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    Wyświetlanie 1-9 z 9
    Tytuł:
    Konstytucja helwecka (1798) – pierwsza konstytucja Szwajcarii
    Autorzy:
    Branecki, Tadeusz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/524907.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014-10-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    Szwajcaria
    konstytucja
    ustrój
    historia
    Switzerland
    constitution
    political system
    history
    Opis:
    Konstytucja helwecka z 1798 r. była pierwszym aktem rangi konstytucyjnej w historii państwowości szwajcarskiej. Opracowana przez Szwajcarów, zawierała obce tradycji helweckiej rozwiązania ustrojowe i wobec oporu części kantonów została narzucona siłą pod presja wojsk francuskich. Przez 5 lat jej obowiązywania, w oparciu o jej uregulowania, miał miejsce eksperyment ustrojowy polegający na całkowitym zerwaniu z wielowiekowym modelem konfederacji kantonów na rzecz państwa „jednolitego i niepodzielnego”. Konstytucja tworzyła też pierwsze organy władzy ustawodawczej Republiki (Senat i Wielką Radę), wykonawczej – Dyrektoriat Wykonawczy i sądowniczej –Trybunał Najwyższy. Ponadto wprowadziła szereg swobód i wolności obywatelskich.
    The constitution of the Helvetic Republic of 1798 was the first act of constitutional rank in the history of the State. Developed by the Swiss, foreign institutional solutions separate Swiss tradition contained and to the resistance of the cantons has been imposed by force under the pressure of the French troops. For 5 years of duration, based on her settlement had taken place political experiment where a total rupture with the centuries-old model of Confederation of cantons to the State of a „One and indivisible”. The Constitution also created the first legislative authority of the Republic (the Senate and the Great Council), the Executive – Directorate and Judicial power – the Supreme Court. In addition, a set of freedoms and civil liberties.
    Źródło:
    Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2014, 5 (21); 57-71
    2082-1212
    Pojawia się w:
    Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wiwisekcja duszy niemieckiej w powieści Trzecie królestwo Andrzeja Kuśniewicza
    Dissection of a German soul in the novel Trzecie królestwo by Andrzej Kuśniewicz
    Autorzy:
    Supady, Grzegorz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/451046.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego
    Tematy:
    Kuśniewicz
    political breakthrough in FRG
    history
    redefinition
    przełom polityczny RFN,
    historia
    przewartościowanie
    Opis:
    Andrzej Kuśniewicz (1904-1993) was an acknowledged writer whose works used to be popular and widely read, but after 1989 a number of them fell into oblivion. Both aesthetic and cognitive values have been retained – by and large – thanks to the novels which referred to the Habsburg myth in European literature, which was defined by the eminent Italian German specialist Claudio Magris. However, the Polish writer explored other ranges of his interests as well, for example the ones concerning his personal experience acquired after his stay in France (Witraż 1980). The writer dealt with subjects connected with events which took place in West Germany in the 1960s. They were reflected in his previous novel Trzecie królestwo, published in 1975. In spite of the writer’s complicated fate in the Polish People’s Republic, the work presents a huge breakthrough which happened a quarter of a century after the end of the Second World War in the politics of the FRG and in West German society in a very attractive literary form. At that time our western neighbors had to fundamentally redefine the conservative perception of their own history. In fact, to a large extent the situation had been initiated by the generation of people born in 1968 that took up the reins and started to rule the country. The author of the article attempts to present the struggle – embedded by Kuśniewicz – of the generation of perpetrators who faced difficult questions asked by their children and sometimes even grandchildren. To conclude, although the description provided by the Polish prose writer is not free from some simplifications characterized by extreme subjectivity, we must admit that the book is a valuable piece of evidence depicting a significant period in the history of Central Europe.
