the Penal Code). The legal consequences of a conviction under Art. 60, § 1 or § 2 are as follows: 1) longer terms of imprisonment, 2)the application of special measures: protective supervison and commitment to a social readaptation centre, These measures take effect after the prison sentence has been served. Under the protective supervision system, the habitual offender is free, but supervised for a period of 3-5 years. The readaptation centre is a closed institution. The habitual offender is sent there for a minimum period of two years, up to a maximum of five years. After two years the penitentiary court may free the recidivist if it thinks he is unlikely to commit another crime after regaining his freedom. The conditions under which a person is sent to a readaptation centre differ, according to whether he or she was sentenced under Art. 60, §1 or Art. 60, § 2 of the Penal Code. A recidivist may be sent to a readaptation centre by either the criminal court or the penitentiary courts. The decision to apply these measures may be taken at diverse stages of the juridical and penitentiary process: 1) when the sentence is pronounced (by the criminal court), 2) towards the end of the prison sentence (penitentiary court), or 3) during the period of protective supervision (penitentiary court). In the first of the three stages mentioned above, the recidivist senrenced under Art. 60, § 1 of the Penal Code may or may not be put under protective supervison. It is not obligatory. In the case of a person sentenced under § 2 of Art. 60 of the Penal Code, it is obligatory either to put him under protecive supervision or to send him to a social readaptation centre. The decision to send a recidivist to a social readaptation centre (a more severe measure) is taken only if the court is of the opinion that protective supervision would be insufficient io prevent a return to crime. In the second of the three stages mentioned above, towards the end of the recidivists's sentence the penitentiary court takes the following decisions: 1) it may put the habitual criminal under protective supervision if that was not done in the sentence of the criminal court; 2) it may alter the decision of the criminal court and put the offender under a protective supervision order instead of sending him to a social readaptation centre. The third and last stage in which decisions are taken about the application of special measures, is when the offender is actually under the supervision of a Probation Officer. If the supervision is not working out satisfactorily, the recidivist may be sent to a social readaptation centre. 2.The habitual offender is supervised by a Probation Officer after he has served his prison sentence. No person who is under protective supervision may change his place of residence without the consent of the court. He is obliged to appear in court if summoned, and to carry out the court's recommendations (Art. 63 of the Penal Code). The court may order the recidivists: 1. to perform an obligation incumbent on the sentenced person to provide support for another person; 2. to perform specified work for a social purpose; 3. to perform remunerated work, pursuing an education or preparing for an occupation; 4. to refrain from abusing alcohol; 5. to submit to medical treatment; 6. to refrain from frequenting specified surroundings or places; 7. other appropriated behaviour in the period of protective supervision, if it may prevent the commission again of an offense. During the protective supervision period, the court may issue orders, or extend or alter those already given. During the protective supervision period the recidivist comes under the supervision of a Probation Officer appointed by the court, who at the same time is responsible for organizing the resocialization of the person being supervised. Protective supervision ceases: 1 when the appointed period of probation is at an end, and when probation has been successful, 2) Or aerlier, if the person being supervised fails to carry out the orders and obligations placed on him, or if he makes it impossible or difficult for the purpose of the protective supervison order to be attained (e.g. by committing a crime when under supervision, which means that the supervision was unsuccessful, 3) owing to causes which bring supervision to an end (e.g. death of the supervised person). 3. The study reported here dealt with one of the two special measures mentioned above - protective supervision. The main problem examined is the effectiveness of protective supervision. Protective supervision is a system which has two goals: one is to keep the supervised person from committing another crime (here we may speak of the restraining function of supervision), while the other is to resocialise the person on supervision (in this case we may speak of the resocialising function of probation). The key question asked by anyone who examines the effectiveness of some penal measure is: whether, and to what extent, does it attain its aims? With this definition in mind, the effectiveness of probation was examined in two fields. In the first (narrower) field, the author asked if there had been a juridical improvement in the behaviour of persons put under supervision. In the second (wider) field, success was measured by the extent of the supervised persons resocialisation - that is, an attempt was made to find out how the supervised person functioned in society, that is, whether he kept to the basic social norms that society expects,of its members. In both fields, the moment of time when effectiveness of supervision was assessed was that at which supervision ceased. Those who successfully completed their period of probation were checked again at the end of 38 months, to see whether or not they had reverted to crime. The group studied here consisted of all male recidivists in Warsaw who were put under a protective supervision order in 1971-1972. There were 232 persons in the group. Two research techniques were used. ln the first, the relevant documents were studied (documents concerning previous criminal caces, prison documents, records of the course of protective supervision, data, about previous convictions, as well as about periods spent in penal institutions and in remand). In the second, the recidivist was interviewed on the basis of a questionnaire. 