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Tytuł:
Polskie kodeksy karne okresu międzywojnia
Autorzy:
Bradliński, Kamil
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/617314.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
the Second Polish Republic
Military Penal Code
Penal Code
unification of criminal law
II Rzeczpospolita
kodeks karny wojskowy
kodeks karny
kodyfikacja prawa karnego
Opis:
The lawyers of the Second Polish Republic succeeded in the codification and the unification of criminal law. The most prominent codifiers of this period were J. Makarewicz, A. Mogilnicki, and E. Krzymuski. The Penal Code of 1932, created by those prominent lawyers, is considered to be very polished and detailed to this day. Even the Military Penal Codes of 1919, 1928 and 1932 laid the foundations for the subsequent regulation of this branch of law.
Prawnicy II Rzeczypospolitej odnieśli sukces w zakresie kodyfikacji prawa karnego, unifikując przepisy na terenie całego kraju. Wybitnymi kodyfikatorami tego okresu byli m.in. J. Makarewicz, W. Makowski, E.S. Rappaport, A. Mogilnicki czy E. Krzymuski. Stworzony przez nich kodeks karny z 1932 r. do dzisiaj jest stawiany za wzór sztuki prawotwórczej. Również kodeksy karne wojskowe (1919, 1928, 1932) położyły podwaliny pod późniejsze uregulowanie tej gałęzi prawa.
Źródło:
Studenckie Zeszyty Naukowe; 2018, 21, 38
1506-8285
Pojawia się w:
Studenckie Zeszyty Naukowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Terminologia militarna polskiego kodeksu karnego w przekładach na język niemiecki
Military terminology of the Polish Penal Code in German translations
Autorzy:
Pietrzak, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2192180.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-21
Wydawca:
Akademia Humanistyczno-Ekonomiczna w Łodzi
Tematy:
terminologia militarna
tłumaczenia
ekwiwalencja
kodeks karny
military terminology
translations
Penal Code
equivalence
Opis:
Niniejszy artykuł zajmuje się problematyką terminologii militarnej z punktu widzenia przekładoznawstwa. W artykule przeprowadzona została analiza kontrastywna wybranych terminów pochodzących z części wojskowej polskiego kodeksu karnego oraz ekwiwalentów zastosowanych w trzech tłumaczeniach kodeksu na język niemiecki. Celem badania jest ocena użytych ekwiwalentów oraz zastosowanych strategii tłumaczeniowych. Pozwoli to ocenić, czy tłumaczenia polskiego kodeksu karnego na język niemiecki są wartościowym narzędziem pracy tłumacza.
The paper deals with the issue of military language from the point of view of translation studies. This paper conducts a contrastive analysis of selected terms from the military part of the Polish Penal Code with equivalents used in three translations of code into German. The aim of the study is to assess what equivalents were used and what translation strategies were employed. This will make it possible to assess whether translations of the Polish Penal Code into German are a valuable tool for the translator.
Źródło:
Językoznawstwo; 2022, 17, 2; 81-91
1897-0389
2391-5137
Pojawia się w:
Językoznawstwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Praktyczny wymiar strony podmiotowej jako znamienia czynu zabronionego z art. 284 k.k. w świetle orzecznictwa sądowego
Practical dimension of the perpetrator as the feature of prohibited act under art. 284 of the penal code in the light of judicial practice
Autorzy:
Orzeł, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/443933.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Humanitas
Tematy:
strona podmiotowa
kodeks karny
czyn zabroniony
the feature
Penal Code
prohibited act
Opis:
Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza orzeczeń najwyższej instancji sądowej oraz sądów apelacyjnych na przestrzeni lat 1996– 2015, uzupełniona o stanowisko doktryny, w zakresie reprezentowanych poglądów dotyczących dekodowania znamienia strony podmiotowej czynu zabronionego z art. 284 k.k. w zachowaniu sprawcy występku przywłaszczenia. Autor dokonuje syntezy tez sądowych, podejmując próbę stworzenia enumeratywnego katalogu zachowań wskazujących na zamiar przywłaszczenia, jednocześnie poddając pod rozwagę pojawiające się w praktyce stosowania prawa wątpliwości związane z jego subsumcją na kanwie niejednolitej wykładni reprezentowanej w orzeczeniach sądowych.
The article analyses the judgements of the highest judicial instance and of the appeal courts in the years 1996 - 2015, supplemented by the position of doctrine, in terms of represented views on decoding the feature of the perpetrator of an act prohibited under art. 284 of the Penal Code in the behaviour of a perpetrator of a petty crime - appropriation. The Author synthesises the judicial theses in attempt to create an enumerative catalogue of behaviours indicating the intent of appropriation and at the same time raising for consideration the doubts that appear in the practice of law and are associated with its subsumption based on an inconsistent interpretation represented in court decisions
Źródło:
Roczniki Administracji i Prawa; 2015, 15/1; 161-171
1644-9126
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Administracji i Prawa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Od bluźnierstwa do przestępstwa, czyli co tak naprawdę chroni państwo: Boga czy uczucia religijne? – studium historyczno-prawne
From Blasphemy to Offence, or What does the State Really Protect: God or Religious Feelings? – a Historical and Legal Study
Autorzy:
Wasil, Wioleta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1895832.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-10-04
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
przestępstwo
kodeks karny
bluźnierstwo
uczucia religijne
offence
Penal Code
blasphemy
religious feelings
Opis:
Przestępstwo obrazy uczuć religijnych sięga swoimi korzeniami przestępstwa bluźnierstwa przeciwko Bogu, wobec tego religijne podłoże tego przepisu jest niezaprzeczalne. Mając powyższe na względzie, należy odrzucić zarzut jakoby przestępstwo to było wyrazem świeckości państwa, a z religią, w szczególności chrześcijańską, nie miało nic wspólnego. Polska nie jest państwem wyznaniowym, aczkolwiek w stosunkach z religią znajduje się w relacji separacji skoordynowanej, czego znamienitym przykładem jest umieszczenie art. 196 w Kodeksie karnym.
The offence against religious feelings has its roots in the offence of blasphemy against God, hence the religious ground of that regulation is undeniable. Considering the above, the imputation that the offence in question is an expression of secularity of the state and that it had nothing to do with religion, especially the Christian religion, should be rejected. Poland is not a confessional state, but in relations with religion it is in a relation of coordinated separation, an eminent example of which is including Art. 196 in the Criminal Code.
