Informacja

Drogi użytkowniku, aplikacja do prawidłowego działania wymaga obsługi JavaScript. Proszę włącz obsługę JavaScript w Twojej przeglądarce.

Wyszukujesz frazę "authoritarianism" wg kryterium: Temat


Tytuł:
O społeczno-politycznych źródłach złego stresu i jego edukacyjnych skutkach
On Social and Political Sources of Bad Stress and its Educational Effects
Autorzy:
Olubiński, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/916249.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
corporatism
authoritarianism
stress
education
Opis:
The main problem of considerations concerns the relationships and dependencies between selectedsocio-political factors as stressors and specific reactions to them of selected categories of people andgroups, analysed in terms of educational processes. The author is especially interested in the stressfuland educational role of human participation in the system of corporate trade as the source of artificiallycreated needs connected with continuous shopping and multiplying material goods. The second stress factor analysed below is the character of state power exercised by politicians, with the particular role of its distortion towards authoritarian relations. The final kind of synthetic summary of the above deliberations is an attempt of critical evaluation of the educational role of stress caused by the authoritarian school. And although the discussed stress factors the author attempts to refer to individual behaviours, taking into account, for example, the concepts of human nature, age and institution (e.g. school), the conclusions and findings resulting from these analyses are also more general. Their essence relates to the thesis that regardless of individual behaviours in a stressful situation, generally negative stressors, such as the impact of corporate economy, pathological character of exercising authority or authoritarian school usually shape negativebehaviour, including mainly authoritarian personalities.
Źródło:
Studia Edukacyjne; 2019, 55; 39-58
1233-6688
Pojawia się w:
Studia Edukacyjne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Poles’ Commitment to the Rights of Political Dissenters
Autorzy:
Gołębiowska, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929381.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-06-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
political tolerance
minority rights
authoritarianism
Opis:
Empirical research on support for democracy and democratic values in Eastern Europe has proliferated in the last decade and a half. Based on survey data from a recent, nationally representative survey of Polish public opinion, I contribute to this growing literature by exploring the dynamics of Poles’ support for the rights of political dissenters. Using multivariate regression analysis, I model the relationships between a variety of socio-political assessments and support for political dissenters’ rights. I find that Poles’ support for the rights of political dissenters is far from uniform and varies as a function of authoritarianism, approval of the government in power, anomie, education, and (marginally) gender. I conclude with a discussion of my findings’ implications for democratic consolidation in Poland.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2006, 154, 2; 231-242
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Totalitarianism in sociological research
Autorzy:
Borowski, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1178646.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Przedsiębiorstwo Wydawnictw Naukowych Darwin / Scientific Publishing House DARWIN
Tematy:
Holocaust
authoritarianism
dictatorship
junta
totalitarianism
Opis:
Totalitarianism is a form of social system (usually a state one), the essential feature of which is to strive for seizing strict subordination and constant control over all areas of social and individual life. There are no legal limitations for the totalitarian power, nor it limits itself. All totalitarian systems are preceded by violent social revolutions that overuse [misuse] the slogans of the Great French Revolution. Involvement of the citizens is usually in their mass participation in different forms of action and expression of their enthusiasm for the “successes” of the system.
