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Wyszukujesz frazę "Maria Kazimiera" wg kryterium: Temat


Wyświetlanie 1-4 z 4
Tytuł:
Medale upamiętniające osobę Marii Kazimiery pochodzące z okresu koronacji i peregrynacji pary królewskiej po Pomorzu Gdańskim (Uwagi ikonograficzne)
Medals Commemorating the Person of Marie Casimire, from the Time of Coronation and the Gdańsk Pomerania Pilgrimage of the Royal Couple. Iconographic Comments
Autorzy:
Rokita, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/560648.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne i Drukarnia w Sandomierzu
Tematy:
Medale
ikonografia
Maria Kazimiera
Jan III Sobieski
Pomorze Gdańskie
Medal
iconography
Marie Casimire
Gdańsk Pomerania
Opis:
Autor artykułu opisał trzynaście przykładów dzieł sztuki (malarstwa, grafiki, rzeźby, medalierstwa, numizmatyki, kartografii) mających związek z medalem i żetonem gloryfikującym postać małżonki Jana III Sobieskiego. Jak przekonuje autor większość wyobrażeń artystycznych, które zostały przez medaliera włączone do kompozycji artystycznej w mniejszym lub większym stopniu nawiązuje do wcześniejszych wzorów graficznych i medalierskich. W przypadku rewersu żetonu Marii Kazimiery można mówić o inspiracjach zarówno przedstawieniami na monetach antycznych (denar z ok. 71 r. p.n.e.) i późniejszych numizmatach (medal z 1670 roku) jak i rycinami publikowanymi w zbiorze Jacoba Typotiusa (emblemat Rudolfa II Habsburga) i kompozycjami wykonanymi w technice fresku (podobizna Diany na rydwanie z wnętrza klasztoru katolickiego św. Pawła w Parmie). Pierwsza strona kolejnego medalu królewskiej małżonki powstała natomiast w oparciu o wcześniejszą rycinę portretową Marii Kazimiery, wykonaną w XVII wieku w warsztacie Francesca Leone. Natomiast rewers zawierający wyobrażenie Junony prze-mieszczającej się na rydwanie w kierunku słońca oraz podobiznę Gdańska i jego najbliż-szych okolic nawiązuje do współczesnych przedstawień kartograficznych, w oparciu o które Jan Höhn (Hoehn) st. zaprojektował w 1654 roku medal będący jak się wydaje podstawą dla późniejszej pracy jego syna, Jana Höhna (Hoehna).
The author of the article described thirteen examples of the works of art (of painting, graphics, sculpture, metallic art, numismatics, cartography) correlating with the medal and the token extolling the figure of the wife of Jan III Sobieski. The author shows how the majority of artistic ideas that were used by the medalist in the artistic composition to a smaller or larger degree refer to an earlier graphic and medallic formulae. Regarding the reverse side of the Marie Casimire coin one could speak to the inspiration of antique money (denar from cir. 71 BCE) and later numismats (medals from 1670) and prints published in a collection Jacobus Typotius (emblem of Rudolph II of Habsburg) and composition made in the fresco technique (Diana's image on the chariot from the inside of the Catholic monastery St. Paul in Parma). The front side of the medal of the kings wife was based on earlier sketches of Marie Casimire created in the workshop of Francesca Leone. The revers side however contains an image of Juno moving on a chariot towards the sun and the image of Gdańsk, this is supported by contemporary cartographic surroundings closest to him, shown on the medal which John Höhn (Hoehn) the elder designed in 1654. It seems this was the basis for the later work of his son, John Höhna (Hoehna).
