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Tytuł:
Wielokrotni recydywiści o wczesnym i późnym początku karalności
Persistent recidivits with early and late criminal records
Autorzy:
Ostrihanska, Zofia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698886.pdf
Data publikacji:
1969
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość
recydywa
kara pozbawienia wolności
młodociani
więzienie
alkoholizm
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
agresja
crime
recidivism
imprisonment
juvenile
prison
alcoholism
social maladjustment
aggression
Opis:
This part of the work presents an analysis of the process of social degradation regarding prisoners, persistent recidivists (convicted not less than four times and imprisoned for at least the fourth time), aged between 26 and 35. The investigations embraced 220 prisoners whose delinquency was closely examined. This work however takes particular note of those, who relatively late (only after 21) had their first trial in the Court of Justice. First of all, it was important to determine whether they were less socially maladjusted in their childhood than the recidivists whose trials began earlier (between 17 and 20), what were the origins of their delinquency and what factors influenced the etiology of their recidivism. Those recidivists whose first trials began at 21 or later constitute a relatively small group of 29,6%, among the 220 recidivists investigated. The remaining recidivists of 26-35 years of age had their first trials earlier. 1. On the basis of the interviews and after a check in Juvenile Courts it has been established that among the late recidivists (convicted for the first time at the age of 21 at least) only about one third (30,7%) were those who committed offences (thefts as a rule) as juveniles (under 17). Among the early recidivists (convicted for the first time at the age of 17-20) such subjects constituted 60,0%. In general, among the late recidivists, those who stole or committed other offences as juveniles constituted 33,8% while among the early recidivists such subjects constituted as many as 65,1%. These figures show that more of the early recidivists than of the latę recidivists committed offences (thefts as a rule) as juveniles. There is a statistically significant correlation between the perpetration of offences by the subjects when they were juveniles and the early beginning of their trials after they were 17 (dependence at the level of significance 0,001). Thefts committed by the late recidivists in their juvenility were in general less frequent and less serious than those committed at that period by the early recidivists. Only 43,8% of the late recidivists of whom it was possible to obtain some data relating to the places of thefts they had committed as juveniles, were stealing outside their homes and schools. Among the early recidivists such persons constitute as many as 80%. 24,5% of the early recidivists were tried at least twice in Juvenile Courts while among the late recidivists such persons constituted merely 6,1%. The division of the subjects into two groups according to the age at which they were first tried after they were 17 is then justified by the ascertainments of the actual beginnings of their delinquency when they were juveniles. Among the late recidivists, the subjects who started committing offences as juveniles and continued to do so until their first trial when they were at least 21, constitute only 13,8%. The remaining late recidivists, who committed offences as juveniles (20%), did so only sporadically or altogether stopped to commit them but recommenced in connection with their later abuse of alcohol. 2. The fact that despite a late, in general, beginning of their actual delinquency the late recidivists were repeatedly convicted and repeatedly imprisoned, may be connected with the circumstance that the subjects who were socially maladjusted already as juveniles constituted two thirds of the total. However, the late recidivists manifested social maladjustment in their juvenility less often than early recidivists, among whom as many as 90,8% were socially maladjusted at that time. (Social maladjustment was established in 83% of cases of the total of the investigated persistent recidivists). These late recidivists who did not display any symptoms of social maladjustment in their juvenility began, in general, to commit offences in connection with their abuse of alcohol, and their entire delinquency as adults is connected with alcoholism: they commit chiefly aggressive offences in the state of inebriety, also thefts, the proceeds of which are immediately spent on alcohol. 3. The childhood of the subjects was characterized by considerable disturbances of their study at school. Only 43,6% of the investigated (47,7% of the late recidivists and 42,5% of the early recidivists) finished the 7-grade elementary school. The education of the investigated recidivists is lower than that of the total of prisoners. 16,5% of the subjects finished three grades, at most. Those who did not reach the sixth grade of the elementary school constitute 41,4% of the total of recidivists (40,0% among the late recidivists and 42,5% among the early recidivists). Similar gaps in elementary education have also been established through investigations on juvenile recidivists, previously conducted by the Department of Criminology. It has been established that the subjects did not finish the elementary school on account of their having been brought up in a negative family environment, lower of their intelligence, social maladjustment in their juvenile years and war-time difficulties of some part of the subjects. About two thirds of the subjects repeated some grades. Truancy was systematically practised by 54,6%, of the investigated (40,4% of the late recidivists and 60,4% of the early recidivists). In 60% of cases the subjects stated that teachers had often complained of their bad behaviour at school. About half of the subjects declared that they had considerable difficulties at school. 50,6% of the subjects drank liquor as juveniles at least once a month or wine at least once a week. (36,5% of the late recidivists and 57,0% of the early recidivists). 41,1% of the subjects ran away from home (21,5% of the late recidivists and 49% of the early recidivists). The subjects (60,0%) often kept company, as adolescents, with friends who committed thefts (38,6% of the late recidivists and as many as 68% of the early recidivists). In this way, the late recidivists less often than the early recidivists displayed as adolescents particular symptoms of social maladjustment. 4. The subjects' family environments revealed in majority of cases a syndrome of factors which were negative from thę educational point of view. Family environments, evaluated negatively because of alcoholism in the family, lack of systematic work of the father or delinquency, constituted no less than 60,3% (50% among late recidivists and 64,4% among early recidivists). Systematic abuse of alcohol by fathers was often (52,4%) established in the families of the investigated (46% of the fathers of the late recidivists and 61,4% of the fathers of the early recidivists). The percentage of fathers who systematically abused of alcohol even before birth of the investigated is also considerable and amounts to 43%. (35% of the late recidivists and 48,3%, of the early recidivists). Alcoholism was established in a fairly considerable percentage of families of parents of the investigated, namely their fathers or brothers (55,6%). The late recidivists were for the most part brought up in only one educational environment, i.e. they had only one home and were under constant care of at least' one and the same person (73,8% of the late recidivists). During the childhood of the early recidivists, changes of their educational environments were established more often (45,5% of cases). Nearly one third of the early recidivists were brought up in at least three educational environments while such frequent changes of educational environments regarding the late recidivists were established in only 13% of cases. Family homes of the late recidivists were educationally more advantageous than those of the early recidivists. Educationally negative factors such as alcoholism or delinquency of fathers were established less often. Similarly, changes of educational environments during their childhood were less frequent. 5. The percentage of those subjects who came from large families was considerable: 36,4% of the investigated had three or more brothers or sisters. Brothers and sisters of the investigated either displayed similar lacks in elementary education but some of them were on a much higher educational level. In 36,4% of cases the investigated had brothers or sisters who did not finish elementary school. As many as 28,5% of the investigated had somęone in the family who graduated from a vocational school. Higher education appeared in families of the investigated in 7,2% of cases. In many families there were brothers without any professional qualifications whatever (53,7 % of cases). It is significar that many persistent recidivists had brothers who displayed symptoms of social maladjustment' committed offencęs or were judicially convicted. Social maladjustment of at least one brother was established in two-thirds of cases, 44,7% of the investigated had someone in their families who committed unrevealed thefts or was tried by Juvenile Courts or Courts of Law for thefts and other offences. Percentages of the late recidivists with socially maladjusted siblings did not differ from similar percentages of the early recidivists. 6. At the time of the investigations 41,8% of the investigated were bachelors, which constitutes a percentage twice higher than the established percentage of the total of men in Poland aged between 25 and 34. Bachelors appeared more often among the early recidivists (45,8%) than among the late recidivists (32,3%). However, most marriages contracted by the late recidivists were subsequently broken (54,5%). In the period preceding their arrest only 28,6% of the investigated stayed with their wives. 