Źródło:
World Scientific News; 2017, 67, 2; 80-101
2392-2192
Pojawia się w:
World Scientific News
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
‘Schools of Hatred’. The Essence of Totalitarianism in Jerzy W. Borejsza’s Approach
Autorzy:
Ceran, Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2131450.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-07-18
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Historii im. Tadeusza Manteuffla PAN w Warszawie
Tematy:
totalitarianism
authoritarianism
fascism
Nazism
communism
Opis:
Jerzy W. Borejsza regarded the term ‘totalitarianism’ as a helpful tool in describing the political systems in Nazi Germany, fascist Italy, and the Bolshevik/communist Soviet Union, but opted for restricted use of the term. Apart from the classical determinants of a totalitarian system, he believed that the mobilisation of hatred against the predefined ethnic/national, racial, or class enemy was essential to any totalitarianism. Rather than adding a new distinguishing feature of the totalitarian system, the Polish historian carried out a series of multi-aspect comparative analyses of its earlier-defined traits and characteristics. He has drawn a precise distinction between a totalitarian and authoritarian system. Not satisfied with apparent similarities, he tried to explore the issue more deeply, identifying different intensities of the phenomena specific to totalitarian systems. He stressed a gradation of totalitarianism in the different totalitarian systems, at the different stages of their functioning. To his credit goes the introduction in the historiography of the concept of ‘anti-Slavism’ and, as part of it, anti-Polonism, as essential traits of the National Socialist ideology. He opposed the simplifications tending to appear in broadly used terms, the attempts to ‘ideologise’ and ‘politicise’ the history, particularly in describing the communist totalitarianism. According to Borejsza, fascism, Nazism, and communism had once frequented the same school of totalitarian hatred and took there the same classes – but they were differently evaluated when it came to the finals.
Źródło:
Acta Poloniae Historica; 2021, 123; 57-72
0001-6829
Pojawia się w:
Acta Poloniae Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Władza despotyczna czy demokratyczna? Partie i wyborcy wobec demokracji i „rządów silnej ręki”
Despotic or democratic rule? Parties and voters regarding democracy and “strong-arm government”
Autorzy:
Tomczak, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514497.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
democracy
authoritarianism
Polish political parties
Opis:
The article concerns the attitudes of parties and their voters towards democracy and support for a “strong-arm government”. The research included the five largest Polish civil parties Platforma Obywatelska RP (Civic Platform RP), Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Twój Ruch (Your Movement) and Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People’s Party). The results confirmed that, on the one hand, voters acknowledge democracy as the best political system for Poland; however, on the other hand, a substantial part of them longs for strong authorities. Supporting democracy, they advocate a “strong-arm government”. Among left-wing voters, there is three times more proponents of such governments than persons acknowledging another political system as better than democratic one. In the case of political scene centre voters, the number of “strong-arm government” proponents amounts to over four times the number of democracy critics. Nearly half of the right-wing voters supported the “strong-arm government”, and every fifth of them did not acknowledge democracy as the best political system. Proponents of democracy dominate in electorates of all parties. Groups in which their advantage over opponents is clearly the smallest include: PiS-voters, persons who declared the will to vote for another formation, and persons who did not want to participate in the elections. Among the PiS-voters, nearly three times more supported “strong-arm government” than opposed it. Among the voters of PO, SLD, and Your Movement, there were more opponents of a “strong-arm government” than its proponents. One may assume that a formation critical towards democracy and favorable towards reinforcement of authority of a strong, charismatic leader could gain among the right-wing voters. It may partially explain why did the Kongres Nowej Prawicy (Congress of the New Right) receive substantial support in the elections to the European Parliament. KNP criticizes the modern democracy and its leader favorably talked about activities of politicians who apply the methods of a “strong-arm government”. On the left side of the political scene there are no premises for the emergence of a political force based on similar views and having greater support.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2014, 8; 85-98
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Charakter władzy suwerennej w koncepcjach ładu konstytucyjnego Hansa Kelsena i Carla Schmitta
The nature of sovereign power in the constitutional concepts of Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt
Autorzy:
Kaleta, Krzysztof J.
