Temat: youth research - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Streszczenie wyników badań i wnioski
Conclusion
Autorzy:: Batawia, Stanisław
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699312.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1972
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: nieprzystosowanie społeczne
młodzież
badania kryminologiczne
social maladjustment
youth
criminological research
Opis:: In the light of the surveys of the 15 - l7-year-olds “out of school and out of work,” it can be seen that a large majority of the subjects are recruited from among boys and girls whose basic problems can be reduced to school maladjustment, serious learning difficulties and inability to adapt to the school curriculum. With most of the subjects social maladjustment is clearly connected with school maladjustment, which is no doubt frequently the anterior process. The lack of detailed psychological and medical tests makes it impossible to say what are the factors chiefly responsible fur such school retardation: what percentage of the subjects are backward children, children with only partial developmental retardation, children with certain congenital defects which are serious obstacles to learning to read and write, or children with personality disorders which interfere considerable with a normal process of education, reduce their capacity for systematic effort, impede concentration, etc. The children whose normal progress at school encounters serious difficulties and cannot cope unaided with their school obligations have a sense of inferiority with regard to the other children in their class, and the conflict situations experienced by them continually and their fear of the consequences of bad results at school make for a hostile attitude to school, truancy, seeking contacts outside school with peers in a similar position, spending much of their time with other maladjusted boys in whose company they can win approval. Children of this kind frequently drop far behind in elementary school and sometimes fail to complete it altogether. Subsequently, they have a very difficult start in life, extremely limited prospects of employment in jobs with a low social status and a sense of personal failure and rejection which frequently helps to develop antisocial attitudes. In dealing with boys and girls of this sort who have already reached an older age bracket, one should realize that their considerable school retardation, their unaccustomedness for systematic study and the development of certain adverse habits militate against progress in the vocational schools to which they are directed. In view of the fact that teaching them a specific trade in combination with practical in-work training may be of vital importance to their subsequent careers, the syllabus in these special vocational schools should be adjusted to the degree of inability displayed by such boys and girls. Since the boys who have not even completed six or seven grades of elementary school are in a worse position than those who have completed a greater number of grades, the syllabus of the vocational courses for these children should be differentiated to match their achievement level in elementary school. It seems essential therefore, before directing such boys and girls to a vocational school, to submit them to psychological tests to discover their intelligence level and suitability for a specific trade. The findings of these surveys make clear the importance from the point of view not only of the practice of the educational authorities but also of social policy of paying special attention to cases of recurring repetition of elementary school grades and truancy, and of failure to complete elementary school. Problems and failures at school require the early intervention of psychologists and doctors and the extension of special attention to such children in the earliest grades. The elimination and prevention of symptoms of school maladjustment depend on the proper organization of school work to allow for the specific problems of this category of children. It is essential to provide a sufficient number of special classes in the lower years to enable children making poor progress to catch up and also individual coaching of pupils who have special learning problems. The surveys show how important the implementation of the above recommendations could be for prevention of social maladjustment and demoralization among a large proportion of the children subsequently classified as “out of school and out of work”. The fact that among juvenile offenders there is a large incidence of records of serious disturbances in the course of their education from an early age is obvious evidence of the need to pay special attention to school maladjustment with a view to the prevention of juvenile delinquency. Since the surveys have shown that a large proportion of children with serious school failures come from adverse home backgrounds, from broken homes, from homes in which the father is an alcoholic and from homes whose material circumstances are bad, it is essential to put such families under special supervision and also to provide welfare benefits to the mothers of children in such home.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 134-149
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: Wyniki badań 432 chłopców “nie uczących się i nie pracujących”
Findings of the Research among Boys
Autorzy:: Kołakowska-Przełomiec, Helena
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699306.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1972
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: nieprzystosowanie społeczne
młodzież
badania kryminologiczne
social maladjustment
boys
youth
criminological research