4. Out of the 232 persons investigated, 43.1 % completed the supervision period successfully, 53.3% failed to do so, and in 3.4% of the cases death intervened. In this group of recidivists who had been put under supervision the author differentiated three groups: Group I - taken as having been resocialised during the supervision period, and as having successfully completed their supervision. This group consisted of 57 men (26% of the total number studied). Group II – regarded as not having been resocialised, but that completed the probation period successfully, without ill consequences for themselves. Group II consisted of 43 men (19% of the total). Group III, consisting of men who were not resocialised, and who as a result suffered the additional ill effect of being isolated in the social readaptation centre; this group failed to complete their supervision successfully. In this group were 124 men (55% of the total). Some of the unresocialised men in Group III did not carry out any of the duties or orders given them. Some reverted to crime even although for a time they carried out their duties and orders. Some did not carry out their duties and orders, and reverted to crime. In this group the supervision system failed to fulfil the functions expected of it. With regard to those who did not carry out their obligations and orders it failed in its resocialisation function, while with regard to the others, who committed a crime while under supervision, it failed in both its functions: restraint and resocialisation. The following characteristics were found in Groups I, II and III. Group I consisted mostly of the youngest men (only one-eighth of the group were over 40). They were educated at least up to elementary school standard (approx. age 14-15). During the probation period they carried out work that called for skills. They were physically healthy. In their case the supervision period was one in which their lives were financially more stable (they had paid jobs). They also had stable family lives, and started their own a families. Of all the groups, they had the fewest convictions up to the time the probation period began. They had mainly committed offences against property, but a significant number had been gauilty of crimes of a predominantly aggressive nature. Drunkenness was not noted among them during the supervision period. The men in this group declared that after they had come out of prison and been put under protective supervision they had no special trouble in beginning life again in freedom. They also said they were pleased with life. Group II consisted of men who, judged from the formal point of view, completed their supervision period successfully. But their behaviour during supervision, and above all their heavy drinking, does not justify us in regarding them as having been resocialised. These were habitual criminals who when put under supervision were older (mostly over the age of thirty), as compared witn the men in Group I. As many as a quarter of the men in Group II were habitual criminals aged forty and over. Compared with the men in Group I, they were less well educated, and worse qualified for jobs. Among them various types of physical complaints were found, possibly because they were older, and possibly also because they had a longer career of crime. Fewer of them were married. They seemed to make little effort to achieve financial stability. During the supervision period they frequently changed their job - often because of some infringement of discipline, or because they arbitrarily threw up their job. When they began probation, they had more convictions behind them than the men in Group I. Group II had the lowest number of men who had committed serious crimes against property, or serious aggressive crimes. They were guilty mostly of petty crimes. Above all the habitual criminals in this group are the most awkward ones from the social point of view. They were the ones who mostly said they were dissatisfied with their lives. While on supervision they did not give up heavy drinking. Moreover, although ordered to take a "drying-out" cure , they did not go for treatment at all, or did so irregularly. Before their conviction they had worked irregularly, with gaps in between jobs, but during the whole supervision period they worked. Groups III: protective supervision was a failure with group. As compared with the other groups the men in this one had more previous convictions - the average number of previous convictions being nearly six. More of them, as compared with the men in the other groups, went in mainly for crimes against property; the minority went in for crimes of a predominantly aggressive character and crimes of diverse types. Half of the men in Group II came into the 21-30 age group when ,they began supervision, while the other half were older (moreover, one-seventh were habitual criminals aged over forty). Even at the beginning of supervision the men in this group were in a worse situation than the others - especially as compared with the men in Group II, for they were worse educated, and worse prepared for earning living. The majority of the men in this group were single. Only one in five was married. Their health was noticeably poorer than that of the men in the other groups. Most of the men in this group drank heavilly during the supervision period. The men here confessed that immediately after getting out of prison they had trouble in getting back to a normal life. The main obstacles were lack of money, and the difficulty in finding a job. When questioned they said that on the whole they were not happy about their lives. The majority (72.6%) had reverted to crime while on supervision. The others had been taken out of supervision because they did not carry out their obligations ot the orders or the probation officer. 