19,5% lived outside their family circle at that time. Wives of the investigated often came from the ranks of socially maladjusted women. 28,8% of them were abusing of alcohol. 18% were convicted by Courts of Law. 8% of the wives of the late recidivists and 17,5% of the wives of the early recidivists were suspected to practice prostitution. In two thirds of cases within the family backgrounds of the wives there could be found brothers or fathers who were abusing of alcohol. A relatively good family life of the actually married recidivists was established only in 36,3%, of cases. In the remaining families there occurred constant quarrels and rows, mostly provoked by the investigated in the state of inebriety. It has been established, that as many as 57% of late recidivists and 52,9% of early recidivists were aggressive to their families in the state of inebriety. 46% of late recidivists and 31,6% of early recidivists took things and money from their homes and spent them on alcohol. 21,5% of the late recidivists and 10,3% of early recidivists were tried at least once for maltreating their families in state of inebriety. The situation of children brought up in such families is certainly very unfavourable. 63% of late recidivists and 50% of early recidivists had children and relatively often they presented serious educational difficulties, had difficulties at school or displayed neurotic symptoms. Appearance of any of these symptoms was established in 58,6% of the families of the late recidivists in children over 7 and in 70% of the families of the early recidivists in children of the same age. 7. One of the most important questions which revealed itself at the examination of the social adjustment of the investigated during the period when they were over 17 was the course of their professional work and particularly the appearancę among them of individuals who either did not work at all or worked only by snatches. Most of the investigated did not have any profession at all (56,1%), not even such, which could be acquired at a short course or at work. Only few of the investigated had professional qualifications acquired at vocational schools (8,2%-13,8% among the late recidivists and 6% among the early recidivists). The late recidivists more often had a profession (55,4%) than the early recidivists (40,4%). Many late recidivists however, who had some professional qualifications had with time stopped working in that profession (58,4% already did not work in their profession at the time preceding their last arrest). Usually, it was due to a degradation caused by the abuse of alcohol. Since the investigated recidivists were of different age and spent different periods of time in prison, it was ascertained, that it would be best to compare the duration of their respective work by means of percentages (the duration of work done in their life beginning at 17 - in relation to the whole period during which the investigated were at liberty and were able to work). Already at the time when the investigated were 17 -20 a distinct difference in the duration of work of the early and the late recidivists has become manifest. Among the late recidivists, more frequent are cases of such subjects who at the age of 17 - 20 worked longer than half the time in which they were able to work while among the early recidivists, more frequent were cases of working less than half that time (statistical dependence significant on significance level 0,001). Differences in the duration of work of the early and the late recidivists become evident also at the examination of the entire period of their life, beginning at 17. The investigated who worked more than half of the time in which they were able to work, constituted 30% of the total of the investigated recidivists (27% among early recidivists and nearly half of late recidivists). Only few recidivists worked longer than three-quarters of the time in which they were able to work (merely 11,5%). In this way, a considerable majority of the investigated recidivists worked only unsystematically or did not work at all. As many as 35% of the investigated worked only less than one-fourth of the time in which they were able to work. The irregular character of their work was due to their early social maladjustment. Those investigated who worked very little in their life were more often maladjusted as juveniles than those who worked for longer periods (dependence statistically significant on the significance level 0,001). Besides, in the origins of the subjects' attitude to work, the absence of vocational training, connected with the unfinished elementary school and the lowered intellectual level, constituted the essential element. This lack of professional qualifications was an obstacle in getting a job of a certain social status. To simple, physical work, demanding considerable physical effort, the majority of the investigated had a decidedly negative attitude. Systematic abuse of alcohol was another factor which contributed to the irregular character of their work. For instance, according to the evidence given by their employers, the subjects often drank alcohol during working hours. Only for 16,4% of the investigated their wages constituted their sole source of maintenance. However, the investigated whose sources of maintenance were exclusively legal (wages or help of the family) constituted 34,1%. Living on various sorts of offences exclusively (i.e. besides thefts also other offences against property, cheating at hazardous gams, illegal trade, etc.) was established only with 17,7%, of the investigated; recidivists living exclusively on committing offences appeared more often among early recidivists 20,6%) than among late recidivists (10,7%). The percentage of persistent recidivists living only on thefts was merely 8,6% of the total. The fact, that a relatively large percentage (36,8%) was supported, even partly, by parents or wives deserves consideration. 8. Among the investigated persistent recidivists an immense majority constitute men, who systematically abuse of alcohol (89,5%) whilst more than a half of the investigated (53,2%) are alcohol addicts. 50,6% of the investigated, already as juveniles, began drinking wine at least once a week or vodka at least once a month. 51,3% of the investigated drank at least a quarter-liter of vodka three times a week or more, before they were 21. Similarly, the investigated persistent recidivists early displayed first symptoms of alcoholism (61% of recidivists, who were alcohol addicts displayed distinct symptoms of alcoholism already under 28). A distinct abstinence syndrome was established in regard to 76% of alcoholic recidivists; it became evident already at the age of 27. The investigated who already suffered from alcoholic psychosis, delirium tremens for the most part, constitute among alcoholic recidivists a percentage as high as 21,4%. The average age of the subjects showing first symptoms of alcoholism is very young, much younger than that established in various investigations of alcohol addicts. 40% of the investigated alcohol addicts were treated at least once, usually under pressure of their families, in out-patients clinics, but very soon they interrupted the treatment and did not return to the clinic any more. The long process of systematic drinking of alcoholic beverages beginning almost at the time of their juvenility doubtlessly strengthened the symptoms of social maladjustment and personality deviations displayed by persistent recidivists. Data relating to the beginnings of the abuse of alcohol show that late recidivists began drinking alcoholic beverages later than early recidivists and they did it less often as juveniles (36,4% of late recidivists and 57,5% of early recidivists abused of alcohol as juveniles). However there is no difference in percentage of alcohol addicts among late recidivists and early recidivists. Regarding late recidivists the systematic abuse of alcohol plays, despite its later beginnings, a much more important role in the etiology of their delinquency than with the early recidivists. In general, in case of early recidivists, perpetration of offences preceded their systematic drinking of alcoholic beverages. On the other hand, in case of late recidivists, systematic drinking of alcohol and subsequent alcoholism constitute factors of the greatest importance regarding the origins of their persistent recidivism. It is fitting to mention, that considerable percentages of offenders systematically drinking alcoholic beverages in large quantities were already established by investigations previously conducted by the Department of Criminology, on juvenile and young recidivists (57% and 75%). In this connection, the creation of special institutions for treatment of alcoholic offenders should be acknowledged as an urgent social demand. 9. Over 17, the delinquency of late recidivists is less serious than that of early recidivists. There are more perpetrators of small thefts among late recidivists who seldom steal objects of greater value. Also there are less perpetrators of robberies among late recidivists (20%) than among early recidivists (34,8%). Late recidivists represent an altogether different type of offender than early recidivists. There are less “professional” (24,6%) offenders among them while such offenders constitute as high a percentage as 44,6% among early recidivists. Offenders, committing thefts in connection with their alcoholism, appear more often among late recidivists as well as offenders committing almost exclusively offences of the so-called hooligan character: against persons or public officers (mostly the insulting or attacking of the policemen). The subjects belonging to those two groups constitute 53,8% of the late and only 24,4% of the early recidivists. The difference in the gravity of offences committed by late and early recidivists is made evident also by penalties which were imposed upon them. There are more investigated among late recidivists sentenced exclusively to less than two years of prison (50,7%), whilst among early recidivists they constitute merely 20%. 