Źródło:
Kościół i Prawo; 2019, 8 (21), 1; 203-218
0208-7928
2544-5804
Pojawia się w:
Kościół i Prawo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Inność drażni jednakowość” – kilka uwag o problematyce dyskryminacji osób LGBT ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem przepisów Kodeksu karnego
‘Otherness irritates uniformity.’ Discrimination against LGBT people – a few remarks with particular emphasis on the provisions of the Penal Code
Autorzy:
Czeszejko-Sochacka, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/693971.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
LGBT
lesbians
gays
discrimination
homophobia
Penal Code
lesbijki
geje
dyskryminacja
homofobia
Kodeks karny
Opis:
Sexual minorities are present in every society. Unlike heterosexual orientation, an LGBT orientation often meets with a lack of acceptance and discrimination. Until 1991, the World Health Organization included homosexuality in the list of diseases. In some countries, the death penalty is the punishment for talking about sexual preferences openly. Discrimination due to sexual orientation and gender identity is socially accepted in Poland. The provisions of the Polish Penal Code do not contain effective mechanisms which can protect this group against homophobic hate speech. This often results in distrust with regard to law enforcement agencies and is the reason why many of these cases are not reported. The law should provide protection to every person, regardless of their differentiating characteristics.
Mniejszości seksualne występują w każdym społeczeństwie. Odmienna od heteroseksualnej orientacja często jest przyczyną braku akceptacji i dyskryminacji. Do 1991 r. homoseksualizm znajdowała się na liście chorób Światowej Organizacji Zdrowia. W niektórych krajach grozi nawet kara śmierci za otwarte mówienie o swoich upodobaniach seksualnych. W Polsce istnieje społeczne przyzwolenie na dyskryminację z uwagi na orientację seksualną i tożsamość płciową. Przepisy polskiego Kodeksu karnego nie zawierają skutecznych mechanizmów, które chroniłyby tę grupę przed homofobiczną mową nienawiści. Takie podejście często jest przyczyną braku zaufania do organów ścigania i powoduje, że wiele takich przypadków nie jest zgłaszanych. Prawo jednak nie powinno stać nad bezprawiem i zapewnić ochronę każdemu człowiekowi bez względu na cechy go różnicujące.
Źródło:
Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny; 2019, 81, 2; 191-205
0035-9629
2543-9170
Pojawia się w:
Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Efektywność nadzoru ochronnego (wyniki badań 232 recydywistów poddanych nadzorowi ochronnemu)
The effectiveness of protective supervision (results of a stud of 232 habitual criminals put under protective supersivion)
Autorzy:
Rzeplińska, Irena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699072.pdf
Data publikacji:
1983
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
recydywa
nadzór ochronny
recydywista
resocjalizacja
kodeks karny
protective supervision
recidivist
resocialization
Penal Code
recidivism
Opis:
   1.The 1969 Penal Code introduced a new system of sanctions for offences committed by habitual criminals in special circumstances. Two new categories of special recidivism are here introduced: special basic recidivism (Art. 60, § 1 of the Penal Code), and special multi-recidivism (Art. 60, § 2 of the Penal Code). The legal consequences of a conviction under Art. 60, § 1 or § 2 are as follows: 1) longer terms of imprisonment, 2)the application of special measures: protective supervison and commitment to a social readaptation centre, These measures take effect after the prison sentence has been served.       Under the protective supervision system, the habitual offender is free, but supervised for a period of 3-5 years.      The readaptation centre is a closed institution. The habitual offender is sent there for a minimum period of two years, up to a maximum of five years.  After two years the penitentiary court may free the recidivist if it thinks he is unlikely to commit another crime after regaining his freedom.       The conditions under which a  person is  sent to a readaptation centre differ, according to whether he or she was sentenced under Art. 60,  §1 or  Art. 60, § 2 of the Penal Code. A recidivist may be sent to a readaptation centre by either the  criminal court or the penitentiary courts. The decision to apply these measures may be taken at diverse stages of the juridical and penitentiary process: 1) when the sentence is pronounced (by the criminal court), 2) towards the end of the prison sentence (penitentiary court), or 3) during the period of protective supervision (penitentiary court).      In the first of the three stages mentioned above, the recidivist senrenced under Art. 60,  § 1 of the Penal Code may or may not be put under protective supervison. It is not obligatory. In the case of a person sentenced under   § 2 of Art. 60 of  the Penal Code, it is obligatory either to put him under protecive supervision or to send him to a social readaptation centre. The decision to send a recidivist to a social readaptation centre (a more severe measure) is taken only if the court is of the opinion that protective supervision would be insufficient io prevent a return to crime.         In the second of the three stages mentioned above, towards the end of the recidivists's sentence the penitentiary court takes the following decisions: 1) it may put the habitual criminal under protective supervision if that was not done in the sentence of the criminal court; 2) it may alter the decision of the criminal court and put  the offender under a protective supervision order instead of sending  him to a social readaptation centre.       The third and last stage in which decisions are taken about the application of special measures, is when the offender is actually under the supervision of a Probation Officer. If the supervision is not working out satisfactorily, the recidivist may be sent to a social readaptation centre.        2.The habitual offender is supervised by a Probation Officer after he has served his prison sentence. No person who is under protective supervision may change his place of residence without the consent of the court. He is obliged to appear in court if summoned, and to carry out the court's recommendations (Art. 63 of the Penal Code).       The court may order the recidivists:  1. to perform an obligation incumbent on the sentenced person to provide support for another person;  2. to perform specified work for a social purpose; 3. to perform remunerated work, pursuing an education or preparing for an occupation; 4. to refrain from abusing alcohol; 5. to submit to medical treatment; 6. to refrain from frequenting specified surroundings or places; 7. other appropriated behaviour in the period of protective supervision, if it may prevent the commission again of an offense.         During the protective supervision period, the court may issue orders, or extend or alter those already given.      During the protective supervision period the recidivist comes under the supervision of a Probation Officer appointed by the court, who at the same time is responsible for organizing the resocialization of the person being supervised.       Protective supervision ceases: 1 when the appointed period of probation is at an end, and when probation has been successful, 2) Or aerlier, if the person being supervised fails to carry out the orders and obligations placed on him, or if he makes it impossible or difficult for the purpose of the protective supervison order to be attained (e.g. by committing a crime when under supervision, which means that the supervision was unsuccessful, 3) owing to causes which bring supervision to an end (e.g. death of the supervised person).        3. The study reported here dealt with one of the two special measures mentioned above - protective supervision. The main problem examined is the effectiveness of protective supervision.       Protective supervision is a system which has two goals: one is to keep the supervised person from committing another crime (here we may speak of the restraining function of supervision), while the other is to resocialise the person on supervision (in this case we may speak of the resocialising function of probation).         The key question asked by anyone who examines the effectiveness of some penal measure is: whether, and to what extent,  does it attain its aims? With this definition in mind, the effectiveness of probation was examined in two fields. In the first (narrower) field, the author asked if there had been a juridical improvement in the behaviour of persons put under supervision. In the second (wider) field, success was measured by the extent of the supervised persons resocialisation - that is, an attempt was made to find out how the supervised person functioned in society, that is, whether  he kept to the basic social norms that society expects,of its members. In both fields, the moment of time when effectiveness of supervision was assessed was that at which supervision ceased. Those who successfully completed their period of probation were checked again at the end of 38 months, to see whether or not they had reverted to crime.         The group studied here consisted of all male recidivists in Warsaw who were put under a protective supervision order in 1971-1972. There were 232 persons in the group.           Two research techniques were used. ln the first, the relevant documents were studied (documents concerning previous criminal caces, prison documents, records of the course of protective supervision, data, about previous convictions, as well as about periods spent in penal institutions and in remand). In the second, the recidivist was interviewed on the basis of a questionnaire.         