Opis:: The boys examined in the l967/68 school year (the first year in which the educational authorities registered this category of youth) were older than the subjects in the following year. As has been already indicated, 43 per cent of the boys in 1967/68 had passed their 17th birthday, compared to only 23 per cent in 1968/69. It is worth noting, however, that the number of l5-year-olds was small, only 23 and 36 per cent respectively. Since only a third of all the subjects were at least 17 at the time of registration, the question of the employment of these boys in the period preceding their referral to vocational school is not worth entering into. The basic point is connected with the course of their school attendance – the degree to which the process of education at elementary school was disrupted and the length of time these boys had been out of school (among those who had completed the 7th grade and also those who had discontinued attendance at a normal vocational school). The surveys revealed the important fact that only a small percentage of the youth described as “out of school and out of work” had in actual fact been absent from school for a period of more than six months (including the summer holiday): in the two succeeding years the number of boys of this kind was 28 and 21 per cent, while the number who had no breaks in school attendance whatsoever was 33 per cent in the first year and as much as 77 per cent in the next. On the other hand, the process of education had been highly disturbed: among the subjects attending one-year vocational schools only 21 per cent had no record of retardation at elementary school, and barely one per cent in the two-year schools. Among the boys attending the one-year schools 28 and 24 per cent had dropped two years behind, and 11 and 18 per cent three years or more. The boys in the two-year schools who had completed only 4 - 6 grades were of course even more retarded: in 1967/68 retardation of two years was shown by 28 per cent and in 1968/69 by 45 per cent, and three years or more by 52 and 39 per cent respectively. As many as 70 – 80 per cent of all the subjects had been systematically truant from elementary school, and about two-thirds had long-lasting disciplinary difficulties. In considering these boys’ failures at school, attention should be given to the results of tests of their achievement level and of their scores in the Raven’s Progressive Matrices. On the whole the subjects’ achievement level in mathematics differed markedly from that of a comparative sample of children in corresponding grades of elementary school. Bad marks in mathematics were scored by 62 and 64 per cent of the boys in the one-year schools and 83 and 86 per cent of the boys in the two-year schools. There were also considerable differences in achievement in Polish between the subjects and the control group. Particular emphasis should be given to the bad scores recorded in silent reading and comprehension tests not only by many of the boys in the two-year schools who had not completed the 7th grade but also by many of the boys in the one-year schools. This low achievement level in basic subjects was undoubtedly a serious obstacle to learning progress for the majority of the subjects, not only earlier at elementary school, but also at vocational school. Raven’s Progressive Matrices testing, first of all, reasoning ability revealed in 1967/68 a larger percentage of boys with low and very low scores than in the control group. The subjects in the one-year schools had better scores than the subjects in the two-year school. In the following year, 1968/69, however, the percentage with low and very low scores decreased, though it remained higher among the boys attending two-year schools than one-year schools. The Raven’s Progressive Matrices scores do not, however, explain all the reasons for the boys’ great degree of school retardation, since there was a fairly large group which had good and very good scores. Their failure at school must be connected with other factors than low reasoning ability. These may be deficiencies in other mental abilities, personality disorders, neglect at home, etc. In examining the degree of social maladjustment (the criteria were discussed earlier) of the boys surveyed in 1967/68 it was found that: 1) only 28 per cent of the boys could be judged seriously socially maladjusted; they displayed a number of symptoms of marked demoralization and committed offences (theft); 2) 35 per cent could be called moderately maladjusted: they had been out of school or out of work longer than six months, had been frequently truant, and some of them also displayed other symptoms of maladjustment of a less marked order: 3) a relatively large group (36 per cent) were boys who by and large displayed only symptoms of school maladjustment, and symptoms of demoralization only sporadically. It should be added that the number of seriously maladjusted boys was much smaller in the one-year schools (25 per cent) than among those who had not completed the 7th grade and had been placed in the two-year schools (33 per cent). It is worth drawing attention to the fact that boys with various Raven scores and various achievement levels in basic subjects can be found in similar percentages both among the group of boys only slightly socially maladjusted and the group of boys moderately or seriously maladjusted. However, the more socially maladjusted boys had worse home backgrounds than the others and no doubt suffered from greater personality disorders since they had already earlier caused more serious disciplinary problems. The greater degree of maladjustment among this groups of boys who had made bad progress at school was, therefore, affected by factors connected with personality and home background. It should be noted that 34 per cent of the subjects in 1967/68 and 33 per cent in 1968/69 came from broken homes. Fathers who were excessive drinkers (alcohol addicts among them) constituted 41 per cent of the total, and the number of brothers (over ten years of age) who displayed various symptoms of social maladjustment came to 30 per cent. Bad material conditions were found in almost half the homes of the subjects. The