10. When discussing the problem of juvenile delinquency we cannot bypass the subjects' personality disorders dating in many of them as early as their childhood. These disorders are made evident by biographies of the investigated and by dimensions of their social maladjustment as well as by a characteristic structure of offences, among which prevail offences against property, relatively unimportant, while offences connected with aggression constitute a considerable percentage. They are also shown by the fact, that a relatively considerable percentage of the investigated recidivists stayed in prison longer than at liberty. This work does not examine in detail problems of personality disorders (it will be the subject of a separate work). Nevertheless, certain matters should be touched upon. It has been ascertained on the basis of interviews that in 18,3% of cases there existed a justified suspicion that the investigated had a brain injury at birth. Besides, it was often ascertained that the investigated displayed neurotic symptoms in their childhood (in 66,2% of cases), particularly enuresis (24% of the investigated) and stuttering (15%). On the basis of the information supplied by the mothers and by the investigated themselves who confirmed that they had frequent fights at school and were pestering their siblings at home, it has been established that 44,9% were aggressive during their childhood. This aggressiveness had been found to be more frequent in cases of the early recidivists than in cases of the late recidivists. (The correlation between the early age at the first trial and the aggressiveness in childhood was statistically significant at the significance level 0.01). The percentage of those subjects who had ever suffered from illnesses in the central nervous system or who had suffered concussion of the brain was relatively considerable and amounted to 28,6%. The psychiatric expert evidence found in the records of 76 investigated, contained diagnosis of encephalopathy in regard to 20% of recidivists. In connection with the fact that many investigated were tried for committing aggressive offences, the problem of aggressiveness of persistent recidivists was given particular attention. In the first place those investigated were considered aggressive, whose behaviour was often aggressive (physical aggression) as well as those, who showed evident hostility to their environment. The investigated considered aggressive, constituted a considerable percentage (60%); moreover, 14,8% were aggressive only in the state of inebriety. Late recidivists were less often aggressive (45,1%) than early recidivists (66,4%). 50,3% of aggressive recidivists committed acts of self-aggression. The correIation between committing self-aggression and aggressiveness was statistically significant (on significance level 0,001). It is remarkable that various acts of self-aggression were established with 43,2% of the investigated (49,7% of early recidivists and, 27,7% of late recidivists). As many as 34,1% of the total of the investigated recidivists committed self-aggression when they were at liberty. Low professional qualifications of the investigated and non-graduation of the majority of them from elementary schools were partly connected with a relatively large percentage, in the investigated group, of men with a lowered level of intelligence. 44,1% of them, tested by Wechsler-Bellevue scale attained intelligence quotients below 91, while 17,1% were below 80. Examining these results it is necessary to take into consideration the fact, that the investigated group displayed a marked mental deterioration (the deterioration of over 20% was established in cases of 42,8% of the investigated). This may be connected with alcoholism of the investigated.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1969, IV; 59-104
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Nieprzystosowanie społeczne i środowiska rodzinne młodzieży systematycznie nadużywającej alkoholu
The Social Maladjustment and Family Background of Young Heavy Drinkers
Autorzy:
Mościskier, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699068.pdf
Data publikacji:
1982
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
nadużywanie alkoholu
młodzież
środowisko rodzinne
przestępczość
alkoholizm
nieletni
social maladjustment
alcohol abuse
youth
family environment
criminality
alcoholism
juvenile
Opis:
The present paper is a report on the studies conducted in the years 1975-77, dealing with a group of young regularly excessively drinking men aged 18-25. The population from which the sample was randomly drawn consisted of men aged 18-25 inhabiting 4 of the 7 districts of Warsaw and reported by the district constables of the police as persons regularly excessively drinking (that is, getting drunk more frequently than once a week). The district constables reported the total of 1,273 men meeting the above criteria, which makes about 3% of the number of all men of this age living in these districts. In reality, the percentage of men of this age regularly excessively drinking is probably much higher, as a considerable number of constables stated that they worked in their districts for too short a period to know all the persons living there who would qualify for the study. From the mentioned population, 331 persons were randomly drawn for the study. The materials employed consist of interviews with the mothers of the examined persons and of information from official sources court records, prison files, documents of juvenile courts and detoxication centres. The similar data were gathered as regards all brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25. When beginning the study, it was acknowledged that considering the criteria for the selection of the population, first of all persons with negative family background would be selected and that this very environmental  characteristic would be the main determinant of differentiating the main group from the control group, where the family background - as it was easy to foresee - would be of a more favourable character. It was thus decided to eliminate the influence of family background variable in the selection of the control group, so as to render possible the protrusion - of other characteristics which differentiate the persons regularly excessively drinking from those of the control group. Considering this, the control group was made of all brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25 but were not reported by the district constables as regularly excessively drinking. There were 111 brothers meeting these criteria, and they make the control group in the present study. The first part of the study was to verify if the family background of the examined persons and those included in the control group was indeed as negative as presumed. In this case, the hypnothesis was fully confirmed. Among the 311 families of those examined as many as 166 (53,3%) were one-parent or broken families which dated back to the time when the persons under examination had been minors. The families were in general numerous, average being 3 children per family, while there were 88 (28.3%) families with 4 or more children. For the further characterization of the families the data regarding fathers were employed. It turned out that 158 (50.8%) fathers were regularly excessively drinking; in fact in the majority of cases they were alcoholics. At least 98 (31.5%) fathers were convicted by courts and 91 (29.3%) by the Penal Administrative Commissions. Taking all these three characteristics together, it was stated that as many as 194 (62,4%) fathers were regularly excessively drinking or had criminal records. These data point to the large intensity of pathological phenomena in the families of persons under examination and their brothers from the control group. And yet on the other hand, taking into account the social and professional status (education and profession) of the fathers, their situation in this respect was found better than supposed, though they belonged to the lower social classes. The second part of the study deals with the extent of social maladjustment of persons under examination and their brothers from the control group. Apart from the fact that - according to the principles of sample selection - all the persons should have been regular heavy drinkers, the gathered data were verified in respect of their confirmation of this fact. As regularly excessively drinking the persons were recognized who - according to their mother’s statements - got drunk more often than once a week or had been taken into the detoxication entre. There were 253 (76.4%) such persons in the main group and 44 (40%) in the control group. Also, a category of persons who drank most frequently was distinguished, those who were probably alcoholics. In this category there were included persons who - according to their mothers’ statements - got drunk at least twice a week or had been taken into the Detoxication Centre at least three times. There were 122 (37%) such persons in the main group, and 17 (16%) in the control group. As to the symptoms of social maladjustment, they were decidedly greater in the main group than in the control group, which dated back as far as their childhood. And so, for instance, severe school problems (uncompleted elementary education or repeating classes) were found in 60.7% of the examined persons and in 42.3% of their brothers from the control group. 57.1% of the examined persons and 30.6% of their brothers from control group  committed thefts outside their home and respectively 23.9% and 10.8% were placed in reformatories in consequence of their stealing. The differences in the extent of social maladjustment among both groups increased with age, and grew particularly large in the age of adulthood. And so, as many as 57.1% of the examined persons stayed out of work or worked irregularly as compared with 21.6% of their brothers from the control group. Suicidal attempts and self-injuries were performed by 29.3% of persons under scrutiny and by 9% of their brothers from the control group. There are also obvious differences as to the extent of delinquency in both groups. 