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Tytuł:
GUARDIAN OF (IN) SECURITY: THE RUSSIAN ACTION IN SYRIA
Autorzy:
de Andrade Gama, Isabela
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/484021.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Biznesu i Przedsiębiorczości w Ostrowcu Świętokrzyskim
Tematy:
Foreign Policy
Russia
Security
Syria
Opis:
Since the beginning of the conflict in Syria, the Russian Federation has had a role of great importance. Even it is considered sometimes controversial, given that the Russian Federation at the beginning of the conflict has blocked some drafts of resolutions to the conflict preventing, especially that Western powers acted in Syria. Later, with the worsening of the conflict added to the migratory crisis and the establishment of the Islamic state in Syria, the Russian government decides to act incisively in Syria to slow down migration and grounded in the narrative of the "war on terror ". Thus, it can be questioned whether this attempt to bring the narrative of "war on terror" seemed an experiment to test a coalition with the US, with a view to approach history of these two actors previously under the umbrella of terrorism, or even a movement of Russian foreign policy to show that the post-Cold War moment no longer exists, and that this is not a time to see Russia as a defeated country anymore, but a US nemesis.
Źródło:
Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem; 2017, 1(8) Moldova on the geopolitical map of Europe; 237-249
2353-6306
Pojawia się w:
Ante Portas – Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Concept of Russian Federation Foreign and Security Policy by Eugene Primakov
Autorzy:
Delong, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375016.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Policji w Szczytnie
Tematy:
Primakov
Russia
the security policy
the foreign policy
Opis:
The aim of this article is to analyze the concept of Russian foreign and security policy by Eugene Primakov, one of the most eminent Russian politicians of the twentieth century. The article applies research methods and techniques appropriate to science about politics. These include a comparative analysis and a method of historical analysis that enabled the presentation of political events and factors shaping the foreign and security policy of the Russian Federation. In 1996, President Boris Yeltsin appointed Primakov to the post of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. The goals and assumptions of foreign and security policy have undergone a thorough redefinition, related to the tendencies noticeable in Russia in 1993–1995. Before, foreign policy had been dominated by neoliberal and Euro-Atlantic options, whose representative was predominantly Primakov’s predecessor as the minister of foreign affairs, Andrei Kozyrev. After the fall of Sergei Kirijenka’s government, Primakov assumed the office of Prime Minister on September 11, 1998 and held it until May 12, 1999. It was a cabinet of political compromise, which was supposed to facilitate agreement with the opposition and the continuation of reforms, although not on the same principles as before. Primakov criticized his predecessors for the wrong political line, the lack of effectiveness of the stabilization policy, which resulted in a fall in production. He stressed that his government did not give up market reform, but called for the state’s participation to be increased. Yevgeny Primakov claimed that Russia should strive to formulate a multipolar system of international relations that truly reflects the multifaceted nature of the present world with the diversity of its interests. Primakov exerted a huge influence on the Russian foreign and security policy of Putin’s day. His political line was carried out by his successors, and above all Igor Ivanov and Sergey Lavrov. The main directions and assumptions of his concepts are still repeated in official documents articulating the Russian doctrine of security and defense, and nothing indicates that this state of affairs has changed, and this in turn carries the threat of destabilization in Central and Eastern Europe.
Źródło:
Internal Security; 2020, 12(1); 307-318
2080-5268
Pojawia się w:
Internal Security
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Geostrategic situation of Latvia in relation to the foreign policy of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Stańczyk, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31341142.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Gdański. Instytut Geografii
Tematy:
security
cyberattacks
geostrategy
Latvia
foreign policy
Russia
Opis:
The work addresses the issue of the geostrategic situation of Latvia in relation to Russia’s foreign policy, which is important for security in the Baltic Sea region. The work uses literary, historical and systemic methods of analysis. The aim of the work is to present the geostrategic position of Latvia. A historical analysis was undertaken indicating the causes of the current geostrategic situation of the country. The conditions and goals of the Russian foreign policy in the Baltic Sea basin and the strategic goals of actors involved in the region of NATO, the EU, the Russian Federation and Latvia were indicated. The main problems of the geostrategic location include cyber-attacks, disinformation campaigns conducted by the Russian media and a real threat to the integrity of the state posed by the Russian inhabitants of the country. It was decided that the Russian population could be used as a tool of pressure on the country’s authorities, especially since the Russian minority, constituting approximately 26% of Latvia’s population, can create its own parties and demand its rights, including demands for autonomy. The forecast of changes assumes that this problem will increase as Latvia struggles with demographic complications. It can be concluded that the smaller the numerical ratio of Latvians to Russians, the more difficult it will be for them to maintain their own statehood in a potential conflict situation with Russia. This is currently the most serious issue in Latvia’s security policy.
Źródło:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society; 2023, 13, 3; 55-62
2084-0497
2451-2249
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka zagraniczna Rosji. Determinanty, interesy i środki
Russia’s Foreign Policy. Determinants, Interests, and Measures
Внешняя политика России. Детерминанты, интересы и меры
Autorzy:
Gardocki, Sylwester
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1957308.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Russia
foreign policy
Putin
Россия
внешняя политика
Путин
Opis:
The paper addresses the conditions, objectives, and measures of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation. The first part of the paper presents - both in theoretical and practical terms - foreign policy’s determinants. In particular, it addresses their following types: internal objective, subjective internal, objective external, as well as subjective external ones. The second part of the paper uses the example of Russia to present interests and foreign policy goals constituting an extension of these interests. The author attempts to answer the question how to identify the interests, goals, and values of modern Russia. The final part of the paper presents - again both in theoretical and practical terms - the instruments for achieving the foreign policy objectives.
В статье рассматриваются условия, цели и меры внешней политики Российской Федерации. В первой части статьи представлены - как в теоретическом, так и в практическом плане - внешнеполитические детерминанты. В частности, рассматриваются следующие виды детерминант внешней политики: внутренний объективный, внутренний субъективный, объективный внешний и субъективный внешний. Во второй части на примере России представлены интересы и внешнеполитические цели, являющиеся расширением этих интересов. Автор пытается ответить на вопрос о том, как выявить интересы, цели и ценности современной России. В заключительной части статьи представлены - опять же как в теоретическом, так и в практическом плане - инструменты для достижения поставленных внешнеполитических целей.
Źródło:
Studia Orientalne; 2020, 2(18); 7-31
2299-1999
Pojawia się w:
Studia Orientalne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Soft Power in the Current Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation: Resources, Possibilities, Limits
Autorzy:
Horemuž, Martin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1861631.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
Foreign Policy
Post-Soviet Space
Russia
Soft Power
Opis:
This paper aims to analyze soft power in the contemporary foreign policy of the Russian Federation. The structure of the present article is based on the basic normative and methodological definition of soft power. The third and also the main part of the text tries through an analytical approach to map and identify resources and real options as well as discern limits of Russia’s current use of soft power.
Źródło:
Security Dimensions; 2016, 18(18); 50-77
2353-7000
Pojawia się w:
Security Dimensions
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Kaszuba, Malina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642984.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Fundacja Copernicus na rzecz Rozwoju Badań Naukowych
Tematy:
reintegration
post-Soviet area
CSTO
foreign policy
Russia
Opis:
Paradoxically, the process of reintegration of post-Soviet area has been taking place since the collapse of the USSR. The motive of Russia’s efforts to reintegrate this region is the historically driven belief in Moscow’s role as a leader in this part of the world, and the strong cultural, economic and political ties that connect it with the former Soviet republics. The former republics of the USSR also feel strong ties with Russia. In addition, the ruling elites feared the future after the collapse of the USSR, especially at the beginning of the formation of their independent statehood, which determined the decision to establish strong cooperation with Russia. Today, after nearly thirty years, the reintegration process still continues although its intensity and the number of countries involved have changed. One of its areas is the sphere of security, which is confirmed by the activity of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, where Russia plays a key role. In this context, the author attempted to answer the question: What role does the CSTO play in Russia’s foreign policy?
Źródło:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies; 2019, 1
2299-4335
Pojawia się w:
The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ansätze künftiger deutscher Russlandpolitik in Wahlprogrammen von sechs politischen Parteien zur Bundestagswahl 2017
Approaches for future policy of Germany towards Russia in election programs for the 2017 Bundestag election of six German political parties
Autorzy:
FRANZKE, JOCHEN
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/625540.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Germany
Russia
European Union
Political parties
Foreign policy
Opis:
In this article the electoral programs for the Bundestag elections on 24 September 2017 of six German political parties (CDU/CSU, SPD, Left Party, Bündnis90/Die Grünen, FDP, and AfD) will be evaluated for their statements on the future German and European policy on Russia. These political parties were selected because they have a realistic chance of being elected into the 19th German Bundestag. The most critical view on the relations with Russia is to be found in the liberal election program. Here, the Russian government is directly called upon to stop immediately the unlawful occupation of the Crimea and the war in the Eastern Ukraine. The most uncritical view on relations with Russia is to be found the election program of the Left party. Criticism of Russian policy in Ukraine is not practiced. However, it calls for a large number of unilateral advance steps by Germany, the EU and NATO, to meet Russia. The willingness to dialogue with the government of Russia contains all six electoral programs under evaluation. Elements of deterrence only contains the program of the FDP. Three scenarios for Germany’s future relations with Russia are possible.
Źródło:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej; 2017, 11; 147-156
1899-6256
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Imperializm w polityce zagranicznej Rosji carskiej oraz ZSRR
Autorzy:
Gardocki, Sylwester
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1900834.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Rosja
imperializm
polityka zagraniczna
Russia
imperialism
foreign policy
Opis:
The aim of this article is to take a synthetic look at Tsarist Russia (from the 17th century onwards) and the USSR through ideas and deeds which marked Russian political thinking and action and involved an intent to extend the influence to other countries or territories.
Źródło:
Historia Slavorum Occidentis; 2021, 1 (28); 139-160
2084-1213
Pojawia się w:
Historia Slavorum Occidentis
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Foreign Policy Issues of the Republic of Turkey and the United States in the Period after the End of the Cold War until the 2020
Autorzy:
Makaradze, Emzar
Makaradze, Beka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28411137.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
Turkey
USA
Armenia
Russia
Israel
Iran
foreign policy
Opis:
At the beginning of the 21st century, in 2002, a new political era began with the arrival of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Islam-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP) at the head of the Republic of Turkey, which was gradually followed by changes in both foreign and domestic policy of the country. The main ideologist of modern Turkey’s foreign policy is one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party and Erdogan’s ally, former Foreign Minister and Prime Minister Professor Ahmet Davutoglu, who outlined the strategic priorities of Turkey’s foreign policy in his pioneering work Strategic Depth. In his doctrine, Ahmet Davutoglu argues that Turkey has “strategic depth” that allows it to pursue an independent foreign policy and claims to be the leading state in the region. As we know, the Republic of Turkey is located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia. According to the doctrine, precisely because of its geographical position and historical ties, it has a desire to influence all these regions (the Middle East, the Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, the Mediterranean, the Persian Gulf, and the Black Sea), what is considered the core of neo-Ottoman ideology. Neo-Ottomanism implies a shift of the Turkish political vector from West to East. Since the beginning of the 21st century, neo-Ottomanism as an ideology has become a force responsible for the shape of political life of Turkey. According to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism, the Republic of Turkey must get rid of the subordination of the United States, which will allow it to put itself on a par with such states as Britain, France, Russia, and China. Neo-Ottomanism is the main ideological direction of the new foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. One of the arguments used by Erdogan and his party in moving from a parliamentary to a presidential model is the fact that the country needs a government that is almost as strong and centralized as the Ottoman Empire. At the same time, the president himself and his entourage constantly emphasize that the Turks are the “heirs of the Ottomans” and that the country must return to its former glory and strengthen its political, economic and cultural influence in the former territories of the Ottoman Empire. Thus, neo-Ottomanism is part of the official ideology of the Justice and Development Party and the basis of the country’s new identity, shaped by the political elite over the years. Although there is no direct indication of Turkish regional hegemony in the “strategic depth”, most analysts, especially in the West, believe that the expansion of spheres of influence mentioned in the doctrine is, in fact, nothing more than the restoration of Turkey’s monopoly hegemony in the region, but this times by means adapted to the modern era, in particular through the use of political, economic and cultural expansion and other “soft power” tools.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2023, 46 (53); 121-147
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polish-Russian relations after 10 April 2010
Autorzy:
Janke, Daria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1199425.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-03-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Gdański. Instytut Geografii
Tematy:
foreign policy
historical policy
Polska
Polish-Russian relations
Russia
Smolensk disaster
Opis:
Polish-Russian relations are an extremely dynamic and changeable phenomenon, especially after Poland’s accession to NATO. Despite the fact that the Russian Federation was established only in 1991, the relations discussed in this article have also been influenced by the relations between Poland and the Soviet Union, whose successor was Russia. The aim of this study is to analyse changes in the Polish-Russian relations after 2010. Not only does the paper present the causes of conflicts that have influenced mutual relations, but it also indicates areas that need changing and that may contribute to the warming of relations between Warsaw and Moscow. The method of comparative analysis was applied in the study. The conducted analysis allows stating a significant impact of the Smolensk disaster on the Polish-Russian relations.
Źródło:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society; 2020, 10, 1; 42-49
2084-0497
2451-2249
Pojawia się w:
Journal of Geography, Politics and Society
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Chińska Republika Ludowa wobec napięć i kryzysu w relacjach USA–Rosja.
The Peoples Republic of China and the US–Russia relations crisis.
Autorzy:
Bednarz, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/505871.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
China
foreign policy
Confiict
Russia
United States
Ukraine crisis
Opis:
The goal of this paper is to contemplate on Beijing’s approach to the growing US–Russia tensions in the contemporary world. Escalating frictions between these two global powers caused by the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis create a new international environment in which China has much to gain but also much to lose depending on its stance. The Communist Party of China has to consider both internal and external conditions in order to strike the perfect balance in its foreign policy. The interdependence of the contemporary world will make this a difficult feat. This paper will present a brief summary of official Chinese statements from top level government officials along with a selections of official media coverage of the Ukraine crisis with a short analysis. I will also try to cover the growing relations between Russia and the People’s Republic of China in the wake of the US–Russia power struggle. Finally I will attempt to asses if China is the biggest benefactor this new trend in global politics.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2015, 2; 81-704
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Ukraine Crisis and Shift in us Foreign Policy
Autorzy:
Woźniak, Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/648414.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Ukraine Crisis
US Foreign Policy
Ukraine
Russia
NATO
European Security
Opis:
War in Ukraine and the Russian annexation of Crimea are the events that changed the US policy towards Russia. The events in Ukraine forced the United States to take a closer look at Eastern and Central Europe. The United States’ policy during the Ukrainian crisis has been limited to sanctions and strong statements so far because in Ukraine there is an asymmetry of interests. Ukraine is much more important to Russia than to the United States. The United States may be willing to support the democratic and western aspiration of Ukrainians but will not risk a major conflict with Russia over it. However the crisis in Ukraine is not only about Ukraine or Russia. It is also about US credibility around the world. Both friends and foes are watching closely the American reaction to the situation. That is why the United States has increased its military presence in those NATO countries that share borders with Russia.
Źródło:
International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal; 2016, 18, 2
1641-4233
2300-8695
Pojawia się w:
International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
MIĘDZY ZACHODEM A WSCHODEM; WOBEC PROBLEMU ORIENTACJI POLITYKI ZAGRANICZNEJ UKRAINY
BETWEEN WEST AND EAST: TOWARDS THE PROBLEM OF FOREIGN POLICY ORIENTATION OF UKRAINE
Autorzy:
MAKAR, JURIJ
BUREJKO, NADIJA
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/550679.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Biznesu i Przedsiębiorczości w Ostrowcu Świętokrzyskim
Tematy:
Ukraina
Rosja
Unia Europejska
polityka zagraniczna
Ukraine
Russia
European Union
foreign policy
Opis:
Położenie geopolityczne Ukrainy zawsze wyznaczało osobliwości jej kierunków ze-wnętrznopolitycznych, potencjalnych sojuszników, jak również kształtowało problem wyboru strategii integracyjnych w sferach politycznej, gospodarczej, socjalnej oraz kulturalnej. Proklamując niepodległość 24 sierpnia 1991 roku Ukraina potwierdziła dążenie ku integracji europejskiej oraz euroatlantyckiej, ogłaszając swoją przynależności do europejskiej przestrzeni cywilizacyjnej oraz wartości europejskich. Równolegle jednym z głównych partnerów Ukrainy pozostaje Federacja Rosyjska, z którą stosunki na poszczególnych płaszczyznach mają wielowiekowe tradycje. Kwestia wyboru pomiędzy Zachodem a Wschodem dotyczy głównych zjednoczeń integracyjnych – Unii Europejskiej, Umowy o współpracy, oraz Unii Celnej – jako ważnego ogniwa procesów integracyjnych na przestrzeni postradzieckiej w ramach Sojuszu Euroazjatyckiego. Czy uda się i czy jest docelowym stosowanie „polityki balansu” między dwiema siłami i jaki jest dzisiejszy stan stosunków UE–Ukraina–Rosja – to główne kwestie rozpatrywane przez autorów artykułu.
The geopolitical position of Ukraine has always determined the peculiarities of its foreign policy vectors, potential allies, as well as it shaped the problem of choosing the integra-tion strategies in political, economic, social and cultural spheres. By proclaiming its inde-pendence on 24th August 1991, Ukraine confirmed the aspiration towards European and Euro -Atlantic integration, declaring its membership to European civilisation and cultural values sphere. At the same time, Russian Federation remains one of the main Ukrainian partners due to many centuries of relations. The issue of choice between East and West concerns the main integrations – European Union, Cooperation Agreement and the Cus-toms Union – as an important link of integration processes in the post-soviet space with-in the Eurasian Alliance. Whether it will be possible or whether it is ultimate to use the policy of balance between two forces and what today’s state of relations among UE-Ukraine-Russia is- these are the main issues of this article.
Źródło:
Acta Scientifica Academiae Ostroviensis. Sectio A, Nauki Humanistyczne, Społeczne i Techniczne; 2014, Nr 4(2); 112-123
2300-1739
Pojawia się w:
Acta Scientifica Academiae Ostroviensis. Sectio A, Nauki Humanistyczne, Społeczne i Techniczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Russian Politics Toward Ukraine: was there Ever a Strategic Partnership?
Polityka rosyjska wobec Ukrainy: czy to kiedykolwiek było partnerstwo strategiczne?
Autorzy:
Brusylovska, Olga
Koval, Igor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/641957.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Russia
Ukraine
strategic partnership
foreign policy
Rosja
Ukraina
partnerstwo strategiczne
polityka zagraniczna
Opis:
W artykule postawiono hipotezę, że partnerstwo strategiczne Rosji i Ukrainy nigdy nie znajdowało się na wysokim poziomie (wbrew oficjalnie głoszonej wersji), będąc raczej – z powodu wysokiego poziomu asymetrii w ich relacjach – swego rodzaju „negatywną zależnością strategiczną”. I. Żowkwa twierdzi, że atrybutem partnerstwa strategicznego jest wspólnota interesów strategicznych, a relacje które nie stanowią odzwierciedlenia takiej wspólnoty są zbędne. G. Perepelytsia podkreśla, że naukowcy muszą rozróżnić dwie definicje partnerstwa strategicznego – jako poziom osiągniętej współpracy i jako instrument polityki zagranicznej państwa. Artykuł analizuje dwa aspekty partnerstwa strategicznego. Pierwsza część poświęcona jest wykorzystaniu koncepcji partnerstwa strategicznego w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej (na przykładzie Ukrainy), a druga – poziomowi współpracy deklarowanej jako partnerstwo strategiczne. Po 1991 roku celem Moskwy była „przyjazna i neutralna Ukraina”. Relacje budowano przede wszystkim w dziedzinie gospodarczej, ale nawet wówczas Rosja intensywnie stosowała instrument polityczny w postaci zakazu importu niektórych towarów. Po 2004 r. relacje rosyjsko-ukraińskie zaostrzyły się w związku z rosyjską bazą wojskową zlokalizowaną na Krymie i stacjonowaniem rosyjskiej floty czarnomorskiej. Kreml był gotów raczej zniszczyć Ukrainę, niż pozwolić jej wybrać własną drogę, co zaprzeczało współczesnej koncepcji partnerstwa strategicznego, będącej fundamentem rosyjskiej polityki wobec Ukrainy. Zamiast tego Federacja Rosyjska zastosowała politykę „kija i marchewki” (niskie ceny gazu i inne preferencje ekonomiczne jako marchewkę, odpowiedzialność za „rodaków” jako kij). Traktat o przyjaźni, współpracy i partnerstwie pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską i Ukrainą został wypowiedziany, tak samo jak i wszystkie porozumienia dotyczące Floty Czarnomorskiej, tym samym więc, Rosja nie chce posługiwać się formą „partnerstwa strategicznego” jako instrumentem swojej polityki wobec Ukrainy.
The hypothesis of this research was that these states never had a rich level of strategic partner-ship (despite the officially proclaimed status), but always remained a sort of “negative strate- gic dependence” because of the high level of asymmetry in their relations. I. Zhovkva proved that the attribute of strategic partnership is community of strategic interests without its further reflections existing relations are superfluous. G. Perepelytsia marked that scientists must distinguish two definitions of strategic partnership – as a level of the attained cooperation and as an instrument of state foreign policy. In the given article strategic partnership is examined in two measures. The first part is sanctified to the use of the concept of strategic partnership in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation (on the example of Ukraine), and second to accordance of level of their cooperation proclaimed strategic partnership. After 1991, the goal of Moscow was ‘a friendly and neutral Ukraine.’ The relations were built primarily on an economic basis, but even then Russia widely used a ban on the import of some goods as a political instrument. After 2004, problems in Russian-Ukrainian relations related to the Russian military base in Crimea and the basing of the Russian Black Sea Fleet aggravated. Kremlin tried to destruct Ukraine rather than let it go its own way these witnessed against the contemporary concept of strategic partnership, which was the foundation of Russian politics towards Ukraine. Rather, the RF used very old policy of ‘stick and carrot’ (low gas prices and other economic preferences as the carrot, responsibility for ‘compatriots’ as the stick). The Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation, and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation was denounced as well as all Russian-Ukrainian agreements on the Black Sea Fleet, so, the RF itself refuses from using ‘strategic partnership’ as instrument of its policy towards Ukraine.
Źródło:
Przegląd Strategiczny; 2019, 12; 131-144
2084-6991
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Strategiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The use of military force in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation
Autorzy:
Krzykowski, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2201522.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Towarzystwo Wiedzy Obronnej
Tematy:
Russia
foreign policy
military strategy
armed forces
military potential
demonstration of power
Opis:
In their action, the Russian authorities use a number of different tools, military strength being one of the key ones. Russia’s neo-imperial ambitions are reflected in the new strategic and doctrinal documents. They follow a more confrontational line and emphasize Russia’s desire to frame a new architecture of international security. In pursuing its strategic goals, Russia has undertaken a comprehensive programme of technical upgrade of its armed forces, launches impressive military exercise programmes and militarizes the society. The worsening international situation at the beginning of the 21st century, as a derivative of the growing power and importance of the Russian Federation, posed a threat to the countries of the former Warsaw Pact. The aim of the article is to discuss the military tools employed in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation, both direct and indirect. In areas of strategic interest outside the post-Soviet area, they mainly take an indirect form. An example of Russia’s desire to restore its imperial influence is demonstrations of its strategic combat capabilities, including by taking provocative action in the western direction.
Źródło:
Wiedza Obronna; 2022, 2; 81--107
0209-0031
2658-0829
Pojawia się w:
Wiedza Obronna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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