surveys revealed that the percentage of boys “out of school and out of work” who had appeared before juvenile courts was relatively small. Among the total number of subjects (432), only 28.4 per cent had been prosecuted before being directed to vocational school. In the period of attendance to vocational school and later a total of 39 boys were convicted, but only 14 of those had previous convictions. The percentage of boys brought to court rose only very slightly to 31.7 per cent, and it should be emphasized that the percentage of recidivists with three or more cases among the total number convicted came to only 24 per cent (including juvenile court appearances). A large majority of the subjects are therefore boys who were not seriously delinquent even though they displayed a whole series of symptoms of social maladjustment. The careers of the boys after placement in vocational schools are basically contingent on the degree of their social maladjustment, and only this, and not appearance in court, forms the proper criterion for assessing the difficulties encountered by efforts to normalize these boys. Although the subjects’ attendance at the vocational schools was not regular and there was a considerable degree of absenteeism from the practical training periods, while a large percentage (53 and 41 per cent in the two succeeding years) failed to complete the vocational course on time, follow-up studies showed that only a third of the subjects in 1967/68 and a fifth in 1968/69 had not subsequently continued their education or entered employment. These boys, in the case of whom attempts at rehabilitation had been wholly unsuccessful, did not exceed 25 per cent of the total of 432. Virtually all of them came from the group of subjects with serious prior social maladjustment who had long displayed advanced symptoms of demoralization.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 32-83
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: Wyniki badań 110 dziewcząt “nie uczących się i nie pracujących”
Findings of the Research among Girls
Autorzy:: Ostrihanska, Zofia
Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699308.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1972
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: nieprzystosowanie społeczne
badania kryminologiczne
młodzież
dziewczęta
social maladjustment
criminological research
girls
youth
Opis:: The publication presents the findings of an inquiry conducted among 110 girls aged 15 - 17 who had been directed, on the grounds of being “out of school and out of work”, to two one-year vocational schools in Warsaw (catering and clothing). All the girls enrolled in these schools were the subjects of the study. The first point to be established was whether the girls classified as “out of school and out of work” had in fact not been attending school or gainfully employed for a longer period of time prior to admission. In point of fact the job question did not really enter the picture since almost all the subjects had never yet been employed, partly on account of their age: only 31 per cent of them had reached their 17th birthday at the time of the inquiry. Most of them had previously been attending school, while the period of idleness was as a rule very short: as many as 70 per cent had been in attendance until the end of the preceding school year and had found themselves without a place at the beginning of the new one. The number which had quit or interrupted school attendance in the course of the preceding school year came to 24 per cent; only 6 per cent had longer breaks in schooling of a year or more. However, if we forego this formal criterion of non-attendance and take into account not only failure to enroll in a school, but also systematic truancy, it turns out that the number not attending school is much larger: two-thirds of the subjects had either left school or, though nominally in attendance had in fact been systematically truant in the course of the preceding school year. The question of the criteria employed to classify young people as “out of school and out of work” merits special emphasis because, as we shall see, it was systematic staying away from school though nominally enrolled rather than brief official breaks in attendance which proved bad prediction for subsequent adjustment in the one-year vocational school. Two-thirds of the girl subjects had fallen behind in elementary school, and among 46 per cent this retardation came to at least two years. The school retardation of the subjects was not only much greater than the general rate among children in the higher grades of elementary school in Poland, but also greater than among boy subjects attending analogous one-year vocational schools. So large a degree of school retardation prompts the question whether poor progress was not due to the diminished intelligence level of the subjects. This point was examined with the help of Raven’s Progressive Matrices, tests of achievement in basic subjects, and the opinions obtained from teachers at the schools which the subjects had previously attended. A large percentage of the girls (41 per cent) had low and very low Raven scores (under 25 percentiles). Girls attending one-year vocational schools had far worse scores than average school children, and worse ones than boys attending one-year vocational schools and even than boys attending two-year vocational schools. These Raven scores must be put into the context of data obtained by other means. As had been said, tests were made of the level of achievement in basic subjects (Polish and mathematics). The percentage of subjects who displayed a very low level of achievement was greater than the percentage with low and very low Raven scores. The girls attending one-year vocational schools differed markedly in level of achievement from the control group of elementary school children. Additional information on the abilities of the subjects was obtained from questionnaires answered by teachers