42% of the persons examined and only 17.1% of their brothers had action brought against them in Penal Administrative Commissions and 60.1% of the persons examined and 28.8% of their brothers were convicted by court. Taking into account those convicted by court only, the percentage of recidivists was 50.8% in the test group and 46.9% in the control group, whereas the character of delinquency was similar in both groups, the majority being violent offences. Considering the fact that the control group consisted of brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25, the great difference in the occurrence of the symptoms of social maladjustment between the two groups should be emphasized. Considering the decidedly negative character of the family background of both the persons examined and their brothers from the control group, the extent of social maladjustment in both groups could have been expected to be similar. On the other hand, it could be assumed that from the very criterion of selection to the main group - that is, from the information that the person in question regularly drank excessively, while there was no such information as to the brothers from the control group - it appears that alcohol is the factor that causes the larger extent of social maladjustment among the persons examined as compared with their brothers from the control group. However, this argument seems doubtful in the light of the data as to the social maladjustment during childhood, when drinking did not as yet come into question. As early as in the childhood, the persons examined manifested symptoms of social maladjustment to a decidedly higher degree than their brothers from the control group. In thus seems more probable that the larger intensity both of drunkness, and of other symptoms of social maladjustment is based on the personality characteristics, which are revealed in the early childhood. It is, however, beyond the limits of the present study to supply documentary evidence for this argument or to point out - on the basis of the empirical data - some individualistic characteristics influencing the subsequent social maladjustment; it will be accomplished in another study. This problem was, however, worthy of attention, being important for the theory as well as for practice, all the more so as the trend now prevails to take into account first of all the environmental factors in preventive and corrective treatment. The material presented above seems to suggest that the extent of social maladjustment among different persons with equally negative family backgrounds is influenced at least to the same and perhaps even greater degree by individual psychological than by environmental factors.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 339-362
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dzieci z 200 rodzin alkoholików i alkoholiczek
Children from 200 Families of Alcoholic Mothers and Fathers
Autorzy:
Strzembosz, Adam
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699280.pdf
Data publikacji:
1976
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
patologia społeczna
dziecko
klasy społeczne
alkoholizm
przymusowe leczenie alkoholików
social maladjustment
social pathology
child
social classes
alcoholism
compulsory treatment of alcoholics
Opis:
1.  Subject of discussion will be such families of alcoholics (involving mothers and fathers) from the area of Warsaw, where the necessity arose to curtail, or suspend parental authority or deprive parents of such rights completely. The families investigated can be divided into the following categories: families where only the father was an alcoholic - 95 families (49.5%), families in which the father as well as the mother were alcoholics 64 families (33.3%) and families where only the mother was an alcoholic 33 familes (17.2%).* Note in the material studied here that as many as 54.5% of the mothers were considered to be alcoholics, and in this case 46% of these mothers-, alcoholics were registered as prostitutes. The mothers who were alcoholics had in 39% of the cases been convicted by courts (those who were not alcoholics in about 20% of the cases). Data regarding fathers who were alcoholics, whose average age in 1973 was 44 years, testify to the fact that the majority of them had no prior convictions or were only once convicted (57%): those with multiple convictions (four times and more) accounted for 20%. In the delinquency structure of the fathers was a predominance of violent offences committed when intoxicated. The majority of the fathers (57%) did not work or worked only on and off . The material conditions in these families of alcoholics were very unfavourable. 68% of these families lived in misery and want. Complete neglect of the children was found as regards the overwhelming majority of the fathers (62%) and a large number of mothers (41%). Especially adverse was the situation in families where the mothers were alcoholics and where misery and want was found in as many as 80%, complete neglect of the children by mothers in two-thirds of the families. As results from the above-mentioned data the situation of children in the families examined (especially in families where the mothers were alcoholics) was very bad; the criminality on the part of the fathers was, however, not a special problem here. 2. In 200 of the families of alcoholics, surveyed here, 487 children below the age- of 18 were brought up - 258 boys and 229 girls. Among these children, 20% were of pre-school age, 39.8% between 7 and 12, 38.2% between 13 and 17 years. The follow-up period was studied, regarding 487 children and juveniles from these families until the oldest among them (being at the beginning of the study above 10 years old) had reached the average age of 20 years. It should, however, be borne in mind that during the follow-up period only those data were at the disposal which could be obtained from official records, which contained information about cases brought before a court and arrests of these individuals by the police. Thus, an essential shortcoming, connected with the impossibility to conduct environmental interviews, is the lack of information about other facts, besides those in the records, such as symptoms of social maladjustment or whether the investigated individuals possessed professional qualifications and whether they had worked, in which milieu they had lived, whether they had systematically drunk alcohol to excess, etc. But data found in the records of the guardianship court, regarding the school period of the juveniles exactly characterize the extent of their social maladjustment. Significant is above all the fact that the sons of alcoholics (fathers and mothers) were often delayed in their studies at school. Among the boys below ten years one-third were already delayed in their studies: at the age between 10 and 12 half of them, however above 12 three- fourths. Among the latter there were 63% delayed by two or more years. Among girls below 10 years 14% were delayed, at the age between 10 and 12-44%, and above 12 - as many as 69%. Among girls aged above 12-43% were delayed by two and more years. Among older boys as well as older girls approximately half were children, systematically playing truant. Note data, pointing to the fact that as many, as 35% of the girls between 14 and 17 showed symptoms of sexual demoralization. In 1975 when 270 boys and girls were already above 18 years old, and their average age amounted to 20 years, it turned out that 22% of the boys had already been tried by juvenile courts, 18% had been brought before juvenile courts as well as the ordinary court and 16% only before an ordinary court. Thus generally speaking, those who faced trials during their juvenility or were convicted after having reached the age of 17, accounted for as' much as 55%. Those convicted when over 17 accounted for 34%, in addition to this 12% were indicted, which gives a total of 45% of young adults who committed offences that were reported when they were over 17 years of age. The percentage given above (55%) of those who were tried when still juveniles or convicted after the age of 17, should be considered as a high one. But the degree of delinquency disclosed is small (62% of the convicted individuals were convicted only once); it should, however, be borne in mind that only three years divided them from the age of amenability to law. To the above mentioned data should be added information regardin arrests by polic because of intoxication - as many as 61% of those convicted (or tried) had already been arrested before because of insobriety, and among those without court records - 12%. However, information regarding the delinquency of daughters of the investigated families testifies to the fact that only 15% of them had court appearances (taking into account also the period when they were juveniles). None of the girls was registered as a prostitute. Worth emphasis is the fact that children brought up in families where the mothers are alcoholics were not more frequently convicted or. arrested because of intoxication, than those where only the father was an alcoholic. The entire aspect of data related to the follow-up period of children from families of alcoholics up to the time when they were on an average 20 years old indicates that approximately half of the boys (45%) were neither convicted nor arrested by the police because of intoxication and that 79% of the girls were neither convicted nor arrested by the police. These data, due to the lack of detailed environmental interviews, as already mentioned before, do not permit identification of this category of juveniles with young adults showing no symptoms of social maladjustment. Examining the entire aspect of the studies under discussion it would be worth while to mention the results of research, conducted under the guidance of Professor Swięcicki in the years 1967-1968 on children of families of alcoholics, who underwent treatment in several outpatient clinics to cure their drinking habit, results which showed, that in these families there were twice as many pupils repeating the same grade in school and young persons between 18 and 27, maladjusted to life in society, than in families of control groups from the same social milieu. Simultaneously a significant fact was noted, namely that in families belonging to the category with the worst expectations a considerable part of children did not reveal symptoms of social maladjustment. One may assume that to a considerable extent this depends on the biogenetic and psychogenetic features of the children partly being modified by sociogenetic factors, be noticed themselves, which are only in our studies, too, could a considerable group of young adults, not convicted arrested in an inebriate state by the police, youngsters who perhaps did not reveal symptoms of social maladjustment, something which could, however, be established only on the basis of detailed studies of the milieu.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1976, VII; 265-286