Koźmiński, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/950245.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013-12-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
sovereignty
normativism
authoritarianism
constitution
liberalism
Opis:
The purpose of this article is to review the controversy between two, potentially most influential legal theorists in 20th century, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt. Their philosophical concepts: Schmittian decisionism and Kelsenian normativism, were based on different assumptions, leading their authors to variant practical conclusions. It is reasonable to infer that the differences in their visions of constitutional order were deeply rooted in different intellectual traditions – not only political (Kelsen’s involvement in defense of liberal democracy unlike Carl Schmitt, whose conservative attitude and critique of liberalism led to support totalitarian state and extreme right wing ideology), but also theological (pantheistic idea of God and fideism; conflict between rationality and faith). So from this perspective „Pure theory of law” can be seen as pantheistic political theology, because „pantheism overcomes the opposition of God and World; the Pure Theory of Law accordingly overcomes the opposition of State and Law”. On the other hand legal philosophy of Carl Schmitt is inspired by the Roman Catholic theological concept of the miracle, whereby God is free from the laws of nature – and in consequence – the sovereign is not bound by the law and may decide exceptions to it.
Źródło:
Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna; 2013, 2, 2; 154-168
2299-1875
Pojawia się w:
Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Turkish Government Policy towards Independent Media after the Failed July 2016 Coup d’État
Autorzy:
Samborowska, Monika
Dawidczyk, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2055892.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-12-21
Wydawca:
Collegium Civitas
Tematy:
freedom of speech
free media
authoritarianism
Opis:
The article presents the state of the Turkish media, as well as the actions taken by them before and after the failed attempt of the coup d’état in 2016. Pointing to the issue of freedom of speech in Turkey, the article highlights the numerous violations of the right to freedom of expression, which have repeatedly become part of the actions of central government authorities.
Źródło:
Securitologia; 2018, 1 (27); 48-66
1898-4509
Pojawia się w:
Securitologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Fundamentalism in the Light of Selected Psychological Concepts
Autorzy:
Zasuń, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594582.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
fundamentalism
authoritarianism
dogmatism
modernity
personality
religion
Opis:
The aim of the article is to present the psychological roots of fundamentalism, which can be found in each type of the phenomenon, and also an attempt to show fundamentalism, as the configuration of certain personality traits. As the basis for such an interpretation of fundamentalism, serve the psychological approach, which relate to the personality, cognitive style, refer to the prejudices, as well as to the concept of authoritarian personality and its constitutive characteristics. Article raised the question of so–called “fundamentalist personality” on the basis of diversity of manifestations of this phenomenon and its correlation with the concepts of authoritarianism and dogmatism. Author also addresses psychological category of attitude, which is the starting point in the discussion of the phenomena, such as fundamentalism or nationalism. In the background of considerations is an attempt to organize knowledge on fundamentalism, taking into account the historical roots of the phenomenon, and also, as a complementary reflection, a legitimacy of identifying fundamentalism with terrorism.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2016, 45; 257-271
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Review of the Psychoanalytic Approaches to the Holocaust, on the Example of the Ninth Circle Interpretation
Pregled psihoanalitičkih pristupa holokaustu uz primjer tumačenja Devetog kruga
Autorzy:
Matijašević, Željka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/635685.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
psychoanalysis
Holocaust
authoritarianism
logotherapy
Ninth Circle
Opis:
The essay is an overview of the most notable psychoanalytic approaches to the trauma of the Holocaust, in the works of the Frankfurt school authors, and in the works of Shoshana Felman and Dori Laub. The last part of the article represents an attempt to interpret the film Ninth Circle by France Štiglic, and in this respect the article reviews and applies the concepts of Viktor Frankl’s school of logotherapy, while it also relies on Frankl’s autobiographical account of the Holocaust trauma.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2017, 12; 211-224
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Populism and Its Democratic, Non-Democratic, and Anti-Democratic Potential
Autorzy:
Riedel, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1790793.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017-09-14
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