4. Out of the 232 persons investigated, 43.1 %  completed the supervision period successfully, 53.3%  failed to do so, and in 3.4% of the cases death intervened.         In this group of recidivists who had been put under supervision the author differentiated three groups:          Group I - taken as having been resocialised during the supervision period, and as having successfully completed their supervision. This group consisted of 57 men (26% of the total number studied).          Group II – regarded as not having been resocialised, but that completed the probation period successfully, without ill consequences for themselves. Group II consisted of 43 men (19% of the total).         Group III,  consisting of men who were not resocialised, and who as a result  suffered the additional ill effect of being isolated in the social readaptation centre; this group failed to complete their supervision successfully. In this group were 124 men (55%  of the total).        Some of the unresocialised men in Group III did not carry out any of the duties or orders given them. Some reverted to crime even although for a time they carried out their duties and orders. Some did not carry out their duties and orders, and reverted to crime. In this group the supervision system failed to fulfil the functions expected of it. With regard to those who did not carry out their obligations and orders it failed in its resocialisation function, while with regard to the others, who committed a crime while under supervision, it failed in both its functions: restraint and resocialisation. The following characteristics were found in Groups I, II and III.        Group  I consisted mostly of the youngest men (only one-eighth of the group were over 40). They were educated at least up to elementary school standard (approx. age 14-15). During the probation period they carried out work that called for skills. They were physically healthy. In their case  the supervision period was one in which their lives were financially more stable (they had paid jobs). They also had stable family lives, and started their own a families. Of all the groups, they had the fewest convictions up to the time the probation period began. They had mainly committed offences against property, but a significant number had been gauilty of crimes of a predominantly aggressive nature. Drunkenness was not noted among them during the supervision period. The men in this group declared that after they had come out of prison and been put under protective supervision they had no special trouble in beginning life again in freedom. They also said they were pleased with life.      Group  II consisted of men who, judged from the formal point of view, completed their supervision period successfully. But their behaviour during supervision, and above all their heavy drinking, does not justify us in regarding them as having been resocialised. These were habitual criminals  who when put under supervision were older (mostly over the age of thirty), as compared witn the men in Group I. As many as a quarter of the men in Group  II were habitual criminals aged forty and over. Compared with the men in Group I, they were less well educated, and worse qualified for jobs. Among them various types  of physical complaints were found, possibly because they were older, and possibly also because they had a longer career of crime. Fewer of them were married. They seemed to make little effort to achieve financial stability. During the supervision period they frequently changed their job - often because of some infringement of discipline, or because they arbitrarily threw up their job. When they began probation, they had more convictions behind them than the men in Group I. Group II had the lowest number of men who had committed serious crimes against property, or serious aggressive crimes. They were guilty mostly of petty crimes.  Above all the habitual criminals in this group are the most awkward ones from the social point of view. They were the ones  who mostly said they were dissatisfied with their lives. While on supervision they did not give up heavy drinking. Moreover, although ordered to take a "drying-out" cure , they did not go for treatment at all, or did so irregularly. Before their conviction they had worked irregularly, with gaps in between jobs, but during the whole supervision period they worked.             Groups III: protective supervision was a failure with group. As compared with the other groups the men in this one had more previous convictions - the average number of previous convictions being nearly six. More of them, as compared with the men in the other groups, went in mainly for crimes against property; the minority went in for crimes of a predominantly aggressive character and crimes of diverse types. Half of the men in Group II came into the 21-30 age group when ,they began supervision, while the other half were older (moreover, one-seventh were habitual criminals aged over forty). Even at the beginning of supervision the men in this group were in a worse situation than the others - especially as compared with the men in Group II, for they were worse educated, and worse prepared for earning living. The majority of the men in this group were single. Only one in five was married. Their health was noticeably poorer than that of the men in the other groups. Most of the men in this group drank heavilly during the supervision period. The men here confessed that immediately after getting out of prison they had trouble in getting back to a normal life. The main obstacles were lack of money,  and the difficulty in finding a job. When questioned they said that on the whole they were not happy about their lives. The majority (72.6%) had reverted to crime while on supervision. The others had been taken out of supervision because they did not carry out their obligations ot the orders or the probation officer.         6. In this study of men put under protective supervision, one in every four is reckoned to have been a success. it was noted that during the supervision period factors that made for success were: setting up a family, having a regular skilled job, and avoidance of heavy drinking.             In view of the above, it is the youngest habitual criminals who have the best chance of completing their supervision period successfultry. Age is in their favour, they have a better chance of a stable family life, they are better educated, better fitted for a job, they do not show the symptoms of social degradation associated with alcoholism, Because of these factors they are more likely to be able to return to a normal life.        7. During a period of 38 months from the end of the each man's supervision period, a check was kept on whether or not these men had further convictions. The men covered by this part of the study were those in Groups I and II, that is, those who successfully completed their probation.        Thirteen men from Group I and twelve men from Group II (that is, twenty-five men altogether), had subsequent convictions. They constituted 25% of the two groups. It may therefore be stated that the majority (three-quarters) of the men in Groups I and II had no convictions during the thirty-eight months following the end of their supervision period.       8. In the supervised groups studied here, we took one quarter as having been resocialised by the end of supervision, one-fifth as having at most improved formally, and over a half as not having been resocialised - in their case supervision ended in failure.       On the basis of this study it may be stated that the chief criterion on which the man on supervision was judged (and on which the success of the supervision proces was judged) was whether or not he carried out the instruction to have a paid job. This was due to two reasons: in the first place, if the man was in paid employment, it mean that he was fulfilling at least the minimum of the demands made on him during the supervision period (this minimum  was: to earn his own living). Secondly, it was easy for both the Probation Officer and for the man he was supervising to check whether this order was being carried out, and how. The implementation of their instructions was treated as being of less importance. The main one was to have paid employment.  If the man being supervised was in a job, but failed to carry out other instructions given to him, the Probation Officers did not ask for him to be taken off supervision.         At the present moment, when reform of the criminal law in Poland is under discussion, one of the problems being examined is that of the penal  liability of people who revert to crime, and the question of what legal penalties should be imposed on them. It has been pointed out during this discussion that the severe legal penalties imposed on habitual criminals during the last ten years have not been effective. Consequently the question still remains open: whether we should not apply the special measures described above - protective supervision or commitment to a social readaptation centre after the prison sentence is served. What we have learned from the use of a closed institution such as a social readaptation centre shows that it is completely ineffective. As for protective supervision, it has been postulated that this way of controlling the behaviour of habitual criminals should be transferred from the sphere of penal measures to the sphere of social security measures. It has been suggested that within the framework of post penitentiary care,  specific medsures to help, which would be carried out by the probation officers, would be available to habitual criminals after coming out of prison.