    Źródło:
    Tematy i Konteksty; 2015, 10, 5; 333-343
    2299-8365
    Pojawia się w:
    Tematy i Konteksty
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Znaczenie handlu dla współpracy polityczno-gospodarczej Niemiec z Rosją w wymiarze historycznym i współczesnym
    The Importance of Trade for Germany’s Political and Economic Cooperation with Russia in the Historical and Contemporary Dimension
    Autorzy:
    Cziomer, Erhard
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/505879.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019
    Wydawca:
    Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
    Tematy:
    Germany
    Russia
    trade
    political-economic cooperation
    history
    Niemcy
    Rosja
    handel
    współpraca polityczno-gospodarcza
    historia
    współczesność
    Opis:
    The article presents the significance of trade for political and economic cooperation between Germany and Russia in the historical and contemporary dimension. The analysis focuses on assessment of the determinants of the role and importance of trade in three phases of German-Russian political and economic cooperation: 1) general determinants and development of cooperation from the end of the World War I in 1918 to the end of World War II in 1945, 2) in the former West Germany in the years 1949–1989 and 3) in the period of the United Germany in the 1990s and in the 21st century. In the periods mentioned above, trade exchange was an quintessential element of the overall GermanSoviet-Russian relations in the political and economic spheres. Germany’s role as the main trading partner of the USSR in the West in the 1970s and 1980s enabled, among other things, the Kremlin’s consent to the peaceful reunification of Germany 1989/1990 and contributed to their strong involvement in the economic transformation of the Russian Federation after 1991. In the second decade of the 21st century, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) became the first trade partner for Russia was, undertaking joint actions to reduce the neoliberal international order with the dominant role of the United States.
    Artykuł przedstawia znaczenie handlu dla współpracy polityczno-gospodarczej Niemiec z Rosją w wymiarze historycznym i współczesnym. Analiza koncentruje się na ocenie uwarunkowań roli i znaczenia handlu w trzech fazach niemiecko-rosyjskiej współpracy polityczno-gospodarczej: 1) ogólnych uwarunkowań oraz rozwoju od 1918 r. do końca drugiej wojny światowej w 1945 r., 2) w okresie dawnej RFN 1949–1989 oraz 3) po zjednoczeniu Niemiec w latach 90. i w XXI w. Wymiana handlowa stanowiła wówczas ważny element całokształtu relacji niemiecko-radziecko-rosyjskich w płaszczyźnie politycznej i gospodarczej. Rola RFN jako głównego partnera handlowego ZSRR na Zachodzie w latach 70. i 80. umożliwiła między innymi zgodę Kremla na pokojowe zjednoczenie Niemiec 1989/1990 oraz ich silne zaangażowanie się w transformację gospodarczą Federacji Rosyjskiej po 1991 r. W drugiej dekadzie XXI w. pierwszym partnerem handlowym Rosji zostały Chiny Ludowe (CHRL), podejmując wspólne działania na rzecz osłabienia i przezwyciężenia neoliberalnego porządku międzynarodowego z dominującą rolą USA.
    Źródło:
    Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2019, 2; 161-181
    1733-2680
    2451-0610
    Pojawia się w:
    Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wokół wiersza Początek broszury politycznej…
    On Norwid’s poem Początek broszury politycznej…
    Autorzy:
    Niewczas, Łukasz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/17939608.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021-11-19
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    „Początek broszury politycznej”
    powstanie styczniowe
    Norwidowski patriotyzm
    historia
    propaganda
    political pamphlets
    January Uprising
    Norwid’s patriotism
    history
    Opis:
    Artykuł stanowi kolejną, po tekstach J. Puzyniny, B. Subko, Z. Trojanowiczowej, J. Trznadla, próbę interpretacji utworu Początek broszury politycznej. Na tle wcześniejszych odczytań autor w znacznie większym stopniu uwzględnia historyczny kontekst w jakim powstał wiersz, przede wszystkim wypadki powstania styczniowego. Autor zestawia treść wiersza z publicystyką Norwida z tego okresu i odczytuje w liryku polemikę z tradycyjnym modelem polskiego patriotyzmu, nacechowanym skłonnością do bezrefleksyjnego i nieliczącego się z ofiarami działania.