at the schools which these girls had previously attended. On this evidence, more of them were found to be “dull” than had been suggested by their Raven scores. The variations in the data obtained from different sources require clarification. Raven’s Progressive Matrices test only certain abilities (reasoning visual perception) important to learning. But there are also a number of other abilities which play a part in progress at school (e.g. memory, audial perception, verbal abilities) and deficiencies where these are concerned might have contributed to the low scores of the subjects in the tests of achievement and to the teachers’ estimates of their abilities. The failures or difficulties of a part of the subjects at school might have been connected with disturbances in these particular learning abilities. But they might equally well have been due to personality factors or – and this seems especially important given the evidence obtained in interviews – to considerable neglect at home. The school retardation of the subjects, their achievement level, their low Raven scores and the teachers’ opinions of their poor abilities are all signs that their being “out of school and out of work” was clearly bound up with failures at school and objective difficulties with learning. The next question was the degree of social maladjustment of the subjects. Only a small number of the girls (18 per cent) had no record of considerable school retardation, presented no particular problems of conduct at school, and displayed no symptoms of social maladjustment. The biggest quantitative problem among the subjects were the girls (almost half) who only manifested evidence of maladjustment as regards school work, i.e. retardation of two or more years, systematic truancy, and repeated discontinuance of school attendance. Only a third of the girls were found, however, to have other symptoms of social maladjustment: keeping demoralized company, running away from home, excessive drinking, stealing and suspected sexual promiscuity. It was only these girls in whom the relevant symptom or symptoms had occurred frequently or jointly that were classified as socially maladjusted. It should be added, however, that only three of the girls had been previously convicted, only 10 per cent were found to have committed thefts and only 10 per cent were suspected of sexual promiscuity. These percentages are insignificant when compared to those found in girls brought before the courts. However, for a third of the girls to reveal evidence of social maladjustment constitutes a relatively large proportion if it is compared with the degree of social maladjustment found in an average schoolgirl population. In the inquiry a comparison was made of the girls who displayed only symptoms of maladjustment at school (notably considerable school retardation) with those whose behaviour indicated evidence of social maladjustment as well. It was found that the subjects in the latter category tended indeed to come more frequently from adverse home environments and were more often described by school teachers as excitable, restless and aggressive. Although systematic truancy has in this study been placed under the heading of maladjustment at school, it proved in fact to be more frequent among the socially maladjusted girls than those who displayed only school maladjustment. This fact, as well as evidence of a connection between social maladjustment and certain personality features, suggest that it is not difficulties and failures at school as such, but the modes of reaction to them that lead to major maladjustment. The next point tackled by the inquiry related to the environmental, health and personality factors behind the subjects’ non-attendance of school and lack of employment. Here the data was obtained by means of background interviews and interviews with 62 of the girls who qualified most obviously for the designation of “out of school and out of work” on account of interrupted school attendance and systematic truancy. Of these 62 girts, as many as 44 per cent came from broken homes. Among their families there was a high incidence (47 per cent) of excessive drinking by the father. A third of the fathers had criminal convictions and in 30 per cent of the families there were brothers with convictions. This data indicates that the girls who were “out of school and out of work” had frequently been brought up in homes which constituted socially negative educative environments and got their children off to a bad start in life. Health data showed that 29 per cent of the girls “out of school and out of work” had suffered various protracted illnesses resulting in long absences from school which could have led to low achievement level. Hospital or sanatorium treatment had been prescribed at some time for 44 per cent. The interviews afforded grounds for suspecting that 23 per cent had suffered brain damage. These are all factors which interfere with progress at school. But they are obstacles which could have been more easily overcome if the girls could have counted on the help and care of their families; in the home environment in which many of the subjects grew up, on the other hand, they formed serious barriers to normal results at school. Finally progress at school has been analysed in 110 pupils attending one-year schools as well as their accomplishment in a successive year. A total of 40 per cent of the subjects attended the one-year vocational schools very irregularly, cutting over a quarter of the days of instruction. This poor attendance record had a statistically significant interdependence with systematic truancy in the preceding school year (though insignificant with the break in school attendance prior to enrolment in the one-year vocational school). This indicates that truancy schould be regarded by schools as a particularly urgent warning to pay greater attention to the children involved. Irregular attendance of the one-year vocational schools was also connected with social maladjustment in the period preceding admission. The girls with the greatest degree of social maladjustment were the ones who found it hardest to adapt in the vocational schools. A year after the end of the school year in which the inquiry was conducted, follow-up interviews were made in order to see if the former pupils of the one year vocational schools were still attending school or gainfully employed. It was found that almost half the girls were continuing their education and 29 per cent were working (half of them in jobs matching their vocational qualifications); only about a fifth were “out of school and out of work”. The reasons they gave for this varied and in certain cases the fact that they were neither attending school nor working was clearly justified by special circumstances.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 84-117