Źródło:
Studia Sandomierskie. Teologia-Filozofia-Historia; 2017, 24; 109-128
0208-7626
Pojawia się w:
Studia Sandomierskie. Teologia-Filozofia-Historia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Konwencja epistolograficzna i bezpośredniość wyrazu w listach Jana III Sobieskiego do Marysieńki
Autorzy:
Kosmalska, Weronika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/668015.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie
Tematy:
Jan III Sobieski
Marysieńka
Maria Kazimiera d’Arquien
letters
directness of expression
love letters
king of Poland
baroque
epistolography convention
history of literature
correspondence
literary studies
listy
bezpośredniość wyrazu
listy miłosne
Maria Kazimiera d'Arquien
konwencja epistolograficzna
król Polski
barok
historia literatury
XVII wiek
korespondencja
literaturoznawstwo
Opis:
The article recounts about Jan III Sobieski’s epistles from 1655–1683 which were written to his wife Maria Kazimiera d’Arquien. The division of listing’s model, which was made by Robert Ganszyniec, and the framing of letters’ type according to Stefania Skwarczyńska were taken as a basis in creation of interesting epistolographic convection category typical for Sobieski. Furthermore the text reveals the manner in which Sobieski reaches a directness of the statements as well as the themes which dominate in his letters and the way of taboo implementation. However, the article does not present the letters in detachment with historical and socio-cultural reality. The correspondence of Jan and Maria Sobieski is not only an evidence of great love but also reveals historical events from the participants’ perspective with signs of baroque. The article includes many citations from epistles written by Jan III Sobieski in order to present the reader the discussed issues sufficiently. It also presents the stand of the most accomplished literary historians such as Stefania Skwarczyńska, Alojzy Sajkowski or Leszek Kukulski.
Artykuł traktuje o epistołach Jana III Sobieskiego do żony Marii Kazimiery d'Arquien z lat 1655-1683. Bazując na podziale modeli listowania dokonanym przez Roberta Ganszyńca oraz koncepcji rodzajów listów Stefanii Skwarczyńskiej, powstała interesująca kategoria konwencji epistolograficznej charakterystyczna wyłącznie dla Sobieskiego. Ponadto tekst ukazuje w jaki sposób Sobieski osiąga bezpośredniość wypowiedzi, jakie tematy dominują w jego listach oraz w jaki sposób realizuje tabu. Artykuł nie przedstawia listów w oderwaniu od realiów historycznych i społeczno-kulturowych. Korespondencja państwa Sobieskich oprócz świadectwa wielkiej miłości ukazuje także wydarzenia historyczne z perspektywy ich uczestników oraz nosi znamiona epoki baroku. By omawiane zagadnienia dostatecznie przedstawić czytelnikowi, artykuł zawiera wiele cytatów z epistoł pisanych przez Jana III Sobieskiego oraz prezentuje stanowiska najznamienitszych historyków literatury takich jak Stefania Skwarczyńska, Alojzy Sajkowski, czy Leszek Kukulski.
Źródło:
Racjonalia. Z punktu widzenia humanistyki; 2017, 7
2391-6540
2083-9952
Pojawia się w:
Racjonalia. Z punktu widzenia humanistyki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Geneza i rozwój konfliktu królowej Marii Kazimiery Sobieskiej z synem Jakubem
The genesis and development of the conflict of Queen Marie Casimire Sobieska with son Jacob
Autorzy:
Dębski, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/687847.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Maria Kazimiera Sobieska
Jakub Sobieski
Jan III Sobieski
Ludwika Karolina Radziwiłłówna
Melchior de Polignac
Marie Casimire Sobieska
Jacob Sobieski
John III Sobieski
Opis:
The following article discusses the genesis of the little-known conflict of Queen Marie Casimire Sobieska with her eldest son Jacob. While not considering the complexity of the causes of this conflict, it is believed to be the reason for Jacob’s failure in taking the place upon the throne. Marie Casimire’s biggest dream was Jacob’s or one’s of his brother taking on the crown after their father. The eldest prince was brought up not only in a sense of hope, but also in warm relations with the closest. Unfortunately, in the final years of John III Sobieski’s life, Jacob decided to distance himself from parents with unjustified motives. According to public opinion the conflict with the royal couple, and then with his mother became a political issue. The opponents of the Sobieski family claimed that Marie Casimire Sobieska and Jacob were the political enemies. Due to the fact that this conflict was still ongoing, there were no chance to arise the Sobieski dynasty in Poland.