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość nieletnich w Polsce w latach 1961-1967 (rozmiary, struktura przestępczości, orzeczone środki)
Juvenile delinquency in Poland 1961-1967 (extent, structure, adjudicated means)
Autorzy:
Jerzy, Jasiński
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698896.pdf
Data publikacji:
1969
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość
recydywa
kara pozbawienia wolności
młodociani
alkoholizm
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
agresja
zakład poprawczy
crime
recidivism
imprisonment
juvenile
alcoholism
social maladjustment
aggression
juvenile detention center
Opis:
1. Problems related to juvenile delinquency have always been a subject of vivid interest of both scientific circles and the community at large. Consequently, juvenile delinquency has probably become a criminological problem given a most profound consideration and any studies which concern that type of delinquency get a vivid response also outside a nanow expert community. Among such studies, modest though and certainly not foreground place is occupied by analyses of statistical materials. Since the results of the analyses mentioned “grow old” much quicker than do the results of individual, more advanced studies, it seems purposeful, therefore, to make efforts in the direction of bringing them more up-to-date. At least one problem seems to demand such up-dating most specificaliy, i.e., the problem of the assessment of the general data obtained from the police and judicary statistics since such data can be one of juvenile the bases for determining the extent of delinquency. Having considered that within the meaning of the criminal law juveniles and adults are, in an arbitrary manner, demarcated merely by age limit (before or after 17 years of age at the moment an offence was committed) whose artificiality is somehow shocking from the criminological point of view, it seemed also advisable to-include in this study other questions related to the extent of delinquency of young adults as well as to consider its situation against the background of the adult population. Another group of questions discussed is connected with the structure of delinquency; also special attention has been paid to questions of place the suspects or those found guilty (and young adults, too) herd among the total numbers of suspected or convicted adults. Finally, there is the third group of questions given special consideration in this study, namely the educative and correctional means adjudicated upon juveniles. Although there is a good deal of information on that particular topic as well as more or less detailed papers concerning the analysis of these kind of data nevertheless the material in question has not so far been analysed in terms of an adequately long period of time which would permit to seize certain clearly-cut tendencies in adjudication of particular kinds of means, especially against the background of various fluctuations of numbers of juveniles appearing in the court. In that chapter of this essay, the studies have been considerably extended to include 1951-1967 instead of 1961-1967 as in the remaining ones. 2. 1. In analysing various kinds of contexts in which, particular authors mention the range of juvenile delinquency - especially when they are alarmed by its increase or whenever they are pleased to note its stabilization or decrease - one may easily see that the authors usually have different things in mind. Sometimes their opinions are based on more and sometimes on less founded assumptions or estimations concerning the number of juvenile offenders themselves, sometimes on the number of their offences, the importance of such deeds or their frequency rate, the degree of social depravity in juveniles appearing in courts, and finally, together - on a series of the abovementioned instances (and also on ones not mentioned there). Anyway, always where one or another adequately justified opinion on the extent of juvenile delinquency is found, the reader is able either to know at once or to trace back what in ęach particular case was the measure of the extent in question. The purpose of the present study is to show different ways for the determination of the detected extent of juvenile delinquency and to present certain groups of data which might serve as the most appropriate criteria for the evaluation of the dimensions of delinquency; furthermore, the intention of the present author is to show that at least some of the criteria are by no means of competitive nature but that they rather permit us to grasp different aspects of the problem of juvenile delinquency. It would be difficult therefore to forejudge about the superiority of one criterion over another as they concern different aspects of the samę problem and as such may have a different impact for our analyses, depedent on the line of our research. 2. A relatively large number of juveniles found among the total number of suspected or convicted individuals may sometimes incline us towards making certain far-reaching statements concerning the extent of juvenile delinquency. Some people hold the opinion that whenever juveniles (or sometimes juveniles and young adults) constituted a considerable portion of the total number of offenders, the range of their delinquency should be recognized as significant, if only on account of their share in delinquency. The author is doubtful about the rightfulness of such an opinion if it were only for a specific character of the juvenile delinquency structure, the importance of offences or also for other than in the case of adults, aims of prosecution (in the broadest meaning of that word). It does not mean, however, that it would not be worth while what is the place the known now in Poland juvenile offenders hold among the total number of individuals convicted. In 1961-1967, juveniles under 13 years of age constituted merely 2-3 per cent of the total number of individuals convicted (similar percentage was noted in the last decade 1951-1960). Together with 13-16 year-old offenders, the juveniles constituted only a group of several per cent - and in recent years - a dozen-or-so per cent group. The number of very young and young that had been found guilty (i.e., juveniles and young adults) was bigger but stin did not exceed 1/5-¼ of the total number of the individuals convicted out of which half were almost 30 or older at the time they committed the offences. It is fitting to note at this point that in a number of countries, persons under 21 years of age constitute 1/2 and sometimes 2/3 of the total number of the individuals convicted or suspected. It may then be said that from the point of view of a relative quantity of juveniles found in the total number of the individuals convicted, that juvenile delinquency in poland may still be estimated as a highly moderate one. 3. Out of all the available methods that can be employed for the evaluation of the extent of juvenile delinquency the simplest one is that which bases on the statistical data concerning the number of juveniles found guilty, or more broadly juvenile adjudgments, or even still more broadly - the number of cases in which a juvenile was suspected of an offence. The limitations involved in the use of such a criterion are quite evident since in applying such a criterion we fail to consider any consequences of the fact that the number of adjudgements or findings of guilt is hardly synonymous with the number of juveniles adjudicated or found guilty (which could after all be justified), but - and this is less acceptable - such a number does not bear any relation to the wider population - events or individuals - against whose background it occurs. However, from one point of view this criterion is important, namely it provides relatively accurate information about one of the quantitative aspects of risks faced by the police and the court of law, involved with the conduct of proceedings and with the adjudication upon the offences committed by juveniles. This criterion becomes particularly important whenever we tackle with organizational problems of courts for juveniles, or the needs for staff or institutions. For the last seven years, the total number of adjudgements increased from about 47 thousand to 71 thousand (i.e. by 52 pet cent). As compared with 1951 (abo 26 thousand), the total number of the adjudgements in 1967 was almost threefold. Close to the latter was the number of juveniles suspected by the police of offending the law (for the last four years past, it was 53 to 70 thousand a year). Out of the total number of the adjudgements, the findings of guilt held similar place (54 to 56 per cent) slightly lower than in 1951-1960 when the proportion was about 56 to 61 per cent. In the seven-year period discussed, the proportion of discontinuations of legal proceedings evidently increased: at the present moment, 33 to 34 per cent of juvenile cases are dismissed, in 1951-1960 on the other hand, the proportion having been 20 to 30 per cent. Various categories of juveniles are involved therein. Acquittals are a particular category of adjudgements; the absolute number of acquittals was on an approximate level (2,300-2,800) but owing to the simultaneous increase in the total number of adjudgements, the percentage of acquittals decreased to 4 per cent. Perhaps it is worth while remembering that acquittals were as many as 11 per cent of adjudgements in 1951, but already in 1952 and onwards, the proportion had been stabilized on the 6 to 7 per cent level. The fact that it is so low now should perhaps be recognized as a positive