         1.The 1969 Penal Code introduced a new system of sanctions for offences committed by habitual criminals in special circumstances. Two new categories of special recidivism are here introduced: special basic recidivism (Art. 60, § 1 of the Penal Code), and special multi-recidivism (Art. 60, § 2 of the Penal Code). The legal consequences of a conviction under Art. 60, § 1 or § 2 are as follows: 1) longer terms of imprisonment, 2)the application of special measures: protective supervison and commitment to a social readaptation centre, These measures take effect after the prison sentence has been served.       Under the protective supervision system, the habitual offender is free, but supervised for a period of 3-5 years.      The readaptation centre is a closed institution. The habitual offender is sent there for a minimum period of two years, up to a maximum of five years.  After two years the penitentiary court may free the recidivist if it thinks he is unlikely to commit another crime after regaining his freedom.       The conditions under which a  person is  sent to a readaptation centre differ, according to whether he or she was sentenced under Art. 60,  §1 or  Art. 60, § 2 of the Penal Code. A recidivist may be sent to a readaptation centre by either the  criminal court or the penitentiary courts. The decision to apply these measures may be taken at diverse stages of the juridical and penitentiary process: 1) when the sentence is pronounced (by the criminal court), 2) towards the end of the prison sentence (penitentiary court), or 3) during the period of protective supervision (penitentiary court).      In the first of the three stages mentioned above, the recidivist senrenced under Art. 60,  § 1 of the Penal Code may or may not be put under protective supervison. It is not obligatory. In the case of a person sentenced under   § 2 of Art. 60 of  the Penal Code, it is obligatory either to put him under protecive supervision or to send him to a social readaptation centre. The decision to send a recidivist to a social readaptation centre (a more severe measure) is taken only if the court is of the opinion that protective supervision would be insufficient io prevent a return to crime.         In the second of the three stages mentioned above, towards the end of the recidivists's sentence the penitentiary court takes the following decisions: 1) it may put the habitual criminal under protective supervision if that was not done in the sentence of the criminal court; 2) it may alter the decision of the criminal court and put  the offender under a protective supervision order instead of sending  him to a social readaptation centre.       The third and last stage in which decisions are taken about the application of special measures, is when the offender is actually under the supervision of a Probation Officer. If the supervision is not working out satisfactorily, the recidivist may be sent to a social readaptation centre.        2.The habitual offender is supervised by a Probation Officer after he has served his prison sentence. No person who is under protective supervision may change his place of residence without the consent of the court. He is obliged to appear in court if summoned, and to carry out the court's recommendations (Art. 63 of the Penal Code).       The court may order the recidivists:  1. to perform an obligation incumbent on the sentenced person to provide support for another person;  2. to perform specified work for a social purpose; 3. to perform remunerated work, pursuing an education or preparing for an occupation; 4. to refrain from abusing alcohol; 5. to submit to medical treatment; 6. to refrain from frequenting specified surroundings or places; 7. other appropriated behaviour in the period of protective supervision, if it may prevent the commission again of an offense.         During the protective supervision period, the court may issue orders, or extend or alter those already given.      During the protective supervision period the recidivist comes under the supervision of a Probation Officer appointed by the court, who at the same time is responsible for organizing the resocialization of the person being supervised.       Protective supervision ceases: 1 when the appointed period of probation is at an end, and when probation has been successful, 2) Or aerlier, if the person being supervised fails to carry out the orders and obligations placed on him, or if he makes it impossible or difficult for the purpose of the protective supervison order to be attained (e.g. by committing a crime when under supervision, which means that the supervision was unsuccessful, 3) owing to causes which bring supervision to an end (e.g. death of the supervised person).        3. The study reported here dealt with one of the two special measures mentioned above - protective supervision. The main problem examined is the effectiveness of protective supervision.       Protective supervision is a system which has two goals: one is to keep the supervised person from committing another crime (here we may speak of the restraining function of supervision), while the other is to resocialise the person on supervision (in this case we may speak of the resocialising function of probation).         The key question asked by anyone who examines the effectiveness of some penal measure is: whether, and to what extent,  does it attain its aims? With this definition in mind, the effectiveness of probation was examined in two fields. In the first (narrower) field, the author asked if there had been a juridical improvement in the behaviour of persons put under supervision. In the second (wider) field, success was measured by the extent of the supervised persons resocialisation - that is, an attempt was made to find out how the supervised person functioned in society, that is, whether  he kept to the basic social norms that society expects,of its members. In both fields, the moment of time when effectiveness of supervision was assessed was that at which supervision ceased. Those who successfully completed their period of probation were checked again at the end of 38 months, to see whether or not they had reverted to crime.         The group studied here consisted of all male recidivists in Warsaw who were put under a protective supervision order in 1971-1972. There were 232 persons in the group.           Two research techniques were used. ln the first, the relevant documents were studied (documents concerning previous criminal caces, prison documents, records of the course of protective supervision, data, about previous convictions, as well as about periods spent in penal institutions and in remand). In the second, the recidivist was interviewed on the basis of a questionnaire.         4. Out of the 232 persons investigated, 43.1 %  completed the supervision period successfully, 53.3%  failed to do so, and in 3.4% of the cases death intervened.         In this group of recidivists who had been put under supervision the author differentiated three groups:          Group I - taken as having been resocialised during the supervision period, and as having successfully completed their supervision. This group consisted of 57 men (26% of the total number studied).          Group II – regarded as not having been resocialised, but that completed the probation period successfully, without ill consequences for themselves. Group II consisted of 43 men (19% of the total).         Group III,  consisting of men who were not resocialised, and who as a result  suffered the additional ill effect of being isolated in the social readaptation centre; this group failed to complete their supervision successfully. In this group were 124 men (55%  of the total).        Some of the unresocialised men in Group III did not carry out any of the duties or orders given them. Some reverted to crime even although for a time they carried out their duties and orders. Some did not carry out their duties and orders, and reverted to crime. In this group the supervision system failed to fulfil the functions expected of it. With regard to those who did not carry out their obligations and orders it failed in its resocialisation function, while with regard to the others, who committed a crime while under supervision, it failed in both its functions: restraint and resocialisation. The following characteristics were found in Groups I, II and III.        Group  I consisted mostly of the youngest men (only one-eighth of the group were over 40). They were educated at least up to elementary school standard (approx. age 14-15). During the probation period they carried out work that called for skills. They were physically healthy. In their case  the supervision period was one in which their lives were financially more stable (they had paid jobs). They also had stable family lives, and started their own a families. Of all the groups, they had the fewest convictions up to the time the probation period began. They had mainly committed offences against property, but a significant number had been gauilty of crimes of a predominantly aggressive nature. Drunkenness was not noted among them during the supervision period. The men in this group declared that after they had come out of prison and been put under protective supervision they had no special trouble in beginning life again in freedom. They also said they were pleased with life.      