Artykuł porusza problem mało znanej genezy konfliktu Marii Kazimiery z najstarszym synem Jakubem – sporu, który bez zagłębiania się w jego złożone przyczyny, uznaje się za główny powód porażki najstarszego z królewiczów Sobieskich w walce o polski tron. Największym marzeniem Marii Kazimiery było to, aby Jakub (bądź któryś z jego braci) objął „ojcowską koronę”. W poczuciu takich nadziei i w ciepłych relacjach z najbliższymi wychowywany był najstarszy królewicz. Niestety, w ostatnich latach życia króla Jana III Sobieskiego Jakub, z całkowicie niesłusznych pobudek, poważnie odsunął się od rodziców. Spór z parą królewską, a następnie z matką w oczach opinii publicznej stał się politycznym konfliktem. Oponenci Sobieskich utwierdzali wszystkich w przekonaniu, że Marysieńka i Jakub są politycznymi wrogami. Temat zatargu (który był splotem wielu nieporozumień) Marii Kazimiery z synem powracał, co ostatecznie pogrzebało szanse na założenie w Polsce dynastii Sobieskich.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 2017, 98; 25-41
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Królewskie egzekwie w warszawskim kościele kapucynów w XVIII wieku
Royal Exequies in the Warsaw Capuchin Church in the 18th Century
Autorzy:
Osiecka-Samsonowicz, Hanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/24565461.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Sztuki PAN
Tematy:
Maria Kazimiera D’Arquien Sobieska
Jan III Sobieski
August II Mocny
Joachim Daniel Jauch
Alessandro Galli-Bibiena
kościół kapucynów w Warszawie
uroczystości egzekwialne
pogrzeby serc w Rzeczypospolitej XVIII w.
castrum doloris
katafalk
Marie Casimire D’Arquein Sobieska
John III Sobieski
Augustus II the Strong
Joachim Daniel von Jauch
Capuchin Church in Warsaw
Exequies
burials of hearts in the 18th-cetury Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
catafalque
Opis:
W artykule omówiono plastyczną oprawę egzekwii odprawionych z inicjatywy Augusta II Mocnego za Marię Kazimierę Sobieską w 1717 r. oraz uroczystości związanych z wystawieniem trumien królowej, Jana III Sobieskiego i ich wnuka, zorganizowanych przez królewicza Jakuba Sobieskiego w 1733 r. Analiza rysunków Joachima Daniela Jaucha ze zbiorów Sächsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv w Dreźnie, wsparta źródłami archiwalnymi, pozwoliła na próbę usystematyzowania bogatego materiału ikonograficznego dotyczącego projektów artysty z okazji pochówku serca Augusta II Mocnego w Kapicy Królewskiej w 1736 r., jej dekoracji oraz wystroju kościoła w czasie egzekwii za monarchę, odprawianych w rocznice jego śmierci na polecenie Augusta III przez blisko dwadzieścia pięć lat. Uroczystości te, celebrowane w jednej z najważniejszych sakralnych fundacji Jana III, były ważnym elementem saskiej propagandy politycznej.
The Capuchin Church in Warsaw was one of the major sacral foundations of John III Sobieski who passed away in 1696. Owing to a complex political situation, the King’s remains were not buried then at the Wawel, but only in 1697, following a modest ceremony, they were deposited at the Capuchin Monastery, while his heart was placed in the Order’s archives. In 1700, the body of his grandson John, son of James Sobieski, was deposited next to the monarch’s coffin, while in 1717, the coffin of Marie Casimire Sobieski who passed away in France, was added there. In March that year, as instructed and financed by Augustus II the Strong, exequies were performed to pray for the Queen. The ceremony had an important propaganda undertone. Not only did the bier feature inscriptions exposing the merits of Augustus II who made sure the late Queen would rest in peace, but also thanks to the resolution of the so-called Silent Seym in session merely a fortnight before, he had made an attempt at reforming the state’s political system, and introduced the long-awaited peace to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. At least as of 1731, James Sobieski was trying in vain to organize a dignified burial of the remains of his parents which were decaying in the Warsaw Monastery. However, the indebted Prince could not afford their costly exportation to the Cracow Cathedral and the funeral there. It is likely that he was the one who decided to have exequies performed in the Capuchin Church on the 50thanniversary of the Relief of Vienna, with his parents’ coffins lying in state. It seems likely that precisely this planned ceremony has to be connected with the drawing of the castrum doloris found at the National Gallery of Art in Washington DC attributed to Alessandro Galli-Bibiena, and, according to the inscription, executed for the victor from Vienna and his spouse (Fig. 1). From around 1716 Alessandro worked as an architect at the court of James Sobieski’s brother-in- law Charles III Philip Pfalz-Neuburg who may have commissioned the design of the catafalque from the artist coming from a famous family of decorators. Nonetheless, the design, not mentioned in any studies dedicated to the Galli-Bibiena workshop, was never implemented. When on 1 February 1733 Augustus II died in Warsaw, the issue of the remains of John III and Marie Casimire awaiting their burial at the Wawel returned to the fore; the decision was made for their remains together with Wettin’s body to be transported to Cracow, which took place in August that year. On the instruction of James