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: Agresja w szkole w świetle samoopisów uczniów
School Aggression in the Light of Students’ Accounts
Autorzy:: Ostrowska, Krystyna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699261.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2004
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: agresja
szkoła
zachowania agresywne
młodzież
badania kryminologiczne
aggression
school
aggressive behaviours
youth
criminological research
Opis:: The article presents results of a research conducted for the Ministry of National Education and Sports, which primarily aimed to look closer at the changes in forms, scale and increase of aggressive behaviours of students at all the different learning and upbringing stages. The first kind of such research in Poland was initiated by K. Ostrowska and A. Siemaszko in 1981. Its results were widely discussed by A. Siemaszko in his book „Deviated teenage behaviours”. Next research, which is a direct source of reference for the research discussed in this article, was a countrywide research into aggressive behaviours of students, conducted in 1997 also from the initiative of K. Ostrowska, with a cooperation and extensive financial involvement of prof. Hans Ludwig Schmidt, dr. Janusz Surzykiewicz and the Bosch Foundation. Similarly as in the past, the results were thoroughly presented in a monography „Aggression and School Violence. Socio-economic conditions” written by Janusz Surzykiewicz. The presented research concerning aggressive behaviours of students in 2003, is based on answers of respondents about causing and experiencing aggression across a 12 months period before conducting the research. Questionnaires in self-report technique were conducted in November and December 2003. A group of 16 students was randomly sampled from ministerial lists of primary, lower secondary, general secondary schools, specialised secondary schools, technical secondary schools as well as basic vocational schools. Research has been conducted in all 16 provinces of Poland. In the randomly sampled schools a suitable number of students was randomly sampled from each teaching level. In relation to 1997 the number of surveyed students is smaller, the previous counted 2567 individuals. Contraction of this group was dictated by financial and time limitations of the research. This article includes characteristics of student respondents by their age, kind of school, class, place of living, family situation including family structure, marital status of parents, current residing or other persons, with parents, age of parents, their education and professional activity. The socio-demographic characteristic of the families indicated that in 90% of cases students come from complete families, they have parents, in the age of professional activity (35-50 years of age) with vocational, secondary and higher education. However, there is a worrying fact that about 20% of families is struggling economically due to the lack of permanent employment. The characteristic of aggressive student behaviour concerns, on the one hand, a number and percentage frequency structure of 41 behaviours considered in the research as an indicator of aggression, on the other hand - an analysis according to the differentiated categories of aggression. These are behaviours which have a smaller potential effect – they would cause a considerably smaller, danger, pain, harm, suffering i.e. spreading lies about other students; and ones which could be called examples of serious aggression or even as bearing characteristics of criminal offences such as: threatening with a knife, a razor blade, gas or using a sharp object while in a fight. The most common signs of aggression on the school area the less potentially harmful behaviours, they create a specific school atmosphere. Amongst those to mention would be: cheating on teachers, disrupting teaching in class, offensive talking, calling other students names, writing on school walls and desks, purposeful pushing others, spreading lies and harming oneself by drunkenness. Such forms of behaviour happen to 30 - 40% of respondents. However, as it has been mentioned in detailed descriptions, school is also a place where more serious forms of aggression take prace. These are: forcing students to do things against their will, fighting with other colleagues, group beating of a single student, forcing or provoking sexual behaviouts, using sharp objects in a fight. The article incorporates data suggesting an increase in aggressive behaviour amongst girls, and the still remaining statistically significant differences between girls and boys especially in the growth of aggression and in some more serious forms of aggression. Furthermore, a characteristic of aggressive student behaviours is presented taking into account six. categories: aggression and physical abuse, aggression and verbal abuse, psychological abuse, aggression and violence with objects, aggression and violence using gun, sexual abuse, and all other kinds of demoralisation and social maladjustment. A comparison of referenced findings