    This article attempts to interpret the poem “Początek broszury politycznej…” [The Beginning of a Political Pamphlet…] building on readings by J. Puzynina, B. Subko, Z. Trojanowiczowa, and J. Trznadel. In comparison with these earlier interpretations, this article emphasizes to a greater extent the historical context of the poem’s creation, primarily the events related to the January Uprising. To achieve this goal, the poem is read in the light of Norwid’s journalism from that period and interpreted as a polemic with the traditional model of Polish patriotism, which was characterized by the tendency to take actions that were not preceded by reflection and would not take into account possible victims.
    Źródło:
    Studia Norwidiana; 2021, 39; 179-191
    0860-0562
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Norwidiana
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Dziedzictwo wojny algierskiej w kulturze politycznej niepodległej Algierii
    The Algerian War Heritage in the Political Culture of Independent Algeria
    Autorzy:
    Kobis, Rafał
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/969864.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015
    Wydawca:
    Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
    Tematy:
    Algieria
    wojna algierska
    historia
    pamięć historyczna
    walka polityczna
    Algeria
    The Algerian War
    history
    historical memory
    political struggle
    Opis:
    The aim of the article is to present the characteristic elements of the political culture of Algeria, one of the so-called Third World countries. After 132 years of French dominance, it gained its independence due to the eight-year- long Algerian War 1954-1962. The heritage of the independence struggle continues to exist in the awareness and historical memory of the Algerians, thus contributing to the political culture of the country. The first part of the article is an analysis of the terms ‘memory’ and ‘history’, which is considered from a North-African perspective. The author claims that it is the subjective social memory that constitutes the main source of this region inhabitants’ awareness which is primarily based on either historical symbolism or symbolic words. Next, the author investigates the national historical discourse taking 1962 as a starting point. The conclusion is that being a principal creator of the historical policy, the state uses it by placing a current rivalry in a historical context. One of the most important elements legitimizing the political regime is historical education. Moreover, an analysis of the historical discourse was made. Regarding those who oppose the Algerian authorities, the first view was represented by fundamentalist groups, the so-called Islamism; the other view was favored by secular groups, the so-called Berberism. Finally, the author draws the conclusion that the Algerian War heritage is one of the foundations of the political culture in Algeria.
    Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie charakterystycznych elementów kultury politycznej jednego z krajów tak zwanego Trzeciego Świata – Algierii. Państwo to uzyskało niepodległość po 132 latach francuskiej obecności w wyniku ośmioletniej wojny o niepodległość z lat 1954-1962. Dziedzictwo walki o niepodległość jest wciąż żywe w świadomości i pamięci historycznej Algierczyków, co ma przełożenie na kulturę polityczną w kraju. Artykuł rozpoczyna się od analizy pojęć „pamięć” i „historia” w perspektywie północnoafrykańskiej. Autor stawia tezę, iż to właśnie subiektywna pamięć społeczna jest głównym źródłem świadomości mieszkańców regionu. Opiera się ona w głównej mierze na symbolice historycznej lub słowach-symbolach. Następnie autor analizuje państwowy dyskurs historyczny, poczynając od 1962 roku. Stwierdza, że państwo jest głównym kreatorem polityki historycznej i używa jej do bieżącej rywalizacji historycznej. Jednym z najważniejszych elementów legitymizujących reżim polityczny jest edukacja historyczna. Analizie poddane zostały również opozycyjne względem władz w Algierze dyskursy historyczne, tj. islamistyczny – reprezentowany przez ugrupowania fundamentalistyczne oraz berberyjski – reprezentowany przez ugrupowania laickie. Artykuł kończą wnioski, w których autor stwierdza, iż dziedzictwo wojny o niepodległość stanowi jeden z fundamentów kultury politycznej w Algierii.
