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Wyszukujesz frazę "Russian imperialism" wg kryterium: Temat


Wyświetlanie 1-4 z 4
Tytuł:
Politics of History of the Third Polish Republic: ReOrientation (1989–2007)
Autorzy:
Nowak, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1956456.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
Russia
USSR
Communism
Russian ideology
politics of history
imperialism
Opis:
This article summarises the concepts behind the direction of Polish politics towards Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus and Russia in placing Poland’s new international relations in Central and Eastern Europe due to its historical ties with the countries of the region. A significant verbal role was played by the reception in Polish politics of the doctrine of Mieroszewski and Giedroyc—the so-called ULB (Ukraine–Lithuania–Belarus). It assumed the establishment of special relations with these countries, and, at the same time, waiving claims to territories lost by Poland after 1939. The application of this idea was conditioned by the internal political dynamics of Ukraine, Belarus, Russia, and Lithuania, and their mutual relations that determined the effectiveness of this doctrine. A key role in shaping Poland’s policy towards these countries was played by an “historical factor”—the exchange of mutual declarations concerning the past; this sometimes included the transmission of documentation—for instance the Katyn massacre evidence documents were transferred to Poland in 1990 by the Russian authorities. These actions served as tools of political rapprochement, and they sometimes resulted in opening the way to re-examine previous historical interpretations (especially in Polish–Lithuanian and Polish–Ukrainian relations). The question of investigating the crimes of the USSR against Poles, including above all the Katyn massacre (1940), played an important role in the rapprochement in Polish–Russian relations in the early period of President Yeltsin’s rule. One of the repercussions of implementing this concept and its conciliar priorities in Polish foreign policy and in its internal formal discourse was the suppression of some recently recreated areas of collective memory and currents of historical discourse; this especially concerned Polish–Ukrainian relations, in the context of, among others, the massacre in Volhynia in 1942–1943. Another result was transferring possible settlements to the responsibility of the state and the Polish community—a particular example of which was a resolution of the Polish Senate concerning Operation “Vistula” (Akcja “Wisła” in 1947) that was adopted in 1990.
Źródło:
Institute of National Remembrance Review; 2020, 2; 225-261
2658-1566
Pojawia się w:
Institute of National Remembrance Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Arctic energy policy and security of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Urbański, Marcin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/576173.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-03-31
Wydawca:
Akademia Sztuki Wojennej
Tematy:
Arctic
energy resources
energy security
international security
Russian
Federation
imperialism
Opis:
In this article, the author examines the Arctic region in the context of the energy and security policy of the Russian Federation. The author emphasises the factors which currently influence the increasing interest in the Arctic of the countries which claim rights to this region, which are: the US, Canada, Denmark, Norway and the Russian Federation. Among the most important factors indicating the essence of the Arctic, the author points out, inter alia: plenty of energy deposits, which because of the changing climate, are more available, the size of the Arctic area and new transport routes. The author indicates the possibilities of using the Russian Federation policy regarding the Arctic in order to, among other things, strengthen the country’s international position. The author also presents the extent to which claiming the right to exclusive exploitation of mineral resources by the Russian Federation is the real motive of its actions and its intention to totally subordinate the Arctic area. Simultaneously, an attempt is made to answer the question whether the Arctic is likely to be a place of military conflict in the future? The article also examines the issues related to the legal status of the Russian Federation regarding the Arctic, the political activity of the Russian Federation in this region and the possibility of the Russian Federation exploiting energy resources in the Arctic region. The article brings together the issues connected with the Russian Federation and its policy in the region of the Arctic Ocean, and also portrays the importance of the Arctic in the changing international security environment.