Group  II consisted of men who, judged from the formal point of view, completed their supervision period successfully. But their behaviour during supervision, and above all their heavy drinking, does not justify us in regarding them as having been resocialised. These were habitual criminals  who when put under supervision were older (mostly over the age of thirty), as compared witn the men in Group I. As many as a quarter of the men in Group  II were habitual criminals aged forty and over. Compared with the men in Group I, they were less well educated, and worse qualified for jobs. Among them various types  of physical complaints were found, possibly because they were older, and possibly also because they had a longer career of crime. Fewer of them were married. They seemed to make little effort to achieve financial stability. During the supervision period they frequently changed their job - often because of some infringement of discipline, or because they arbitrarily threw up their job. When they began probation, they had more convictions behind them than the men in Group I. Group II had the lowest number of men who had committed serious crimes against property, or serious aggressive crimes. They were guilty mostly of petty crimes.  Above all the habitual criminals in this group are the most awkward ones from the social point of view. They were the ones  who mostly said they were dissatisfied with their lives. While on supervision they did not give up heavy drinking. Moreover, although ordered to take a "drying-out" cure , they did not go for treatment at all, or did so irregularly. Before their conviction they had worked irregularly, with gaps in between jobs, but during the whole supervision period they worked.             Groups III: protective supervision was a failure with group. As compared with the other groups the men in this one had more previous convictions - the average number of previous convictions being nearly six. More of them, as compared with the men in the other groups, went in mainly for crimes against property; the minority went in for crimes of a predominantly aggressive character and crimes of diverse types. Half of the men in Group II came into the 21-30 age group when ,they began supervision, while the other half were older (moreover, one-seventh were habitual criminals aged over forty). Even at the beginning of supervision the men in this group were in a worse situation than the others - especially as compared with the men in Group II, for they were worse educated, and worse prepared for earning living. The majority of the men in this group were single. Only one in five was married. Their health was noticeably poorer than that of the men in the other groups. Most of the men in this group drank heavilly during the supervision period. The men here confessed that immediately after getting out of prison they had trouble in getting back to a normal life. The main obstacles were lack of money,  and the difficulty in finding a job. When questioned they said that on the whole they were not happy about their lives. The majority (72.6%) had reverted to crime while on supervision. The others had been taken out of supervision because they did not carry out their obligations ot the orders or the probation officer.         6. In this study of men put under protective supervision, one in every four is reckoned to have been a success. it was noted that during the supervision period factors that made for success were: setting up a family, having a regular skilled job, and avoidance of heavy drinking.             In view of the above, it is the youngest habitual criminals who have the best chance of completing their supervision period successfultry. Age is in their favour, they have a better chance of a stable family life, they are better educated, better fitted for a job, they do not show the symptoms of social degradation associated with alcoholism, Because of these factors they are more likely to be able to return to a normal life.        7. During a period of 38 months from the end of the each man's supervision period, a check was kept on whether or not these men had further convictions. The men covered by this part of the study were those in Groups I and II, that is, those who successfully completed their probation.        Thirteen men from Group I and twelve men from Group II (that is, twenty-five men altogether), had subsequent convictions. They constituted 25% of the two groups. It may therefore be stated that the majority (three-quarters) of the men in Groups I and II had no convictions during the thirty-eight months following the end of their supervision period.       8. In the supervised groups studied here, we took one quarter as having been resocialised by the end of supervision, one-fifth as having at most improved formally, and over a half as not having been resocialised - in their case supervision ended in failure.       On the basis of this study it may be stated that the chief criterion on which the man on supervision was judged (and on which the success of the supervision proces was judged) was whether or not he carried out the instruction to have a paid job. This was due to two reasons: in the first place, if the man was in paid employment, it mean that he was fulfilling at least the minimum of the demands made on him during the supervision period (this minimum  was: to earn his own living). Secondly, it was easy for both the Probation Officer and for the man he was supervising to check whether this order was being carried out, and how. The implementation of their instructions was treated as being of less importance. The main one was to have paid employment.  If the man being supervised was in a job, but failed to carry out other instructions given to him, the Probation Officers did not ask for him to be taken off supervision.         At the present moment, when reform of the criminal law in Poland is under discussion, one of the problems being examined is that of the penal  liability of people who revert to crime, and the question of what legal penalties should be imposed on them. It has been pointed out during this discussion that the severe legal penalties imposed on habitual criminals during the last ten years have not been effective. Consequently the question still remains open: whether we should not apply the special measures described above - protective supervision or commitment to a social readaptation centre after the prison sentence is served. What we have learned from the use of a closed institution such as a social readaptation centre shows that it is completely ineffective. As for protective supervision, it has been postulated that this way of controlling the behaviour of habitual criminals should be transferred from the sphere of penal measures to the sphere of social security measures. It has been suggested that within the framework of post penitentiary care,  specific medsures to help, which would be carried out by the probation officers, would be available to habitual criminals after coming out of prison.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1983, X; 55-85
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O (nie)jednorodności zachowań składających się na czyn ciągły
About the (in)homogeneity of behaviours that make up a continuous act
Autorzy:
Nawrocki, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2171606.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Instytut Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości
Tematy:
czyn ciągły
przestępstwo ciągłe
prawo karne
Kodeks karny
continuous act
continuous offence
criminal law
Penal Code
Opis:
Problematyka jednorodności/niejednorodności zachowań składających się na czyn ciągły ani nie jest nowa, ani nie jest przedmiotem szerszych dysput naukowych. Nie oznacza to jednak, że nie ma istotnego znaczenia teoretycznego czy praktycznego. Bez wątpienia jest to zagadnienie sporne, do którego należy powrócić w związku z dwoma nowelizacjami Kodeksu karnego (w zakresie art. 12 i 57b k.k.), które powinny rzucić nowe światło na dotychczasowe postrzeganie tytułowego problemu. Antycypując dalsze rozważania, wskazać należy, że w czyn ciągły można łączyć tylko takie zachowania, które jednostkowo naruszają za każdym razem tożsame normy prawne.
The issue of homogeneity/heterogeneity of behaviors that make up a continuous act is neither new nor is it the subject of wider scientific disputes. This does not mean, however, that it has no significant theoretical and practical significance. Undoubtedly, however, this is a contentious issue that should be revisited in connection with the two amendments to the Penal Code (in terms of Articles 12 and 57b of the Penal Code), which should shed new light on the current perception of the title problem. Anticipating further considerations, it should be pointed out that only those behaviors that individually violate the same legal norms each time can be combined into a continuous act.