from 2003 with those from 1997, required using not only the same research procedure (self-report questionnaire) but also taking up the very same classification of aggressive behaviours. Prevention of aggressive student behaviours can be effective if performed after correct diagnosis of such phenomenon, of its causes and only if an adequate means to diagnose will be used. An important element of the diagnosis is recognising aggression amongst students depending on the stage of their primary and secondary education. In 1997 there was no early secondary schooling yet, therefore only primary and secondary school students were verified. This very article introduces results of strengthening of different forms of aggressive behaviours in primary, lower secondary, general secondary schools, specialised secondary schools, technical secondary schools and basic vocational schools. What can be quickly noticed is a fact that all named forms of violent behaviours take place in the studied population independently of the kind of school, yet their intensity is different. These differences are provided by the received chi-squared coefficients presented in the tables. An additionally modified categorisation of aggression has been used for a more clear and efficient presentation of aggressive behaviours in schools for the future prevention. Two criteria have been taken - the strength of a deed and who it is directed at. In that way nine, instead of six, categories of aggression have been established: aggression and physical abuse, aggression against teachers, aggression against objects, psychological abuse, auto-aggression, family disobedience, verbal aggression, aggression with threatening to use a dangerous object, sexual abuse, take over, theft, being arrested by the police. For primary school the most characteristic behaviours are verbal aggression (31,1% of students admit to behave that way), physical aggression but to a lesser degree (13,7% of students), aggression against teachers (11,6%) aggression against objects (8,8%). Other forms of aggression occur less often, they are admitted by 2,6% to 5,1 % of students. In the lower secondary schools we can observe a higher figure of students using also other forms of aggression. Still the dominant form of aggression is the verbal one (38,1% of students), auto-aggression appears more strongly in form of alcohol and abuse of other psychoactive substances (19,9%), aggression against teacher has a higher level too (19%), as well as against objects (17,2%), physical abuse (12,7%). Psychological abuse, together with family disobedience occur more often than in primary schools. There is another difference in escalation of aggressive behaviours at the stage of lower secondary schools. Secondary schools, specialised secondary shools, as well as basic vocational schools, as shown in the forms of diagrams, indicate similar symptoms of aggression, the strength of such behaviours is also comparable within that group. The most common are: auto-aggression, verbal aggression, aggression against, teachers, aggression aguinst, objects, physical abuse, family disobedience, thefts, psychological abuse. Students in basic vocational schools differ in kinds and strength of aggressive behaviours. And primarily, more commonly than other students in their age, they show aggression and physical abuse. Diagnosis of aggression should not only focus on the knowledge about the offenders but also on the knowledge about the victims. This aspect has thus been discussed in this research. Twenty nine incidents of aggression have been analysed, victims of which could have been students. The aggressors could have been their colleagues, teachers, or other people. This side of a problem is not mentioned in the article. What has been under study, however, was the correlation between being an aggressor and being a victim, as well as on finding out the so-called ‘only aggressors’ and ‘only victims’. The research has confirmed the dependency between being a victim and being an aggressor. Factor analysis enabled for a differentiation of the types of ‘only aggressors’, five factors were found, and types of ‘only victims’ – seven factor found, and mixed types, ‘aggressors and victims’ - five factors. The aggression diagnosis amongst students based on the analysis of kinds of forms, their intensity and popularity within a population, is at the end of the article and it allows for stating that aggressive student behaviours are becoming a particular form of student ‘adaptation’ to the expectations of other fellow students, teachers and parents. They take more diversified forms, the number of behaviours dangerous to health and safety increases, too. Students attack teachers more often, despite the fact that teachers do try to limit their aggressive behaviours. In the student environment there is a growing number of far more serious incidents. The higher the education stage, aggressive behaviours do not decrease, the numer of aggressive students increases and the hierarchy of their order changes. The most worrying is an increase in number of students abusing alcohol and other psychoactive substances. Such behaviours are considered as forms of auto-aggression in this article. The report finishes with conclusions addressed to teachers, pedagogues, and pedagogic school supervisors for they could be included in the educational programmes and prevention methods to which schools are obliged by the adequate legal acts from the educational system and ministerial directives.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2004, XXVII; 115-153
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Neutralizacja normy „nie kradnij” w genezie przestępczości nieletnich
Neutralization of the Rule „DO NOT STEAL” in the Origin of Juvenile Delinquency
Autorzy:: Stańdo-Kawecka, Barbara
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699040.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1994
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: neutralizacja