phenomenon; it seems to give evidence that magistrates, who but certainly conduct also preparatory proceedings, do not send cases too hastily for hearing where the juvenile's guilt seems insufficiently made probable to them. It may be asked upon how many juvenile suspects educative-or correctional means are adjudicated following a finding of guilt. A summary of the data obtained from the police or court statistics may supply an answer. As was said before, cases of almost 60 per cent of suspected juveniles end up with a finding of guilt, that proportion being slightly lower in boys than in girls and in lower age groups rather than in older. Very few suspects of 7 to 9 years of age are found guilty (7 per cent). Those proportions increase rapidly already in 10 year-old suspects (47 per cent) and grow up to 13 yearsage-group (62 per cent) showing then a stabilization on a similar level. According to the information mentioned, in 1961-1967 annual numbers of findings of guilt were 27 to 38 thousand. Those numbers included, of course, a majority of findings of guilt by juvenile courts and also sentences of ordinary courts. The latter were concerned with cases when a juvenile was 17 years of age prior to the beginning of the hearing or when he or she acted together with an adult  and when according to the prosecution's decision “for the benefit of the administration of justice” their case should not be transferred to the juvenile court. The proportion of findings of guilt by ordinary courts of law was about 9 to 11 per cent in 1961-1967, having been slightly lower than in 1951-1960 when sometimes it reached even 13 per cent. This is probably connected with some lowering of the mean age of juveniles found guilty for the last few years as compared with that observed in 1951-1960. 4. The number of juveniles upon whom judicial.educative or correctional means had been executed provide information about another side of the quantitative aspect of work facing the juvenile courts. The number of juveniles under court control due to a committed offence increased from 34,520 in 1951 to 58,005 in 1967 and that is by 68 per cent. This seems to be an effect of not only an increase in the number of juveniles found guilty but also of a prolonged average duration of execution of means. That considerable number of juveniles upon whom means were executed should perhaps be further increased. So, for instance, in 1965 45.055 children and youth were placed under juvenile court control, established according to civil proceedings, and under ordinary court control there were another 23,699. As for some portion of the number of such juveniles, court control was certainly connected with manifestations of their social maladjustment, with behavioural disturbances not varying in nature from those for which other juveniles were found guilty. Also in some of those cases, the way of carrying out the control did not differ significantly from the means usually applied, such as supervision order, probation or approved school. 5. Since in the hitherto discussed ways of understanding the range of the detected juvenile delinquency the main stress was laid on absolute numbers, in the present analysis of the standards some attention may be paid to relative numbers resulting from a reference of the number of findings of guilt to some population of individuals concerned or of the number of juveniles found guilty to some broader population of which they were a portion. The objective of such an analysis is to illustrate the degree to which the phenomena of delinquency have been spread throughout the juvenile population. This will lead to quite a different manner of appreciating the juvenile delinquency range. It will not be considered weighty e.g., when the number of findings of guilt will reach some definite level but when the number of juvenile offenders in the juvenile population will be sufficiently high. The most common standard of that kind is represented by delinquency which, if applied for analysing data of court statistics with regard to juvenile delinquency, is represented by the number of findings of guilt as one pro mille of the entire juvenile population. As compared with absolute numbers, the above listed rates give the following picture: between 1961 and 1965, a slight (a few-per-cent) increase in the number of findings of guilt was observed, however, considering that this was accompanied by a much higher increase in the number of i0-16 year-old juveniles, the rates showed a decrease. During the following two years; there was a significant change of that situation, the increase in the number of findings of guilt was then so high that it brought about also an increase in rate values which in 1967 became 15 per cent higher than those in 1961.  The increase in rates was by no means equal in all age groups of juveniles concerned, some were not involved at all. The rates in all age groups of girls were found on similar level as in 1956-1960. Thus, the increase in the number of findings of guilt in girls was proportional to the increase in the total population of 10-16 year-old girls. The annual average was one finding of guilt per 1,000 girls in that particular age group. With boys, the situation was different; here we had to deal with a general increase in rates as compared with that observed in the preceding five-year period. The increase in rates was very high in 14-16 year-old boys (by 19-23 per cent), approximate level was maintained in12-73 year-old boys and a decrease was observed in 10-11 year-old ones (by 5-10 per cent). An average rate of 196l-1967 for the total population of boys was 12,2 and showed that an annual average in the discussed seven-year period was one finding of guilt per 82 boys between 10 and 16 years of age. In our earlier discussion of the rank that the findings of guilt in juveniles held among the total number of such findings in 1961-1967, also young adults were mentioned. There were more findings of guilt in young adults although the latter belong only to four age groups (17, 18, 19 and 20) while the juveniles - to seven age groups at least. The above listed findings show first of all a systematic decrease in numbers of convictions in young adults (1961 -1964) followed, as compared with the 1961 level, by an increase (1965-1967) by 9 per cent in made and by 2 per cent in female offenders. This movement of absolute numbers of convictions in young adults was accompanied by simultaneous but considerable decrease in rates which although failing to increase after 1964, have maintained thę level of that year. Consequently, the relevant rates, as compared with 1961, were in 1967 - 30 per cent lower in men and 33 per cent in women. These changes were caused by a few independent agents whose effects were partially accumulated. Therefore it must be said that the rates in young men and women in 1961-1963 were on an approximate level. Its rapid decrease took place in 1964, which was undoubtedly connected with the Act of Amnesty of 20th July 1964 whose bearing on the number of convictions was certainly felt in 1965, too. At the same time, the effect of another diminishing agent was felt: according to the Decree of 28th March 1963, a certain number of young adults ceased to be subject to ordinary court proceedings since the conscription age limit was lowered to be 19 instead of 20 Years of age. In 1967, a successive agent appeared on the scene to have a bearing on the number of convictions in that category of individuals concerned (as well as of the adult population, too). Namely, in accordance with the provisions of the Decree of 17th June 1967, a series of minor offences were classified as non-indictable offences having at the same time become subject of administrative and not judicial proceedings; minor speculations or theft had been involved. As far as the rates were concerned, an additional element started functioning; it was a process of leaving the young adult age group by individuals born during the war (law quantity year groups) on one hand and of entering into that particular age of very numerous year groups of those born after the war, on the other. Prospectives for an extent of young adult convictions for the next few years to come should perhaps be worth while mentioning now. As a result of a thorough analysis of the young adult conviction rate in 1961-1965, of legislative changes and of foreseen changes in numbers of the total young adult population (which will still be increasing for another few years) - the author had drawn the following conclusion. In 1970, the number of convictions of male young adults will probably be about 38 thousand while the rate will reach about 28.0; the relevant figures for females will be 5.5 thousand and 4.0 respectively. In closing our remarks on an evaluation of juvenile and young adult known delinquency extent, made in terms of rates, it might be said that analogically to earlier rates based on the numbers of convictions, also other ,,rates" might be established, where data on numbers of juveniles on whom educative or correctional means had been executed by juvenile courts, could be utilized. A reference of the number of such juveniles to the total number of 10-16 year old ones would lead to the following findings: in 1961, they were 8.7 pro mille of all juveniles of 10-16 years of age but after 7 years - they were 11.8. Thus, as per 31st December 1967, out of each 86 juveniles of 10-16 years of age group, one was under a juvenile court control a subject of executed educative or correctional means. 