Źródło:
Prawo w Działaniu; 2022, 51; 32-48
2084-1906
2657-4691
Pojawia się w:
Prawo w Działaniu
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The emergence of community control sanctions in the Romanian sanctioning system
Wdrożenie kar probacyjnych do systemu kar w Rumunii
Autorzy:
Oancea, Gabriel
Micle, Mihai Ioan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375562.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-04-24
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
Romania
probation system
community control sanctions
Penal Code
prisons
Rumunia
system probacyjny
kary probacyjne
Kodeks karny
więzienia
Opis:
This article presents the context that led to the establishment of the probation system in Romania, on the background of undertaking of some reforms of the criminal sanctions system. The necessity of achieving them was represented by the difficulties faced by the penitentiary system before and after 1989, but also by the need to align the administration of penalties to the requirements imposed by the country‘s accession to the Council of Europe and the European Union. Eighteen years after the creation of the probation system within the Ministry of Justice, it can be stated that, this endeavor constitutes a success, but it is absolutely necessary to continue the efforts towards its consolidation. In addition, these measures have to be accompanied by a change of vision in relation to how other community members can be involved in the process of social reintegration of persons in conflict with the criminal law.
This article presents the context that led to the establishment of the probation system in Romania in relation to some reforms of the criminal sanctioning system. These reforms were necessary because of the difficulties faced by the penitentiary system before and after 1989, as well as the need to align the administration of penalties with the requirements imposed by the country’s accession to the Council of Europe and the European Union. Eighteen years after the creation of the probation system within the Ministry of Justice, it can be stated that this endeavour constitutes a success, but it is absolutely necessary to continue the efforts towards consolidating it. In addition, these measures have to be accompanied by a change of vision in relation to how other community members can be involved in the process of social reintegration of individuals who have broken the law.   W artykule został przedstawiony proces wdrożenia systemu probacyjnego w Rumunii w kontekście reform dotyczących zmian systemu sankcji karnych. Z uwagi na trudności, z jakimi borykał się system penitencjarny w Rumunii przed rokiem 1989 i po tym roku, wprowadzenie takich zmian było konieczne. Przemawiała za tym także potrzeba dostosowania systemu karnego do wymogów nałożonych na państwa członkowskie przez Radę Europy i Unię Europejską. Z perspektywy 18 lat od wdrożenia systemu probacyjnego w ramach Ministerstwa Sprawiedliwości przedsięwzięcie to jest uznawane za sukces. Konieczne wydaje się jednak kontynuowanie dotychczasowego wysiłku, by system ten dodatkowo umocnić. Wykonywaniu środków probacyjnych musi bowiem towarzyszyć zmiana co do postrzegania przez członków społeczeństwa konieczności ich zaangażowania w proces reintegracji społecznej osób, które weszły w konflikt z prawem.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2020, XLII/1; 207-224
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Art. 163 Kodeksu Karnego w opiniach biegłych z zakresu pożarnictwa
Autorzy:
Koniuch, A.
Małozięć, D.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/372717.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Centrum Naukowo-Badawcze Ochrony Przeciwpożarowej im. Józefa Tuliszkowskiego
Tematy:
Kodeks Karny
pożar
ocena kwalifikacji prawnej
mienie
orzecznictwo
Penal Code
fire
assessment of legal classification
property
certification
Opis:
Autorzy przedstawiają sposób rozumienia pojęć „pożar”, „wiele osób” i „mienie w wielkich rozmiarach” przez pryzmat literatury prawniczej i orzecznictwa. Podane zostały szczegółowe interpretacje określeń „pożar”, „wiele osób” i „mienie w wielkich rozmiarach”, co pozwala na wyciagnięcie wniosku, że ocena kwalifikacji prawnej leży po stronie organu procesowego, który powinien przy ostatecznej ocenie kwalifikacji czynu ściśle współpracować z biegłym podpierając się jego ukierunkowaną i fachową wiedzą.
The paper is research limit of the way of comprehend notions „fire”, „a lot of people” and „great magnitude of property” arise from judical verdicts and comments of lawyers. Presented above in article interpretations enable drawing a conclusion that finall settelment of occurance of fire is within the competence of courts and public prosecutor. Assess of legal qualification should be joint action for lawyers and experts, however experts should only help in assessment by using their master hand’s knowlege.
Źródło:
Bezpieczeństwo i Technika Pożarnicza; 2008, 1; 81-98
1895-8443
Pojawia się w:
Bezpieczeństwo i Technika Pożarnicza
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prawnokarna ochrona wyborów i referendów w ustawodawstwach niektórych państw obszaru postsowieckiego
Criminal law protection of elections and referendum in selected post soviet countries legislation
Autorzy:
Wąsik, Danuta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/585428.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Łódzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe
Tematy:
wybory
referendum
kodeks karny
partia polityczna
ochrona
opozycja
państwa postsowieckie
elections
Penal Code
a political party
protection
opposition
post-Soviet states
Opis:
The aim of this publication is to highlight the different models of criminal law protection of elections and referendum in selected post-soviet countries. The author points out sources of legislation, especially by typing electoral abuses and their criminal sanctions. Legislation analyzed in this publication focuses on Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. The basis of main conclusions are also results of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) – Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) election reports. In support of theses contained in the study, the author recalls specific cases of electoral abuses that took place in countries mentioned above.
Źródło:
Studia Wyborcze; 2013, XVI; 113-135
1898-0082
Pojawia się w:
Studia Wyborcze
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Remarks on the Question of Cessation of the Running of Limitation Period for Amenability to a Penalty (Selected Issues)
Uwagi w kwestii przerwy biegu terminu przedawnienia karalności przestępstw (kwestie wybrane)
Autorzy:
Nowikowski, Ireneusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31348194.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
extension of the limitation period for the offence
limitation period
Penal Code
criminal proceedings
wydłużenie przedawnienia karalności przestępstwa
termin przedawnienia
Kodeks karny
postępowanie karne
Opis:
The author discusses the regulations concerning cessation of the running of limitation period for amenability to a penalty contained in the Act of 13 June 2019 amending the Penal Code and certain other acts, in the draft Act amending the Penal Code and certain other acts of 16 September 2021, and in the Act of 7 July 2022 amending the act – Penal Code and certain other acts. The Constitutional Tribunal in its judgment of 14 July 2020 (Kp 1/19) decided that the Act of 13 June 2019 amending the Penal Code and certain other acts was incompatible in its entirety with Article 7 in conjunction with Article 112 and Article 119 (1) of the Polish Constitution. According to the Constitutional Tribunal, the reason for the defectiveness of this law was the Sejm’s failure to observe the correct procedure for the adoption of this law as provided for in the Constitution. Under the proposed regulation, in the case of a reasonable suspicion of another offence found in the course of criminal proceedings, the criminality of this newly disclosed offence was supposed to be extended as set out in Article 102 § 1 of the Penal Code. A circumstance to cause an extension (or cessation) of the limitation period for a newly disclosed offence would be reasonable suspicion that the offence was committed. In that case, the amenability to a penalty for that offence would be temporally extended from the date on which the first evidence-taking activity was proceeded to determine whether that offence had been committed. The author criticized this proposal and put forward arguments challenging the validity of this amendment to the Penal Code. The discussion leads to the conclusion that the proposed amendment to Article 102 of the Penal Code does not guarantee that the time in which the circumstances justifying the extension of the limitation period for the offence would occur is precisely determined. The limitation period should be set in such a way as to allow precise determination of the lapse of that period. It determines the cessation of amenability to a penalty and thus the admissibility or inadmissibility of criminal proceedings. Moreover, the amendment does not guarantee that a reasonable suspicion of committing the crime arises. This, therefore, justifies the finding that legislation does not fulfil the guarantee (protection) function relating to statutes of limitation as a precondition of a criminal trial. For these reasons, the solution offered in proposed Article 102 § 2 of the Penal Code should be considered highly debatable.