normy
przestępczość nieletnich
zachowania przestępcze
badania kryminologiczne
przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu
zakład poprawczy
neutralization
rule
juvenile delinquency
delinquent behavior
criminological research
crimes against property
youth detention center
Opis:: The paper discusses the findings of a study aimed at an empirical verification of a well-known criminological concept: the Sykes and Matza concept of neutralization techniques from the classical trend of positivist criminology. What Sykes and Matza see as the factor of juvenile delinquency are mechanisms of justification of one’s own delinquent behavior. Reverting to functionalim, the authors assume a social consensus on the basic values and norms of behavior. Juvenile delinquents generally recognize the same values and norms as non-delinquent youth but, unlike that youth, they grow proficient in neutralizing those norms so as to prevent them from influencing their behavior. According to Sykes and Matza, norms are neutralized through finding and accepting justifications for one’s own deviant behavior. Five types of such neutralization techniques heve been distinguished according to the contents of those justifications: denial of responsibility, denial of injury, denial of the victim, condemnation of the condemners, and appeal to higher loyalties. In their conception of neutralization techniques, G.M. Sykes and D. Matza mainly describe and classify the ways of excusing one’s own deviant behavior and provide but a perfunctory discussion of the mechanizm of neutralization itself. L. Festinger’s theory of cognitive dissonance proves useful in explaining the psychological mechanizm of neutralization of recognized norms. Assumptions of the conception of neutralization techniques and the theory of cognitive dissonance provided the grounds for hypotheses which were subsequently submitted to empirical verification. The subject was limited to neutralization of the rule “do not steal” interpreted as a ban appropriation on theft and a rule of respect for another person’s property. Criminologists have long questioned the desing of empirical study where achool youth are treated as non-delinquent and examined as a control group oppesed to juvenile delinquents in houses of correction or educational institutions. In the present study, three groups were examined: ‒ juvenile delinquents confined to a reformatory or home for detained juveniles by a judicial decision as perpetrators of offences against property (84 persons); ‒ school youth not involved in acts against another person’s property, called non-delinquent youth (70 persons); ‒ school youth involved in acts againts another person’s property, called actually delinquent (37 persons); The groups of “non-delinquent” and “actually delinquent” persons were distinguished from school youth by means of a self-report survey. Of the original hypotheses, only one was confirmed by the findings. The exemined groups appeared to differ significantly in their approval of the techniques of neutralization of the norm of honesty, the differences trending as expected. The lowest approval of statements expressing various excuses for breaches of another person’s property was found among the non-delinquent youth. The group that most often approves ot such excuses are wards of reformatories and juvenile homes; however, they do not differ much in this respect from the actually delinquent youth. All of the examined groups have similar priorities as to the separate types of excuses. The type accepted most often is “condemnation of the condemners”. In particular, a statement that “the police and judges are corruptible and malicious”enjoys great popularity. The types accepted least often, instead, are excuses consisting in “denial of injury” and “appeal to higher loyalties”. What could not be conformed are hypotheses as to absence of differences between the groups with respect to appraisal of one’s own honesty and acceptance of the rule “do not steal”. Non -delinquent youth appraise themselves much higher in terms of honesty than the remaining two groups. Wards of reformatories and juvenile homes, instead, appraise themselves somewhat lower than the actually delinquent youth. The non-delinquent youth show the strongest acceptance of the norm of honesty. The degree of acceptance of that norm among wards of reformatories is similar to that among actual delinquents, the former showing a somewhat stronger acceptance of the rule “do not steal” than the actually delinquent group. Another hypothesis that was not confirmed concerned a tendency to neutralize the rule “do not steal” once it has been violated; the method used here was projection where the respondents were to complete unfinished stories. Against expectations, the tendency to neutralize that norm once it has been violated appeared to occur much more often among school youth than among wards of reformatories and juvenile homes. Of the various methods of reducing the anxiety resulting from a breach of another person’s property, both groups of school youth most often suggested neutralization of the norm of honesty. Wards of institutions, instead, much more often mentioned methods other than neutralization of the violated norm: e.g., focus on the derived or potential profit, or focus on the absence of threat with any negative consequences from without. The study questioned the role of delinquent neutralizations as conceived by Sykes and Matza in the origin of juvenile delinquency. Unforfunately, the findings could not be interpreted explicitly. According to the theoretical assumptions made, a number of possible explanations of the findings can be suggested which at least party exclude one another. A new empirical study would be necessary to verify those explanations.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1994, XX; 21-51
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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