6. So far, analyses of a degree, to which known juvenile delinquency had spread among youth, were based on information about findings of guilt, however, there is also a possibility to define it by reference to the number of juveniles found guilty. To do so, one has to know how many juveniles, out of those born during one calendar year were found guilty for offences committed by them at thęir juvenile age, exclusively between 11th and 17th years of age. By making use of the data on findings of guilt in 1950- 1960, one could see that for each year group of juveniles born in 1941, 1942, 1943 or 1944, the number of individuals found guilty were 14.1 to 14.9 thousand; their percentage, related to the total number of those born in the said year groups' was 3.5 to 3.8 per cent (for boys only - 6.3 to 6.8 per cent). Thanks to the fact that complete data on findings of guilt have now been available for 1961-1967, an extention of the analysis with respect to few further year groups could be possible. As it may be seen, the numbers of juveniles found guilty, born in the successive years just after the war, increased rapidly (from about 15 to 28 thousand). That increase, however, took place with a simultaneous considerable increase in general quantities of those particular year groups. In the entire population of those of 17 years old, the percentage of juveniles found guilty was approximately on similar level (on a slightly.higher levęl than in the case of those born during the war). Although such a percentage was low in girls, in boys it grew up as high as 6,7 to 7,5 per cent. This means that approximately every thirteenth - fourteenth young adult of 17 years of age born between 1945 and 1951 had already been found guilty for an offence committed at his juvenile age. Analogical attempts to define the number of found guilty within some longer period of time, where findings of guilt could be referred to not only to one but to a sequency of years - in young adults - are more difficult than in juveniles. It is because of relevant shortage of statistics in Poland. By way of analysing data on convictions in 1951 -1963, I had defined some approximate number of young adults, born in 1939, 1940, 1941 and 1942, covicted, at whatever moment of the entire four-year period when they were young adults (between I7 and 20 years of age). In the population of 21 year-old men (born in the above mentioned years) there were about 15 per cent of those who had once been found guilty at their young adult age. This means that approximately every seventh man at that particular age had been convicted at his young adult age. Should the entire eleven-year period between 10th and 21st year of age be taken into account, one would have to accept that every sixth had been found guilty. The above mentioned figures seem very high, indeed. This calls for a thought to be given as to whether or not the penalization extent in this country is not too much expanded or whether or not penal means are too hastily applied when - without prejudice or even to some purpose - they could be given up. 7. So far, data of twofold nature were used for defining standards of known juvenile delinquency extent: numbers of individuals (found guilty) or numbers of events, such as findings of guilt, adjudgements or cases in which a juvenile was a suspect. Let us mention another type of dates which in its character is approximate to the latter category: numbers of offences where juveniles were suspects. Relevant information is provided for by police statistics. According to data of that kind, numbers of offences where juveniles were suspects were 99,588 in 1956 and 110,892 in 1967. 8. Also various ways of interpretation of known juvenile delinquency extents as well as various standards of such extents were discussed. In dealing with legal order endangered by juveniles, attention will first of all be paid to the numbers of offences where juveniles were suspects, especially, so if that standard would adequately be enriched by data concerning the kind or importance of such offences. If interest is taken in quantitative aspects of tasks facing ouf courts of law, the juvenile delinquency extent will be looked at through a prism of the number of adjudgements (especially - of findings of guilt) as well as of the number of subjects under the juvenile court control due to execution of educative or correctional means adjudicated. In that particular area, the extent of juvenile delinquency for the recent seven-year period considerably increased, what might to a certain degree be related to a general increase of the youth population in this country in that period. If one wants to know the degree to which manifestations of known to the police major juvenile depravity has bęen spread, delinquency rates should be used or - what even allows for a broader look at that problem - the percentage of those found guilty for offences committed at their juvenile age in relation to the young adult population born in particular year groups. The abovementioned rates as well as - though to a minor extent - the percentages seem to show that the known juvenile delinquency in this country increased, especially for the last few years. 3. A definition of the delinquency structure is usually understood to include the elements delinquency is composed of and the numerical ratio of delinquency groups differentiated either from delinquency as a whole or from its particular categories. If so understood, in analysing the delinquency structure it is only natural to use a body of information in which offence is a unity. This may be data on the total number of offences committed in a selected area at a certain definite time, irrespective of the method of its evaluation; this may also be a body of data on known offences, on offences where a suspect had been determined in the course of preparatory proceedings or, finally, a body of information about offences where offenders had lawfully been convicted or found guilty. In most cases no such data are available (except perhaps for the second of the mentioned bodies of information which is a fundamental section of police statistics). However, where interest is taken in the delinquency structure, related to a definite category of offenders - to juveniles, the analyser is as a rule compulsed to search for material of different kind. Such material would usually include data on findings of guilt, enriched as they are with information about the nature of offences concerned. An analysis of such data leads to the following conclusions: A considerable increase in the number of findings of guilt in 1961-1967 failed to produce any substantial changes of the juvenile delinquency structure. It is still offences against property (86 to 89 per cent) which are dominant in juvenile delinquency - mostly including theft of things of minor value. Besides, a somewhat numerous group embraced offences against the person (5 to 7 per cent), in which slight bodily harm (about 1/3 of cases), assault (1/5 of cases) and battery or grievous bodily harm dominated. Annually, there were 5 to 11 juveniles found guilty for murder and 21 to 35 for manslaughter. In 7967,614 juveniles were found guilty for sexual offences (1.7 per cent of the total number of findings of guilt in that very year); rape was found in more than a half of cases, the remaining ones having been fornication with juveniles below 15 years of age. About one per cent of cases included offences against public order officers. Offenders of other categories were few. A higher than average increase in the number of findings of guilt for housebreaking or burglary, for damage done to property, a series of offences against the person and for rape has been noted since 1961. This was accompanied by an increase of the mean age of juveniles found guilty annually - from 13,8 years in 1961 to 14,3 years in 1967. It is no wonder then that first of all an increase in the proportion of offences committed by juveniles of older year groups has been observed. A peculiarity of the.juvenile delinquency structure becomes clearly-cut, indeed, when compared with the young adult and adult delinquency structures. Differentiation of only 4 delinquency groups (against property, against the person, sexual offences and those against public order officers) is sufficient to embrace a) almost the entire juvenile delinquency (93 to 96 per cent), b) a considerable proportion of young adult ddlinquency and c) but only below 60 per cent of adult delinquency. The fact that a great majority of juvenile delinquency are related to offences against property (chiefly theft) of minor importance must by no means stipulate that such a delinquency should be neglected. On the contrary, the effects of commitments of various, often slight, offences turn out too often to be serious. This may not be clear when only single cases are considered but when the developing process of juvenile social depravation is taken into account whose that sort of offerences are but a fragment only. According to findings of individual studies, the extent of juvenile offenders demoralization shows either a slight or no connection with the objectively evaluated specific gravity of offences ascribed to juveniles. 4. The activities of juvenile courts or of ordinary courts of law with regard to the adjudication of educative or correctional means upon juveniles in 1951-1967 was the last question discussed in the study. A salient feature of the adjudication by our courts upon juveniles is their very considerable caution in applying means connected with separation of a juvenile from his or her familial community and sending them to an institution. The percentage of juveniles upon whom approved school or borstal had been adjucated was between 10 and 14 per cent, in recent years having been stabilized as l0 to 11 per cent. From that fact a conclusion can hardly be drawn that it was only every 9th or 10th juvenile upon whom an institutional order was considered necessary. Because it should always be remembered that the adjudication in that particular subject is influenced not only by an evaluation of the degree of juvenile social depravity, of educational valours represented by the juveniles' environment, of needs of the juvenile's himself, but also by the realistic possibility of execution of such an adjudication since there is chronic lack of placements in approved schools and very often felt lack of placements in borstals. With respect to further 15 to 24 per cent of juveniles found guilty, eventual need for applying institutional treatment must have been felt by the courts since executions of relevant adjustications had been suspended and 3/4 of cases were placed on probation. Probation was the most frequently applied means with respect to juveniles. That particular means was applied almost in 1/3 of all juveniles found guilty, the proportion of