Przedmiotem rozważań są regulacje dotyczące przerwy biegu terminu przedawnienia karalności przestępstw zawarte w ustawie z dnia 13 czerwca 2019 r. o zmianie ustawy – Kodeks karny oraz niektórych innych ustaw, w projekcie ustawy o zmianie ustawy Kodeks karny oraz niektórych innych ustaw z dnia 16 września 2021 r. i w ustawie z dnia 7 lipca 2022 r. o zmianie ustawy – Kodeks karny oraz niektórych innych ustaw. Trybunał Konstytucyjny w wyroku z dnia 14 lipca 2020 r. (Kp 1/19) orzekł, że ustawa z dnia 13 czerwca 2019 r. o zmianie ustawy – Kodeks karny oraz niektórych innych ustaw niezgodna jest w całości z art. 7 w zw. z art. 112 i art. 119 ust. 1 Konstytucji RP. Zdaniem Trybunału Konstytucyjnego przyczyną wadliwości owej ustawy było niezachowanie przez Sejm przewidzianego w Konstytucji trybu uchwalenia tej ustawy. Zgodnie z proponowaną regulacją jeżeli w toku wszczętego postępowania karnego powzięto uzasadnione podejrzenie popełnienia innego przestępstwa, to karalność tego nowo ujawnionego przestępstwa miała ulegać przedłużeniu w sposób określony w art. 102 § 1 Kodeksu karnego. Okolicznością, która powodowałaby wydłużenie (przerwę) przedawnienia karalności nowo ujawnionego przestępstwa, miałoby być uzasadnione podejrzenie popełnienia tego przestępstwa. W tym wypadku karalność tego przestępstwa ulegałaby przedłużeniu z dniem, w którym podjęto pierwszą czynność dowodową zmierzającą do ustalenia, czy przestępstwo to zostało popełnione. Autor krytycznie ocenił tę propozycję i wskazał argumenty kwestionujące zasadność tej nowelizacji Kodeksu karnego. Przeprowadzone rozważania pozwoliły na sformułowanie wniosku, że proponowana nowelizacja art. 102 Kodeksu karnego nie daje gwarancji dokładnego ustalenia czasu, w którym miałaby wystąpić okoliczność uzasadniająca wydłużenie przedawnienia karalności przestępstwa. Termin przedawnienia powinien być wyznaczony w taki sposób, który pozwala na precyzyjne ustalenie upływu tego terminu, decyduje on bowiem o ustaniu karalności przestępstwa, a tym samym dotyczy dopuszczalności albo niedopuszczalności procesu karnego. Ponadto nowelizacja ta nie daje gwarancji stwierdzenia zaistnienia uzasadnionego podejrzenia popełnienia przestępstwa. Uzasadnia to zatem stwierdzenie, że regulacja ta nie spełnia funkcji gwarancyjnej (ochronnej) związanej z przedawnieniem jako przesłanką procesu karnego. Z tych względów rozwiązanie zawarte w projektowanym art. 102 § 2 Kodeksu karnego należy uznać za wysoce dyskusyjne.
Źródło:
Studia Iuridica Lublinensia; 2022, 31, 3; 203-232
1731-6375
Pojawia się w:
Studia Iuridica Lublinensia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Fałsz materialny dokumentu w postaci faktury
Material falsehood of a document in the form of an invoice
Autorzy:
Rytelewska, Ewelina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/45671386.pdf
Data publikacji:
2024-06-13
Wydawca:
Akademia Policji w Szczytnie
Tematy:
faktura
fałsz materialny
podrobienie dokumentu
przerobienie dokumentu
używanie jako autentycznego
kodeks karny
VAT
invoice
material falsehood
forging a document
using it as authentic
Penal Code
Opis:
Artykuł jest próbą potwierdzenia zmian dokonanych w rozdziale XXXIV kodeksu karnego, przy szczególnym uwzględnieniu przestępstw przeciwko wiarygodności dokumentów. Dotyczy to głównie zmian wynikających z Ustawy z dnia 7 lipca 2022 r. o zmianie ustawy — Kodeks karny oraz niektórych innych ustaw (Dz.U. z 2022 r., poz. 2600). Celem zasadniczym jest wyjaśnienie tych zmian i podstawowy komentarz do nich istotny dla właściwego zrozumienia problematyki fałszu materialnego dokumentu w postaci faktury, określonego w art. 270a k.k. Analizując zakres regulacji prawnych, określających przestępstwo materialnego fałszerstwa dokumentu w postaci faktury lub dokumentów w postaci faktur VAT, wskazane jest omówienie przedmiotu ochrony i strony przedmiotowej przy uwzględnieniu pojęcia dokumentu w postaci faktury, podmiotu przestępstwa oraz strony podmiotowej § 1, § 2 i § 3 art. 270a k.k. Pragmatyczny komentarz i pogłębione opisy podstawowych pojęć, takie jak: podrobienie dokumentu, przerobienie dokumentu, użycie faktury czy kryteria wypadku mniejszej wagi, wskazują właściwą interpretację omawianej treści fałszu materialnego dokumentu w postaci faktury. Wykazana w artykule argumentacja odwołuje się do poglądów doktryny i orzecznictwa w omawianym zakresie tematycznym. Wykorzystana w opracowaniu literatura obejmuje pozycje cytowane i publikacje merytoryczne dla komentowanego artykułu. Problematyka przedstawiona w opracowaniu obejmuje stan prawny na dzień 28 grudnia 2023 r.