populism
democracy
authoritarianism
illiberalism
anti-elitism
Opis:
The starting point of this paper is the acknowledgement that the DNA of populism is democratic. At the same time, it may bring undemocratic or even counter-democratic consequences when it questions and contests liberalism and pluralism. This paper maps the key arguments on the relations between populism and authoritarianism, and discusses the risk of democratic backsliding as a result of authoritarian populism gaining power. This topic is critically important and growing urgent with the rising wave of populism across the Western world. Due to its chameleonic nature, populism (as a “thin-centered” or “empty-hearted” ideology) manifests itself in various (re)incarnations and intertwines with nationalism, libertarianism, and also radical left-wing ideas or any other ideology from across the wide political spectrum. First, the author reconstructs the historicity of populism as well as the most important ways of defining it. Second, he reflects on the major arguments about the consequences for democracy of populist politics. Finally, in conclusion, he discusses the threat of authoritarianism that populism brings to liberal democracy and democracy as such.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2017, 199, 3; 287-298
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Instytucjonalny, społeczny i polityczny wymiar pretorianizmu tureckiego
Institutional, social a nd political aspects of Turkish praetorianism
Autorzy:
Herbut, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953240.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
civil-military relations
praetorianism
Turkey
authoritarianism
military
Opis:
The term ‘praetorianism’ refers to countries in which the armed forces influence the political system. The army, as an institution, can develop its political power in two ways: in a “direct” and “indirect” fashion. While in the first case the armed forces take control over state institutions, the second is more sublime and is restricted to the building of more concealed methods of influence, such as blackmail. Additionally, the army itself, as the officers are not engaged into politics, shows a high level of political cohesion and military professionalism. Turkey is an example of a country in which a professional army, after decades of acquiring political experience and under favourable conditions, was and still is able to efficiently exert backstage politics. On one side, TSK (Turkish Armed Forces) has developed constitutional and legal means of influencing the government, and on the other, the high public trust in the armed forces allows it to, if necessary, effectively blackmail or even supplant disobedient cabinets.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 46; 20-34
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Indicadores de comportamiento autoritario de líderes políticos: el caso Bolsonaro (2019–2020)
Autorzy:
Othon, Adriano de Oliveira
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2096246.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Bolsonaro
democracy
authoritarianism
Brazil
democracia
autoritarismo
Brasil
Opis:
Based on indicators of the authoritarian behavior of political leaders developed by Levitsky and Ziblatt (2018), this paper examines the political discourse, stances, and attitudes of Jair Bolsonaro, president of Brazil, during his first two years in office. The research uses a qualitative case study approach centered on literature review, with emphasis on chapters of books and journal articles, as well as news reports for an empirical observation of the behavior of the president of Brazil concerning rules and institutions of democracy. The essentially authoritarian behavior of Bolsonaro signals a trend toward democratic regression in Brazil; however, it is not technically correct to affirm that Brazil is already being governed through an authoritarian regime.
Basándose en los indicadores del comportamiento autoritario de líderes políticos desarrollados por Levitsky y Ziblatt (2018), el autor del artículo examina el discurso político, la postura y las actitudes del presidente de Brasil, Jair Bolsonaro, en los dos primeros años de ejercicio de su mandato. La investigación utiliza un estudio de caso con un enfoque cualitativo basado en la revisión bibliográfica, con un énfasis en los capítulos de libros y artículos científicos, así como los materiales periodísticos, para permitir una observación empírica de la conducta del presidente brasileño frente a las instituciones y las normas democráticas. Se observa que Bolsonaro en realidad tiene un comportamiento autoritario, que señala una tendencia de regresión democrática en Brasil, aunque técnicamente no es correcto afirmar que el país ya esté bajo un régimen autoritario.
Źródło:
Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales; 2021, 11; 83-98
2449-8483
2392-0343
Pojawia się w:
Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kant’s foedus pacificum: Path to peace or prolegomena to neoliberalism and authoritarian corporatist globalization in contemporary liberal democratic states?
Kantowskie foedus pacificum: droga do pokoju czy prolegomena neoliberalizmu i autorytarnej korporacjonistycznej globalizacji we współczesnych liberalnych demokracjach?