such adjudications having considerably increased in 1951-1967, i.e from 23.2 per cent to 32.2 per cent, so that the yearly number of juveniles placed on probation augmented threefold. Supervision order is another kind of means which used to be more frequently adjudicated early in the fifties and now it is adjudicated upon every 4th-5th juvenile. Most probably, the observed changes regarding preference of adjudication of probation is caused by development of such services enabling probation of increased numbers of juveniles found guilty. Admonition was a mean whose application seemed to be decreasing (it was adjudicated upon 23 per cent of juveniles in 1951 and only upon 14 per cent in 1967). A rapid decrease in the number of juveniles upon whom the courts were satisfied by applying that particular single act a few years after 1951, was probably due to a simultaneous rapid growth of the mean juvenile defendant age progressing according to a rise of the age limit of juvenile responsibility from 7 to 10 years of age (1954). On the other hand, the recently observed considerable decrease in proportion of such adjudications is undoubtedly closely connected with advising the courts in terms of limitation of means to be adjudicated upon juveniles of younger year groups. The choice of adequate educative or correctional means was no doubt influenced not only by the court having been convinced as to which was the best mean for the juvenile's re-education but also what were the realistic possibilities to get the mean executed. An open question is to what extent the changes of the structure of adjudicated means are a result of changes in categories of juveniles appearing at the courts.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1969, IV; 149-202
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rodziny wieloproblemowe – charakterystyka 222 rodzin z dzielnicy Praga-Północ
Multi-problem Families - the Characteristics of 222 Families From the Warsaw District Praga-North
Autorzy:
Kossowska, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699070.pdf
Data publikacji:
1982
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
rodzina wieloproblemowa
Praga-Północ
rodzina
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
alkoholizm
przestępczość
typologia rodzin
karalność
multi-problem family
Prague-North
family
social maladjustment
alcoholism
criminality
family typology
penality
Opis:
The object of the study initiated in 1975 in the Department of Criminology of the Polish Academy of Sciences was to get acquainted with the extent of social maladjustment in the families known to be characterised by the cumulation of socially negative factors. They were, called multi-problem families. In on study primary criteria for the selection of families were alcoholism and excessive drinking, which was based on the assumption, proved by many criminological studies, that alcoholism causes the most severe disturbances in the functioning of the family. Other symptoms of social maladjustment, such as crime, prostitution, child neglect, were recognized as the derivatives of alcoholism. 222 families living in the Warsaw district Praga-North were examined, in which at least 2 adult membres were known to the police as regular excessive drinkers. Data about the families examined were gathered by means of interviews with the district constables of the police. On the grounds of the interview a questionnaire was filled in, including such data on all members of the family who were living together, as: regular excessive drinking and behavior related to it, delinquency, trouble-making and threat to the safety of their family and neighbours, attitude towards work, performance of parental duties, prostitution and other symptoms of social maladjustment. They were supplemented by the data from other official sources, among other: court records, registers of the detoxication centres, data from the juvenile section of the police regarding the state of care of the children and their social maladjustment. The majority of the multi-problem families examined inhabit poorly planned areas. The houses are mainly old, neglected, assigned for demolition (and thus not repaired). There are no bathrooms nor WCs. Many of the tenements lack running water. The housing conditions of these families as regards the density of their tenements is considerably poorer than the average of the remaining part of the district and of the entire city. The financial standing of the families, according to the police constables, is “poor” or” very poor” in over a half of the examined cases. The social and professional status of the members is low. 70% of men and 90% of women lack any vocational training. At the time of research, the examined population of 222 families consisted of 437 men and 360 women aged over 17 and 233 children aged 0-16 (over a half of them were small children aged up to 10). The extent of social maladjustment of the entire adult population is as follows: As few as 9% of the men and 37% of the women do not drink excessively. The remaining regularly drink excessively or are alcoholics. It is interesting that a substantial intensity of excessive drinking was found even among the youngest group of the examined adult males, that is those aged 17 - 20. Only 15% of the men in this age group do not drink excessively. The excessive drinking of the persons examined is connected with other symptoms of “problem drinking”. Over 57% of the men and 17% of the women were detained at the detoxication centre more than 3 times. The persons under examination also frequently have cases brought against them in the Penal Administrative Commissions because of breaking of peace when intoxicated. Over 40% of the men had such cases brought against them at least 3 times. More than a half of the men in the multi-problem families are the so-called “persons dangerous to other members of the family when drunk”. This stands for behavior such as making rows at home, beating their wives or other members of the family, turning them into the street, demolishing their flats. The population of the men is also characterized by an improper attitude towards work. Approximately 45% of them do not work though they could. On the basis of the obtained information it can be stated that they either are provided for by the others, or they live on illegal business or various odd jobs, or they profit by illegal means. In the light of the data mentioned above as to the drinking habits of the members of the families examined the question arises if any relationship can be found between their excessive drinking and their staying out of work. Approximately 92% of the men who are known to stay out of work without any reasonable cause can be recognized as alcoholics. The extent of crime in the multi-problem families is significant, with 57% of the men having been convicted at least once, and 32% - 4 times or more.  There were also 20% of the women with criminal records. Contrary to expectation, in the structure of crime of the examined population violent offences balance those against property. Among the population of the women from the problem families, 1/5 are suspected of prostitution. When discussing the social maladjustment of the women, the problem of performing maternal duties cannot possibly be ignored. 70% of the mothers of small children do not secure the care for them, and in some cases the child neglect becomes more flagrant. Only about 1/5 of the entire population of the adult members of the families examined reveal none of the symptoms mentioned above, the percentage in the case of men being as low as less than 9%. In the second part of the study an attempt is made to characterize the families from the point of view of the intensity of social maladjustment in the entire family. Among the 222 families there were 39, the members of which had no criminal record, that is, in over 80% of the families there occurs the co-existence of alcoholism and crime. In more than half of the families not even one adult member could be recognized as positive - that is, not drinking excessively, with a clear court record and regularly working. There is one such person in 54 families, 2 such persons in 36 families, and in only 15 families 3 persons were recognized as favourably meeting the above criteria. On the basis of the proceedings employed to define the degree of social maladjustment of each of the families, nearly 1/3 of them were found to reveal a very high intensity of cumulated symptoms of social maladjustment. Such families create a serious social problem to the still greater extent than the others. Analysing the educational situation in the families on the basis of their classification as regards their structure, the situation in question is found particularly unfavorable in the families where the mother regularly drinks excessively or is a prostitute. This applies particularly to the situation of small children. In nearly all the families with small children the sometimes flagrant negligence of the children was found. The mothers did not care for their children, left them without any care, did not secure for them any sufficient food nor clothing, the children having in many cases no other source of assistance. As the children grow up, their neglect and the influence of negative social patterns in the family repeatedly lead to the symptoms of social maladjustment, which increase gradually sometimes reaching very grave forms. Multi-problem families require special care and assistance of the qualified social services. This applies particularly to children who are brought up in exceptionally unfavourable conditions. An early intervention in the situation of those children is vital. It should lead to neutralizing the negative influence of family milieu, which in a great part of the cases requires the isolation of the children by placing them in a children's home. The assistance applied towards the family should also consist in financial and medical aid (including the treatment of early stages of alcoholism).
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 291-337
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-5 z 5

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