Źródło:
Security and Defence Quarterly; 2016, 10, 1; 35-51
2300-8741
2544-994X
Pojawia się w:
Security and Defence Quarterly
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
From an ideological war to an ideology of war: Aleksandr Dugin’s assumptions of neo-Eurasianism and their application to Russian preparations for the war against Ukraine
Od wojny ideologicznej do ideologii wojny: Założenia neoeurazjatyzmu Aleksandra Dugina i ich zastosowanie w rosyjskich przygotowaniach do wojny przeciwko Ukrainie
Autorzy:
Składanowski, Marcin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2178966.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Gdański. Wydział Filologiczny
Tematy:
national ideology
eschatologism
anti-Occidentalism
imperialism
Russian-Ukrainian war
ideologia narodowa
eschatologizm
antyokcydentalizm
imperializm
wojna rosyjsko-ukraińska
Opis:
This article compares the main aspects of Dugin’s neo-Eurasianism with the content of two important texts published in 2021: Putin’s article ‘On the historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians’ and the new National Security Strategy. These texts can be understood as part of ideological preparations for the war against Ukraine in 2022. The presence of elements of Russian nationalist ideology in these texts will make it possible to answer the question of whether the neo-Eurasian ideology is the authentic basis of Russian neo-imperialist policy or whether it is merely a useful propaganda façade.
Artykuł porównuje główne aspekty Duginowskiego neoeurazjatyzmu z treścią dwóch ważnych tekstów opublikowanych w 2021 roku: artykułu Putina O historycznej jedności Rosjan i Ukraińców oraz nowej Strategii bezpieczeństwa narodowego FR. Teksty te można rozumieć jako część ideologicznego przygotowania do wojny przeciwko Ukrainie w 2022 roku. Obecność w nich elementów rosyjskiej ideologii nacjonalistycznej umożliwi odpowiedź na pytanie, czy neoeurazjatycka ideologia jest rzeczywistą podstawą rosyjskiej polityki neoimperialistycznej, czy też jest ona tylko użyteczną fasadą propagandową.
Źródło:
Studia Rossica Gedanensia; 2022, 9; 175-186
2449-6715
2392-3644
Pojawia się w:
Studia Rossica Gedanensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Access to the Sea and the Imperial Ambitions of Peter the Great
Autorzy:
Anisimov, Evgenii V.
Lewandowska, Aleksandra
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1913267.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-31
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Naukowe w Toruniu
Tematy:
Peter the Great
Charles XII of Sweden
Great Northern War
Russian Empire
St Petersburg
Baltic Sea
Congress of Åland
Treaty of Nystad
peace negotiations
imperialism
Opis:
Access to the Baltic Sea was the main initial goal of Russia’s participation in the Great Northern War (1700–1721). This military involvement was primarily due to the personal motives of Peter the Great, however, numerous different factors also played an important role. The foundation of St Petersburg, making it the capital city, and fortifying it with a defensive system was aimed at securing the Russian control over the mouth of the Neva. The military operations and diplomatic efforts undertaken by Russia in 1702–1709 were aimed exclusively to maintain access to the sea. At this time, Russia was ready to agree to the peace terms which were to grant it only the old Russian provinces of Ingria and Karelia. However, after the victorious Battle of Poltava of 1709, Peter the Great developed imperial ambitions. Under the pretext of ensuring the security of St Petersburg and ensuring Russia’s access to the sea, the Russians captured Swedish lands in the Eastern Baltic and Finland, and then annexed most of these territories. At the same time, Russian diplomacy constantly ensured of its readiness to conclude peace, but these attempts were rejected by the Swedes. Ten years of warfare and destructive raids on the coastal regions of the Kingdom of Sweden forced the Swedes to negotiate. The Treaty of Nystad of 1721 not only ended the war between Russia and Sweden, but it also became the starting point of the extraordinary development of Peter the Great’s imperial ambitions. Russia entered the world of great European and global politics as an empire, as an aggressive state of despotic character.
Źródło:
Zapiski Historyczne; 2021, 86, 4; 5-27
0044-1791
2449-8637
Pojawia się w:
Zapiski Historyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-4 z 4

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