Autorzy:
Garrett, Terence M.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1371464.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
perpetual peace
post-structuralism
spectacle
neoliberalism
authoritarianism
Opis:
Immanuel Kant’s language and concept of foedus pacificum (league of peace) combined with his call for a spirit of trade promised a prescription for world peace—“seeking to end all wars forever.” Nation-state level cooperation between liberal democracies has borne out Kant’s analysis to some effect. A consequence of the twin pursuits of foedus pacificum and spirit of trade has ironically resulted in the exploitation of society. Today’s international corporations adversely affect public policies ostensibly designed to protect citizens through an anti-democratic market-based ideology within the State—as seen through the lenses of Foucauldian post-structural theory and Debord’s society of the spectacle. The author proposes that globalist-corporatist control of governing apparatuses is now exposed for its authoritarian tendencies. This action could result in the ultimate destruction of the representative democratic state with the onset of neoliberalism and authoritarianism.
Źródło:
Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym; 2020, 23, 2; 7-20
1899-2226
2353-4869
Pojawia się w:
Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Transformacja polityczna w Egipcie w okresie prezydentury Muhammada Mursiego
Political transformation in Egypt under Muhammad Morsi
Autorzy:
Lipa, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/505845.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Egypt
authoritarianism
Arab Spring
democratization
Muhammad Morsi
Opis:
This article refers to the second phase of political transformation in Egypt, which coincides with the period of Muhammad Morsi’s presidency. The attention is paid not only to the internal dimension of the transformation, but also its main external circumstances. With regard to the functioning of the Egyptian political system, there were no significant changes – comparing to the period preceding the M. Morsi’s presidency. The holding of free elections (parliamentary and presidential) does not mean that Egypt has become a democratic state. It rather remains the state that “stuck” in transition, especially after the coup of July 3, 2013.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2013, 3; 149-165
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Change of Russian Political Regime from the “White Revolution” To Presidential Elect ion (2012–2018)
Autorzy:
BÄCKER, Roman
RAK, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642203.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
political regime
authoritarianism
totalitarianism
Putin’s Russia
Opis:
How did Russian political regime change after the “White Revolution”? The article makes a methodological, theoretical, and empirical contribution to the field of studies on the dynamics of non-democratic regimes, and especially the nature of the alterations within Putin’s Russia. The research field is the Russian political system determined by its three aspects: structure of political institutions, political awareness of public issues, and political mobilization between the “White Revolution” and the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. The paper solves the research problems by employing the qualitative analysis of sources and drawing on the critical analysis of the recent news. The analysis benefits from the use of Roman Bäcker’s analytical device, a theoretical framework made of the three continua whose extreme points are the indicators of authoritarianism and totalitarianism respectively. The research tool is to identify the essential features of Putin’s political regime. According to this model, bureaucracy or siloviki, emotional mentality, and social apathy are typical of authoritarianism. In turn, state-party apparatus, totalitarian gnosis, and controlled mass mobilization are the symptoms of totalitarianism. This article researches how the Russian political regime evolved from the “White Revolution” to the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. It tests the hypothesis that the system most likely evolved from a soft to hard military authoritarianism. The regime might have moved towards a hybrid regime made of the elements of authoritarianism and totalitarianism. It formulates the conclusion the Russian political regime is a hard military authoritarianism. After the fall of the “White Revolution”, most notably after the annexation of Crimea, few totalitarian elements were visible, mostly in the sphere of social awareness in the form of totalitarian political gnosis. In addition, the indicators of totalitarianism started to disappear from September 2014, especially the elements of totalitarian gnosis in the political discourse.
Źródło:
Przegląd Strategiczny; 2018, 11; 143-155
2084-6991
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Strategiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

Ta witryna wykorzystuje pliki cookies do przechowywania informacji na Twoim komputerze. Pliki cookies stosujemy w celu świadczenia usług na najwyższym poziomie, w tym w sposób dostosowany do indywidualnych potrzeb. Korzystanie z witryny bez zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies oznacza, że będą one zamieszczane w Twoim komputerze. W każdym momencie możesz dokonać zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies