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Tytuł:
Models of political consulting in Poland, 1989–2009, in a comparative perspective
Autorzy:
Biskup, Bartłomiej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/470955.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Komunikacji Społecznej
Tematy:
Polska
political consulting
political campaign
electoral campaign
political marketing
political communication
Opis:
Alongside the breakdown of authoritarian regimes and the restitution of democratic order in Poland and other Central East European countries, the fi rst open election campaigns accom- panied by political consultants emerged. Since the beginning of the transition, the role of consultants as well as consultants themselves have been going through constant changes bound up with modernizing the political scene and system and ways of leading political campaigns. The present article seeks to interrogate the categories of political consulting models we have been facing in Poland and refers them to worldwide tendencies. This study analyses the ways in which political consultants have arisen, their institutional adherence, methods of action, roles in the political communication process, as well as changeovers and development tendencies to this extent. The article provides a comparative analysis of three campaign models defined by Farrell, Kolodny and Medvic and the types of political consultants reviewed by the scope literature. This study concludes with a prognosis of the development of political consulting tendencies in Poland in a worldwide context.
Źródło:
Central European Journal of Communication; 2011, 4, 2(7); 227-240
1899-5101
Pojawia się w:
Central European Journal of Communication
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Gender Gap in Political Knowledge in Poland
Autorzy:
Kunovich, Robert M.
Kunovich, Sheri
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1810815.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-03-30
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
political knowledge
gender gap
political engagement
political interest
Polska
Opis:
This paper utilizes nationally representative survey data to examine the gender gap in political knowledge in Poland. Political knowledge was assessed by asking respondents to indicate whether each of twelve national political parties was currently in the ruling coalition. We use motivation, ability, and opportunity to explain political knowledge. We predict answering ‘don’t know’ as well as answering all questions correctly. Political interest, educational attainment, previous voting behavior, having children, and age predict ‘don’t know’ responses for men and women. Having access to cable or satellite TV appears to reduce ‘don’t know’ responses, but only for men. All else being equal, men and women are equally likely to answer ‘don’t know.’ Political interest, educational attainment, previous voting behavior, age, and self-esteem predict perfect scores for women and men. Religious attendance increases perfect scores, but only for women. The gender gap in perfect scores remains significant despite controls.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2016, 193, 1; 33-48
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Marketing polityczny w polskim samorządzie regionalnym
Political marketing in Polish regional government
Autorzy:
Szczudlińska-Kanoś, Paulina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/414513.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Instytut Ameryk i Europy. Centrum Europejskich Studiów Regionalnych i Lokalnych (EUROREG)
Tematy:
marketing polityczny
samorząd regionalny
Polska
politologia
political marketing
regional government
Polska
political studies
Opis:
Pojmowanie marketingu politycznego jako ogółu czynności, technik, metod i środków, które ułatwiają, a czasem umożliwiają podmiotom politycznym osiągnięcie sukcesu wyborczego, sprawia, iż stanowi on nieodzowną część polityki, a rola, jaką odgrywa, pomaga w zdobywaniu i utrzymywaniu władzy. W związku z tym, że każde kolejne wybory świadczą o permanentnym rozwoju marketingu politycznego, stał się on punktem wyjścia do rozważań przedstawionych w niniejszym artykule. Odniesienie się do kwestii regionalnych wynikało natomiast z potrzeby przedstawienia specyfiki tego zjawiska w działaniach samorządowców w regionach, które funkcjonują i prężnie rozwijają się w Polsce już ponad dekadę. Celem artykułu było znalezienie odpowiedzi na pytanie: czy marketing polityczny, prowadzony na szczeblu regionu, różni się od działań promocyjno-reklamowych kandydatów ubiegających się o mandaty w wyborach ogólnokrajowych lub samorządowych na poziomie lokalnym? Przedstawione poniżej rozważania i wyciągnięte z nich wnioski zostały oparte na badaniach własnych, które przeprowadzono wśród radnych sejmików województw kadencji 2006–2010. W badaniach zastosowano metodę ankietową, narzędziem natomiast był kwestionariusz ankiety. Analiza wyników, przeprowadzona między innymi za pomocą programu Statistica 7, umożliwiła określenie stopnia profesjonalizacji współczesnego marketingu politycznego w regionach oraz pokazała przyczyny jego odmienności.
In general, political marketing is a collection of activities, techniques, methods and means that at least facilitate and at most make possible electoral success on the part of political entities. At present political marketing represents an indispensable part of politics, since only with its help do candidates have a chance of gaining and then holding on to power. After every election we can observe yet-greater competition. Political entities apply different and more elaborate methods and techniques which are aimed at increasing chances of electoral success. During the last ten years in Poland (since the new voivodships were established), it has been possible to observe the professionalization of marketing operations, particularly at municipal elections and especially at those on the regional level. In this article distinctions are therefore drawn between regional political marketing operations and those at either nationwide or local levels. The findings are based on investigations conducted by means of questionnaires distributed among the councillors serving on the voivodship regional assemblies (sejmiki) for the 2006–2010 term of office.
Źródło:
Studia Regionalne i Lokalne; 2009, 3(37); 105-119
1509-4995
Pojawia się w:
Studia Regionalne i Lokalne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przemiany demokratyczne w Polsce: stowarzyszenia a partie polityczne
Democratic transformations in Poland: associations and political parties
Autorzy:
Dębski, Sławomir
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/901861.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Gdańska Wyższa Szkoła Humanistyczna
Tematy:
Polska
transformations in Poland
associations
political parties
process of democratization
political system
Opis:
In advancing process of democratization of the political system in Poland, there are more and more recent efforts to its slowdown. Such a course of action is to replace the roles of NGOs in the example of associations in the political and electoral base. This is one-sided direction caused by commercial approach to obtain the position and power. We can recognize that this kind of behavior is dominated by the local environment. Social groups, which often behave like junta play an local important role. Unstable political system in Poland and getting worse and worse ratings in evaluation public opinion for political parties, causes a need to hide their own worldview. Including as member affluent individuals, authorities and popular person, creates a false image and obtains an impact on political-election decisions, not participating in selfless work for the community, which is characterized by non-profit organizations.
Źródło:
Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość; 2012, 9; 382-401
1731-8440
Pojawia się w:
Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityczność dyskusji o prawie karnym
Criminal Law as a Political Matter
Autorzy:
Klarman, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566900.pdf
Data publikacji:
2007
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Criminal Law
Political Discourse
Polska
Opis:
The time of the turn XX and the XXI century in Poland is a period in which the discussion of crime and methods of fighting it is very vivid. People interested in the matter are not only lawyers but, what is more important, also politicians, journalists and, thanks to media, ordinary citizens. The main interest is focused on the ways of reacting to crimes. Questions traditionally asked are: "Will the crime rate decrease when the punishment is more severe?" and, consequently "Should we make law stricter because of the increasing crime rate?". The cause of the discussion is a reform of criminal law, especially some points of new criminal code introduced in 1997, and some proposals of other amendments. Obviously, the tendency to follow strict criminal policy is a combination of many different factors, among others are the fear of crime and the feeling of insecurity, which have been increasing gradually along with the real increase in crime rate. The growing fear of crime was also broadly presented in media. The feelings were used by politicians, who included they ways of fighting the problems in their political programs and election campaigns.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2007, 6 - Odmiany dyskursu politycznego; 107-139
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Partycypacja polityczna w Polsce
Political participation in Poland
Autorzy:
Tybuchowska-Hartlińska, Karolina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/514539.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Śląski. Wydział Nauk Społecznych
Tematy:
political participation
Polska
local initiatives
demonstrations
petitions
Opis:
Basing on research carried out on a representative group of Poles, as part of a national research project called „Political preferences. Attitudes-Identities-Behaviours”, it can be concluded that respondents the most often point expressing their beliefs through petitions (23%), local initiatives (21%) and demonstrations (12%). Research shows that men more frequently than women express their opinions through petitions (54,2%-45,8%), local initiatives (54,3%-45,7%) and demonstrations (61,6%-38,4%). Inhabitants of villages and towns over 200 thousand people were nearly two times more active than citizens of medium-sized villages. Having at least a secondary school education definitely increases people’s activity (approx. 40%), more than having a vocational education (approx. 13%). Expressing views is also dependent on age because younger people do it more frequently than elder ones. The most indicated were individuals in the age group 25-34 (62%), more rarely although in comparable proportions people aged 18-24 and 35-44 while in the next age groups that activity drops significantly. People aged 18-24 and 45-54 the most willingly take part in demonstrations. People aged 25-34 sign petitions and engage in local initiatives. Among citizens in the age of 55 and more there is not evident diversity in the forms of participation. The differences in the behaviour of people with various views are also highlighted. Those who declare themselves as left wing prefer petitions (39%) against local initiatives (35%) and demonstrations (26%). Centrist voters the most often choose petitions (49%) against local initiatives (34%) and demonstrations (17%). And people who declare themselves as right wing mainly indicate local initiatives (43%) against petitions (36%) and demonstrations (21%). But those citizens, who could not determine themselves, the most often decide to petitions (49%) against local initiatives (32%) and demonstrations (19%). Taking under consideration declared political views there are no significant differences when it comes to membership in political parties, trade unions, non-government organizations and local associations. Greater disproportions are highlighted when comparing belonging to different types of organizations. Regardless of the opinions the most popular are local associations, followed by non-government organizations, trade unions, and the least political parties. In conclusion, it can be said that the political participation in Poland clearly indicates who is more frequent and who is more seldom willing to be active in this area. It seems to be an important clue for those wishing to take effective activities to increase the involvement of citizens.
Źródło:
Political Preferences; 2015, 10; 51-70
2449-9064
Pojawia się w:
Political Preferences
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Programy polskich partii politycznych jako materiał empiryczny w badaniach dyskursu politycznego
The manifestos of political parties in Poland as empirical material in studies on political discourse
Autorzy:
Woźniak, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620298.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
political parties
party manifestos
electoral manifestos
political discourse
Polska
partie polityczne
programy partyjne
programy wyborcze
dyskurs polityczny
Polska
Opis:
Party manifestos are the only political documents which can be perceived as holistic visions of the social order formulated by political parties – the only political bodies eligible to implement them after winning elections. These are documents which place a given party in a concrete, historical and ideological context, therefore they should be seriously considered in academic discourse as descriptions of an envisioned and desired future of the nation, state and society. The paper aims to approach party manifestos as a specific kind of source data, present the most typical method of comparative analysis, and share the author’s own experiences from several research attempts which embraced a qualitative analysis of party manifestos from 2001–2011 (altogether 57 documents). The paper points at the peculiarities of Polish parties’ manifestos and attempts to explain their specific characteristics in comparison to other political documents, and discuss their advantages and weaknesses as a source data for the analysis of Polish political discourse and ideological stances of Polish parties.
Programy partyjne są jedynymi dokumentami, które można uznać za całościowe wizje porządku społecznego opracowane przez partie polityczne – jedyne polityczne instytucje, które mają potencjał ich wdrożenia w przypadku zwycięskich wyborów. Są to również opracowania, które lokują partię w konkretnej, historycznej i ideowej przestrzeni, stąd powinno się je traktować w naukowym dyskursie poważnie, jako opisy pożądanej przyszłości narodu, państwa i społeczeństwa. Artykuł ma na celu omówienie problematyki programów partyjnych jako specyficznego materiału źródłowego, przedstawienie najważniejszego sposobu ich porównawczej analizy oraz zaprezentowanie doświadczeń autora z własnych badań, które obejmowały jakościową analizę treści 63 polskich programów wyborczych z lat 2001–2011. Celem artykułu jest wskazanie specyfiki polskich programów politycznych, próba wyjaśnienia ich wyjątkowości na tle innych dokumentów politycznych oraz rozważanie ich zalet/ słabości jako materiałów empirycznych w analizie polskiego dyskursu politycznego oraz ideologicznych afiliacji polskich ugrupowań partyjnych.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2017, 2; 41-58
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Political Process, Crisis and Legitimacy in Poland
Autorzy:
Calleros, Hector
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2014407.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
constitutional democracy
judicial review
political process
legitimacy
Polska
Constitutional Tribunal
Opis:
The paper examines the conflict over the control of the integration of Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal (CT) that evolved into a constitutional crisis in October 2015 - and has extended for more than two years. It identifies issues that help understand how the Polish Democracy does not impede the erosion of constitutional democracy as the conflict has undermined the CT and the function of judicial review (JR). The article examines issues of legitimacy that emerge from the crisis; it also examines the extent to which the institutional settings condition the operation of the JR function; in particular, it looks at the role of executive actors (the Government and the President), and the role of the political/parliamentary party in bridging the separation of powers.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2020, 2 (49); 71-91
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Impact of the intra-party democracy on political parties reactions to the electoral defeats - a case study of the selected political groupings in Poland
Autorzy:
Kaczorowska, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2156608.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-13
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego
Tematy:
intra-party democracy
electoral defeat
political parties
Polska
Opis:
An electoral defeat usually marks a significant turning point in the life of political parties. It is often the beginning of the changes taking place within them (Harmel, Janda 1994; Gauja 2016: p. 50–51). Existing research suggest that the desire to improve the electoral outcome is the main argument for reform within political parties (Janda 1990; Harmel et al. 1995). This article looks at a relationship between the reactions of political parties to electoral defeat and one factor found to be important in this respect – i.e. the level of intra-party democracy (IPD) analysed at the organisational level. The study uses the IPD measurement model developed by Benjamin von dem Berge and his team (see: von dem Berge et al. 2013). The article provides the analysis of the level of intra-party democracy of the selected four Polish political parties (on the basis of their statutes) continuously present on the Polish political scene after 2001 and its impact on changes within political groupings after electoral defeats. The author examined the statutes of the Law and Justice (PiS), the Civic Platform (PO), the Polish People’s Party (PSL) and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). These parties suffered defeats either in the 2011 or 2015 elections. The main research problem is to determine how the level of IPD of the examined parties influences their reactions after electoral defeats. The research hypothesis is: political parties with a higher level of IPD should change under the influence of electoral defeats more than parties with a lower level of this indicator. The study used also the methodology of data analysis (party’s statutes and other documents) and 21 structured in-depth interviews with representatives of party elites. Based on the results, the index of change after defeat in political parties is created.
Źródło:
Przegląd Europejski; 2021, 4; 191-207
1641-2478
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Europejski
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Managing Emotions During Social Protests and the Political Subjectivity of the Protesters
Autorzy:
Bäcker, Roman
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2195803.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Polska
emotional management
political empowerment
social protests
Opis:
The paper’s aim is to check whether there is a relationship between the effectiveness of emotion management techniques and the protesters’ subjectivity level in Poland. In this case, it is necessary to analyse selected significant social protests in terms of the emotions felt by the ruling elites, the emotions they evoke among the protesters, and the level of political subjectivity possessed by the latter. In June 1956, the technique of masking emotion management was used effectively. The intensification technique in October was fully effective. In December 1970, only the use of the intensification technique brought results. In June 1976, the masking technique proved to be effective within a limited time range. In the summer of 1980, the party-state apparatus was not able to effectively manage emotions. The breakthrough was the introduction of martial law and forcing a significant part of society to be submissive and conformist. Managing emotions by intensifying them during the Women’s Strike proved to be partially effective. Crossing the threshold of subjectivity by opposition social groups makes the management of emotions generally ineffective. The paper offers an innovative research design for analysing the relationships between the management of emotions and the political subjectivity level.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2022, 4(51); 7-23
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Terms of reforming the Polish educational system in political transformation period
Autorzy:
Szczesna, J.
Rodzos, J.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2084597.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Geografii i Studiów Regionalnych
Tematy:
Polska
educational strategy
political transformation
reform
transformation period
Opis:
The turn of the 80. and 90. of the XX century was a period of great political, economic and social changes in Poland. Introduction of democratic principles and Poland joining in the processes of European integration required a quick adaptation of the educational model to the changing social and economic conditions. In the new reality of the state's functioning the educational model based on central management became inadequate because it was applying uniform patterns of education characteristic for the communist era. The range of student's competence in the course of education was considered insufficient. In the era of market economy and general access to information the educational model based on encyclopedic knowledge also became inadequate. The required features which needed to be developed in a future citizen were: openness, creativity, initiative, the ability to function in conditions of competitiveness (Rodzoś, Charzyński 2005). It was particularly significant to prepare the young generation essentially for the proper reception and interpretation of the social and economic processes and changes occurring in the surrounding world. All of the above mentioned reasons lead to passing a bill on a new educational system by the Seym of Poland in 1990 and beginning the process of reforms. However, carrying out the reforms in conditions of the state's difficult financial situation as well as in the context of social habits formed during the 45 years of functioning in the totalitarian system causes numerous problems and inconsistency. The basic ones are: lack of cohesion of educational policy and frequent changes of the concept of reform resulting not from aspiration to increase the effectiveness of education, but from political and economic rationale; discrepancy between the theory of reform and its practical realization; appearance of activities and too hasty introduction of some changes, and lack of mental preparation of the society. These problems defer the process of reform and aggravate gaining positive results in the form of society's education which is better and well adapted to the needs of the contemporary world; they led as well to a decrease in prestige of the profession of a teacher. Despite the difficulties, many positive changes have also been obtained in the polish educational system, i.e. making education non-political, increase of the society's general level of education, implementation of the concept of life-long learning as well as introduction of many educational patterns copied from countries with well developed democratic systems, especially in the European Union.
Źródło:
Prace i Studia Geograficzne; 2011, 48; 15-26
0208-4589
Pojawia się w:
Prace i Studia Geograficzne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Evaluation of the “Street and Abroad” Strategy Implemented by Political Opposition in Poland under the Rule of Law and Justice
Autorzy:
Marzęda-Młynarska, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/51767786.pdf
Data publikacji:
2024-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Polska
political opposition
Law and Justice
social mobilization
strategy “Street and Abroad”
Opis:
After the 2015 parliamentary elections in Poland, the parties that moved to the opposition declared themselves the “total opposition” and adopted the “Street and Abroad” strategy, the aim of which was to organize anti-government protests in the country and to use foreign fora, including above all EU mechanisms, to fight the new right-wing government, criticize its actions and eventually remove it from power. The paper aims to assess the effectiveness of the strategy adopted by the Polish opposition after seven years of right-wing rule. The subject of particular interest is, on the one hand, the evaluation of the “Street” strategy on the example of mass protests concerning courts, abortion, and the media. On the other hand, the “Abroad” strategy was analyzed through the impact of the European Parliament’s resolution on social mobilization, electoral preferences, and the level of support for the ruling party. For this purpose, the leading indicators of support for opposition parties published by opinion polling centers were used in the examples analyzed.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2024, 3(53); 173-192
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rola komunistycznej przeszłości w polskim dyskursie politycznym
The Role of Communist Past in Polish Political Discourse
Autorzy:
Chłodna, Justyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/566696.pdf
Data publikacji:
2007
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie. Instytut Nauk Politycznych
Tematy:
Communist Time
Polska
Political Discourse
Opis:
During the period discussed in the article (1997 - 2005) actors from the Polish political scene were deeply divided by their history - being a part of "Solidarność" or having communist roots. In the process of building their political identity, both right-wing and left-wing parties didn't strive for removing historical divisions but instead they exposed them in order to emphasize their distinctive features. The effect was that communist history became legitimization not only left-wing but also right-wing which was originally born as a symbol of struggle against communism. An assumption taken in this article is that all kind of language including political language is the ever-transforming process being the outcome of changes in social consciousness. This idea contradicts the theory according to which Polish political scene is ruled by ritual chaos. First of all the very target of political discourse is to be listened and supported and this is achieved by being flexible to the audience which requires also being organized and creative. The other politics feature supporting my point of view is richness of rhetoric and phraseology used in discourse. Such associations as those with death, religion or love that were applied in analysed articles are very vivid and thus emotions they cause can be quite strong, which makes political problems crucial on the grand social scale. Finally it is hard to talk about ritual chaos when the great consequence of political discourse is the change in people's attitudes. It appears that the audience influenced by colourful words of politicians and journalists is able to modify their memory about their own history. What we encounter here is the authentic social change that is only possible when social drama is played.
Źródło:
Forum Politologiczne; 2007, 6 - Odmiany dyskursu politycznego; 81-106
1734-1698
Pojawia się w:
Forum Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
In search of the European welfare state. Social Europe concepts in contemporary Polish political thought
Autorzy:
Sanecka-Tyczynska, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2168438.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Fundacja Instytut Nauki o Polityce
Tematy:
political thought
European Union
European integration
Polska
socialism
Opis:
Social Europe, understood as a desirable political project, has been reflected in contemporary Polish political thought, especially after 2004. This paper explores the accounts of political thought of three political parties: the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), the Polish People’s Party (PSL), and the Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland (Samoobrona RP). Their political thoughts shared emphasis on the social aspects of EU integration. According to the assumptions propagated by these parties, a social Europe would be built by incorporating the welfarestate principles to the European level, becoming a response to the multifaceted and excessive globalisation process, and offering resistance to the neoliberal agenda. All the political parties discussed here focused on the social nature of a unified Europe, and on promoting the values of solidarity, equality, freedom, justice and democracy.
Źródło:
Polish Journal of Political Science; 2020, 6, 4; 45-59
2391-3991
Pojawia się w:
Polish Journal of Political Science
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Worlds Apart? Political Theorists, Parliamentarians and the Meaning of Unequal Representation
Autorzy:
Pawłowski, Łukasz
Dubrow, Joshua K.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1929909.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-09-27
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Socjologiczne
Tematy:
descriptive representation
Polska
parliamentarians
constructivist method
political theory
democracy
inequality
survey
Opis:
Although political equality is guaranteed in the Constitutions of modern democracies, few members of disadvantaged groups are parliamentarians. Political theorists, free to imagine varieties of democratic processes, increasingly pay critical attention to this problem and to the idea of representation of social groups by members of these groups, i.e. descriptive representation (DR). Yet, surprisingly few political theorists have asked the parliamentarians themselves how they conceptualize and debate the merits of DR. We use the constructivist approach to explore the meaning of unequal representation by comparing the claims of political theorists to data from a recent survey of Polish parliamentarians.We find that parliamentarians and theorists overlap in many of the basic arguments for and against descriptive representation, but with two major differences. First, parliamentarians embed their arguments in the practicalities of their job to such an extent that it is impossible to meaningfully separate theoretical ideas from their relentlessly practical approach. Second, many parliamentarians have an unyielding faith in existing democratic processes, and believe that the democratic system will, eventually, lead to equal representation. That theorists and parliamentarians inhabit different social worlds is one of the main reasons why so many theoretical ideas on how to improve contemporary democracy are rarely implemented: many of them are simply at odds with the people who are supposed to do it.
Źródło:
Polish Sociological Review; 2011, 175, 3; 301-314
1231-1413
2657-4276
Pojawia się w:
Polish Sociological Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 164

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