6. In this study of men put under protective supervision, one in every four is reckoned to have been a success. it was noted that during the supervision period factors that made for success were: setting up a family, having a regular skilled job, and avoidance of heavy drinking. In view of the above, it is the youngest habitual criminals who have the best chance of completing their supervision period successfultry. Age is in their favour, they have a better chance of a stable family life, they are better educated, better fitted for a job, they do not show the symptoms of social degradation associated with alcoholism, Because of these factors they are more likely to be able to return to a normal life. 7. During a period of 38 months from the end of the each man's supervision period, a check was kept on whether or not these men had further convictions. The men covered by this part of the study were those in Groups I and II, that is, those who successfully completed their probation. Thirteen men from Group I and twelve men from Group II (that is, twenty-five men altogether), had subsequent convictions. They constituted 25% of the two groups. It may therefore be stated that the majority (three-quarters) of the men in Groups I and II had no convictions during the thirty-eight months following the end of their supervision period. 8. In the supervised groups studied here, we took one quarter as having been resocialised by the end of supervision, one-fifth as having at most improved formally, and over a half as not having been resocialised - in their case supervision ended in failure. On the basis of this study it may be stated that the chief criterion on which the man on supervision was judged (and on which the success of the supervision proces was judged) was whether or not he carried out the instruction to have a paid job. This was due to two reasons: in the first place, if the man was in paid employment, it mean that he was fulfilling at least the minimum of the demands made on him during the supervision period (this minimum was: to earn his own living). Secondly, it was easy for both the Probation Officer and for the man he was supervising to check whether this order was being carried out, and how. The implementation of their instructions was treated as being of less importance. The main one was to have paid employment. If the man being supervised was in a job, but failed to carry out other instructions given to him, the Probation Officers did not ask for him to be taken off supervision. At the present moment, when reform of the criminal law in Poland is under discussion, one of the problems being examined is that of the penal liability of people who revert to crime, and the question of what legal penalties should be imposed on them. It has been pointed out during this discussion that the severe legal penalties imposed on habitual criminals during the last ten years have not been effective. Consequently the question still remains open: whether we should not apply the special measures described above - protective supervision or commitment to a social readaptation centre after the prison sentence is served. What we have learned from the use of a closed institution such as a social readaptation centre shows that it is completely ineffective. As for protective supervision, it has been postulated that this way of controlling the behaviour of habitual criminals should be transferred from the sphere of penal measures to the sphere of social security measures. It has been suggested that within the framework of post penitentiary care, specific medsures to help, which would be carried out by the probation officers, would be available to habitual criminals after coming out of prison.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1983, X; 55-85
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 15.

Tytuł:: The Transformation of Political Crimes and its Impact on the Hungarian Criminal Regulation with Special Regard to the Interwar Period
Autorzy:: Izabella, Drócsa,
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/902869.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-09-19
Wydawca:: Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:: political crimes
Criminal Code
libel against the nation
przestępstwa polityczne
kodeks karny
zniesławienie narodu
Opis:: In the 20th century, the perception and quality of political crimes underwent significant changes, which led to the creation of constitutional law. Act III of 1921 was the first piece of legislation that substantially tightened the scope of crime against the state, but because of precisely defined offences and related judicial practice, it could be avoided that deeds, which essentially fall within the scope of the exercise of fundamental rights, could fall under the Act. The following significant criminal law, which strengthened existing provisions to an extent that provided a good basis for the establishment of a later Communist dictatorship, was brought about by the persistence of Soviet presence following the World War II.
Źródło:: Studia Iuridica; 2019, 80; 71-87
0137-4346
Pojawia się w:: Studia Iuridica
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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