The article is an attempt to confirm the changes made in Chapter XXXIV of the Penal Code, with particular emphasis on crimes against the credibility of documents. This mainly concerns changes resulting from the consolidated text of July 7, 2022, consolidated text. Journal of Laws of 2024, item 17, where the main purpose is to explain and provide a basic commentary specifying the changes made by the legislature for the proper understanding of the issue of material falsity of a document in the form of an invoice, specified in Art. 270a of the Penal Code. When analyzing the scope of legal regulations defining the crime of material forgery of a document in the form of an invoice or VAT invoices, it is advisable to discuss the subject of protection and the objective side, taking into account the concept of a document in the form of an invoice, the subject of the crime and the subjective side of § 1, § 2 and § 3 Art. 270a of the Penal Code.Pragmatic commentary and indepth descriptions of basic concepts, such as: counterfeiting a document, forging a document, using an invoice or criteria for a minor accident, indicate the correct interpretation of the discussed content of the material falsity of the document.in the form of an invoice. The argumentation presented in the article refers to the views of the doctrine and case law in the discussed subject area. The literature used in the study includes cited items and substantive publications for the commented article. The issues presented in the study cover the legal status as of today december 28, 2023.
Źródło:
Przegląd Policyjny; 2024, 153(1); 125-135
0867-5708
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Policyjny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Koncepcje dialogowości Michaiła Bachtina a prawo karne
“Application” of tools of literary theory in the process of interpretation of the Penal Code on the example of Mikhail Bakhtin’s dialogic theory of the utterance
Autorzy:
Barczak-Oplustil, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/25129570.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
Tematy:
koncepcja dialogowości Bachtina
prawo jako literatura
Kodeks karny
interpretacja jako dialog
transtekstualność
Bakhtin’s dialogic theory
law as literature
Penal Code
interpretation as dialogue
transtextuality
Opis:
Artykuł stanowi spojrzenie na interpretację Kodeksu karnego z perspektywy koncepcji dialogowości Michaiła Bachtina. Poprzedzone ono zastało omówieniem podobieństw i różnic występujących między tekstem literackim a tekstem prawnym, na które wskazują przedstawiciele kierunku prawo i literatura. Punktem odniesienia dla czynionych rozważań był czasownik „powoduje”, analizowany z uwzględnieniem zmieniającego się kontekstu, jak również jego rozumienia przez adresatów zakazu, którego jest on częścią.
The article provides a look at the interpretation of the penal code from the perspective of Mikhail Bakhtin’s dialogic theory of the utterance. It was preceded by a description of the similarities and differences between literary text and legal text, indicated by representatives of “Law and Literature” movement. The reference point for these considerations was the verb “cause”, which was analyzed including the changing context, as well as its understanding by the addressees of the prohibition of which this word is a part.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Poetica; 2022, 10; 146-164
2353-4583
2449-7401
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Poetica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Odpowiedzialność dyscyplinarna sędziów Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w polskim porządku prawnym – część ii
Disciplinary Liability of Judges of the Constitutional Tribunal in the Polish Legal Order – Part II
Autorzy:
Kil, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/3174471.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-06-13
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Humanitas
Tematy:
Trybunał Konstytucyjny
odpowiedzialność dyscyplinarna
przewinienie dyscyplinarne
ustawa
Kodeks karny
odpowiednie stosowanie przepisów
Constitutional Tribunal
disciplinary liability
disciplinary offence
statutory law
Penal Code
appropriate application of legislation
Opis:
Artykuł poświęcono problematyce odpowiedzialności dyscyplinarnej sędziów Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w polskim porządku prawnym. W drugiej części opracowania omówiono zakres przedmiotowy i podmiotowy odpowiedzialności dyscyplinarnej sędziów Trybunału. W tym zakresie w artykule rozważono w szczególności ustawowe znamiona przewinienia dyscyplinarnego jak również granice temporalne odpowiedzialności dyscyplinarnej sędziów Trybunału. W drugiej części opracowania analizie poddano także przebieg postępowania dyscyplinarnego oraz przedstawiono wnioski i postulaty de lege ferenda wynikające z obu części publikacji.
This article is devoted to the problems of disciplinary liability of judges of the Constitutional Tribunal in the Polish legal order. The second part of the study discusses the subjective and objective scope of disciplinary liability of judges of the Constitutional Tribunal. In this context, the article considers specifically the constituent elements of a disciplinary offence and temporal limits of disciplinary liability of the Tribunal’s judges. In the second part of the study, also the course of disciplinary proceedings was presented and conclusions were given, including proposals de lege ferenda, following from both parts of the publication.
Źródło:
Roczniki Administracji i Prawa; 2023, 2(XXIII); 177-197
1644-9126
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Administracji i Prawa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Odpowiedzialność dyscyplinarna sędziów Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w polskim porządku prawnym – część I
Disciplinary Liability of Judges of the Constitutional Tribunal in the Polish Legal Order – Part I
Autorzy:
Kil, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/3200721.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-04-12
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Humanitas
Tematy:
Trybunał Konstytucyjny
odpowiedzialność dyscyplinarna
przewinienie
dyscyplinarne
ustawa
Kodeks karny
odpowiednie stosowanie przepisów
Constitutional Tribunal
disciplinary liability
disciplinary offence
statutory law
Penal Code
appropriate application of legislation
Opis:
Artykuł poświęcono problematyce odpowiedzialności dyscyplinarnej sędziów Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w polskim porządku prawnym. W pierwszej części opracowania wskazano na znaczenie odpowiedzialności dyscyplinarnej dla zagwarantowania należytego etosu zawodowo-etycznego osób pełniących funkcje judykacyjne w Trybunale Konstytucyjnym, jak również poddano analizie źródła normatywne regulujące odpowiedzialność dyscyplinarną sędziów Trybunału. W tym ostatnim zakresie w artykule rozważono w szczególności możliwość odpowiedniego stosowania na gruncie odpowiedzialności dyscyplinarnej sędziów TK przepisów Kodeksu karnego oraz przyjrzano się kwestii zakresu odpowiedniego stosowania przepisów ustawy z dnia 27 lipca 2001 r. – Prawo o ustroju sądów powszechnych (tekst jedn. Dz.U. 2020, poz. 2072) w trakcie rozstrzygania o odpowiedzialności dyscyplinarnej sędziów Trybunału.
This article is devoted to the problems of disciplinary liability of judges of the Constitutional Tribunal in the Polish legal order. The first part of the study indicates the significance of disciplinary liability from the point of view of guaranteeing due professional ethics for persons holding judicial positions in the Constitutional Tribunal, and analyses the normative sources governing disciplinary liability of the Tribunal’s judges. With regard to the latter, the possibility was considered of appropriate application, in the context of disciplinary liability of judges of the Constitutional Tribunal, of the Penal Code as well as the scope of appropriate application of the Act of 27 July 2001 – Law on the ordinary courts (consolidated text: Dz. U. 2020, poz. 2072) when resolving matters of disciplinary liability of the Tribunal’s judges.
Źródło:
Roczniki Administracji i Prawa; 2023, 1(XXIII); 159-171
1644-9126
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Administracji i Prawa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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