    Źródło:
    Horyzonty Polityki; 2015, 6, 15; 59-79
    2082-5897
    Pojawia się w:
    Horyzonty Polityki
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Przestępczość polityczna - zarys problematyki
    Political crime - an outline of the problem
    Autorzy:
    Falandysz, Lech
    Poklewski- Koziełł, Krzysztof
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699318.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1989
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    przestępczość polityczna
    czyny zabronione
    historia
    prawo karne
    kryminologia
    przywilej
    terror
    regulacje prawne
    political crime
    prohibited acts
    history
    criminal law
    criminology
    privilege
    legal regulation
    Opis:
    The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of  Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors.                Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon.               The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among  prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits.                The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it.                A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand,  state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition.                In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives.                Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International.                The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents.                As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA.                In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis.                In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology.                In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II.                After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events  of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond  others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts.                The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the  state's basic political and economic interests only.                We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
                  The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of  Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors.                Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon.               The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among  prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits.                The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it.                A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand,  state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition.                In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives.                Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International.                The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents.                As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA.                In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis.                In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology.                In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II.                After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events  of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond  others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts.                The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the  state's basic political and economic interests only.                We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1989, XVI; 189-210
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Podziały polityczno-administracyjne na Ziemi Podlaskiej w ciągu tysiąclecia
    Political-Administration Divides in Ziemia Podlaska during the Recent Millennium
    Autorzy:
    Żółtowska, Jolanta Eliza
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1834434.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020-05-14
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    Ziemia Podlaska
    historia
    charakterystyka geograficzna
    czaso-przestrzenne podziały i konfiguracje granic politycznych i administracyjnych
    history
    geographical characteristics
    space-time divides and configurations of political and administrative borders
    Opis:
    The presented text together with the cartographic illustrations is devoted to the political-administration divides in Ziemia Podlaska. The region that is situated at the meeting point of cultures, languages and religions, has played a very important role in the history of the Polish state and the Polish nation. In the research that has been conducted, also the factors have been taken into consideration that influenced the presently existing Podlasie – the territory near the border with Byelorussia. Apart from the geopolitical and cultural aspects , also attention has been paid to economical questions, as well as to the lack of a center integrating the whole of social life, and the blurring, with time, borders. The historical Podlasie has always had a dualistic geographical arrangement – it has been latitudinally divided by the River Bug. Hence, the objectively existing conditions have had a destabilizing effect on it and have made economical development more difficult. The divides and configurations of political and administrative borders that ran through Ziemia Podlaska during the period that is presented in the space-time perspective are the point of departure for the explanation of many phenomena happening in the past and in the present, and for further studies, including historical, geographical ones as well as ones connected with political science. They may have both cognitive significance and be applied in practice. On the one hand they are useful for all sorts of academic analyses, and on the other, they may be used by the local authorities in their work connected with forming various functional-spatial connections in the Eastern part of the country.
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Nauk Społecznych; 2011, 39; 235-270
    0137-4176
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Tygodnik „Motor” jako najstarsze współczesne polskie czasopismo motoryzacyjne . Analiza za lata 1952–1991
    “Motor” as the oldest contemporary Polish automotive magazine Analysis for the years 1952–1991
    Autorzy:
    Ślaski, Robert
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/685253.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
    Tematy:
    prasa motoryzacyjna
    prasa PRL
    polskie czasopisma motoryzacyjne
    tygodnik „Motor”
    historia
    PRL
    transformacja ustrojowa
    automotive press
    the press of the PRL
    Polish automotive magazines
    “Motor” weekly
    history
    Polish People's Republic
    political transformation
    Opis:
    “Motor” weekly is the oldest contemporary Polish automotive magazine. The periodical in over 65 years of existence has permanently inscribed in the canon of the Polish automotive press. The article describes the outline of “Motor” weekly presence in the press market since the release of the first issue in 1952 until taking over by the new publisher at the end of 1991. Due to the modest number of scientific publications on automotive literature, the author primarily examined the year’s issues of “Motor”. The research part was supplemented by an attempt at theoretical analysis and assessment of the impact of the political and economic situation in Poland in the years 1952–1991 on the content and the situation of the magazine on the press market.
    Tygodnik „Motor” jest najstarszym współczesnym polskim czasopismem motoryzacyjnym. Periodyk w ciągu ponad 65 lat istnienia na stałe wpisał się do kanonu polskiej prasy motoryzacyjnej. Celem prezentowanego tekstu jest przedstawienie losów tytułu, poprzez analizę zmian, którym podlegał, zaczynając od numeru pierwszego z 1952 r. do chwili przejęcia pisma przez nowego wydawcę w 1991 r. Badaniu poddano wybrane roczniki periodyku, zaś część badawczą uzupełniono o próbę analizy teoretycznej i oceny oddziaływania sytuacji politycznej w Polsce w latach 1952–1991 na zawartość treściową i obecność tytułu na rynku prasowym. Do przeprowadzenia badań wykorzystano metodę analizy zawartości prasy oraz metodę historyczną.
    Źródło:
    Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Librorum; 2018, 2, 27; 87-107
    0860-7435
    2450-1336
    Pojawia się w:
    Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Librorum
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Historia przeciw teorii: komentarz do Marksowskiej metody z Kapitału
    History versus Theory: A Commentary on Marx’s Method in Capital
    Autorzy:
    Harvey, David
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1013400.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015-04-21
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    Marxism
    political economy
    history
    method
    capital
    laws of motion of capital
    production of surplus-value
    distribution
    exchange
    consumption
    the metabolic relation to nature
    marksizm
    ekonomia polityczna
    historia
    metoda
    kapitał
    prawa ruchu kapitału
    wytwarzanie wartości dodatkowej
    podział
    wymiana
    konsumpcja
    metaboliczny stosunek z przyrodą
    Opis:
    Między teoretycznymi pismami Marksa z zakresu ekonomii politycznej (takimi jak, na przykład, trzy księgi Kapitału) a jego pismami historycznymi (jak Osiemnasty Brumaire’a czy Wojna domowa we Francji) istnieje pewna luka, wynikająca z ograniczeń, jakie Marks narzucił swoim badaniom polityczno-ekonomicznym. Ograniczenia te zostały naszkicowane w Zarysie krytyki ekonomii politycznej, gdzie Marks czyni rozróżnienie pomiędzy a) uniwersalnością metabolicznej relacji ze światem natury, b) ogólnym charakterem praw rządzących ruchem kapitału, c) szczególnością podziału i wymiany, a d) jednostkowością procesów konsumpcji. Analiza zawartości Kapitału pokazuje, że Marks zasadniczo ograniczył swoje wysiłki do wykazania, że istnieją prawa, którymi rządzi się proces produkcji. Optyka ta pozwoliła mu na identyfikację pewnych prawidłowości w zakresie ruchów kapitału, właściwych każdemu kapitalistycznemu sposobowi produkcji. Zarazem jednak wykluczała ona pozostałe czynniki, przez co nie mogła ustanowić kompletnej teorii kapitalistycznego sposobu produkcji. Lepsze zrozumienie tego, w czym Marks może nam pomóc dzięki swojemu rozpoznaniu ogólnych zasad ruchu prowadzi do znacznie lepszego zrozumienia, co my sami musimy zrobić, jeśli chcemy, by wyniki jego badań dały się zastosować w konkretnych okolicznościach. Takich jak te, które zaistniały w trakcie kryzysu ekonomicznego towarzyszącego nam od 2007 roku.
    The gap between Marx’s theoretical writings on political economy (for example, the three volumes of Capital) and his historical writings (such as The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte and The Civil War in France) arises out of certain limitations that Marx placed upon his political-economic enquiries. These limitations are outlined in the Grundrisse where Marx distinguishes between the universality of the metabolic relation to nature, the generality of the laws of motion of capital, the particularities of distribution and exchange, and the singularities of consumption. What an analysis of the content of Capital shows is that Marx largely confined his efforts to identifying the law-like character of production to the exclusion of all else. While this allowed him to identify certain laws of motion of capital within any form of the capitalist mode of production, it did not and could not constitute a total theory of a capitalist mode of production. A better understanding of what it is that Marx can do for us through his identification of the general laws of motion leads to a far better appreciation of what it is that we have to do for ourselves in order to make Marx’s theoretical findings applicable to particular conjunctural conditions, such as those that have arisen throughout the economic crisis that began in 2007.
    Źródło:
    Praktyka Teoretyczna; 2015, 16, 2; 16-53
    2081-8130
    Pojawia się w:
    Praktyka Teoretyczna
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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