Sobieski the coffins of John III, Marie Casimire, and of their grandson lay in state in the Capuchin Church already on 15 May. The description of the church’s funerary decoration is rendered in a hand-written Latin report published also in the Polish translation. In front of the chancel a castrum doloris was raised containing the coffins of the royal couple and their grandson, before which the box with the heart of John III was exposed. Above, a velvet canopy was suspended, while in the corners four plinths crowned with globes and eagles holding laurel twigs of which silver candle holders grew were placed. The catafalque and the coffins, the high altar and the Church’s walls were decorated with crimson cloths, while the ceiling featured al fresco compositions related to the idea of the ceremony and the King's reign. The body of Augustus II was transported to the Warsaw Castle, and the monarch’s heart was sent to Dresden; meanwhile, his viscera were deposited ‘de mandato Reipublicae’ in the crypt of the Capuchin Church. It was only on 31 January 1736 that the ceremony of the transfer of the vessel containing the royal viscera to a marble urn raised in the middle of the ‘oratory’ adjacent to the Church took place; the oratory’s remodelling into a chapel, later called ‘Royal’, had been commissioned by Augustus III the year before, however, works on its decoration had not been completed. Thanks to the Latin hand-written account of the event and a press note it is known that in the Church as such only a plinth crowned with regalia was placed before the high altar. During the exequies held in the Capuchin Church on the King’s death anniversary in 1737, an analogical plinth was surrounded by eight pillars-guéridons resembling herms in shape, adorned with fruit and plant garlands: four lower ones culminated in crowns, while the higher ones featured eagles perched on globes. It may have been this very composition (or its version) that was rendered in the drawing by Joachim Daniel von Jauch (Figs. 5–7) preserved in the Dresden Sächsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv; he was the designer of the decoration for royal exequies and also of the Royal Chapel and its furnishing completed after 1737 (Figs. 8–9). Other drawings by Jauch from the Dresden archives register the designs of the Church’s decor on the occasion of subsequent death anniversaries of Augustus II. The explanation featured in the drawings suggests that the illustrated elements were reused annually with only minor modifications. Interestingly, the composition of eight pillars-guéridons, was almost identical with the ones visible in the above-mentioned design, with the only difference that the four lower ones were interconnected with ogees forming a richly decorated canopy over the plinths with the regalia (Figs. 10–13). Similar pillars-guéridons were placed on the catafalque corners in the Collegiate Church of St John in Warsaw during the exequies for Augustus II in 1735; the decoration for that ceremony had also been the artist’s work (Figs. 14a–15). Eclectic designs by Jauch suggest that in the case of pillars-guéridons he was inspired by French print pattern books (Figs. 16a–b, 17). The traditional elements, serving mainly the décor of royal and magnate residences, were, however, given by him a new function in the funerary arrangement, and they  in a way constituted his trademark in this domain of his art. Therefore, it can be assumed that the decoration of the Capuchin Church for the exequies for the Sobieskis in 1733 with the four pillars with the globes and eagles on the top, known from the descriptions, were also the artist’s work. In the concept of the canopy Jauch resorted to the tradition of the Roman Baroque, though this may have also happened through the mediation of French art present at the court of the House of Wettin. The finial in the form of four converging volutes at the top, echoing Bernini’s canopy in the Vatican Basilica was frequent in France in altar structures popularized thanks to prints, beginning with that in the Paris Notre-Dame du Val-de-Grâce Church (1665) almost until the end of the 18th century (Figs. 23–25). Wettin’s viscera were placed in the Capuchin Church in order to benefit from the legend of John III, but also to reduce the latter’s importance in order to serve the Saxon political propaganda initiated by Augustus II with the exequies for Marie Casimire. The tradition of commemorating the anniversary of the death of Augustus II cultivated for over twenty-five years, until the end of the reign of Augustus III (1763), recorded in the press, led to the fact that Augustus II overshadowed the figure of the Church’s founder. It was only in 1830 that the box with the heart of John III was transferred to the Royal Chapel rebuilt then. In 1919, the first mass after Poland had regained independence was celebrated there: it was dedicated to John III. Thanks to the preserved photographs there is no doubt that from the elements kept in the monastery it was the catafalque with a wood-carved volute canopy designed for Augustus II (Figs. 27, 28a–f, 29), and not the castrum doloris of John III and Marie Casimire from 1733 that was recreated. The structure from 1919 was raised again in 1924 in St John’s Cathedral in Warsaw for the funeral of Henryk Sienkiewicz (Fig. 30), and for the last time, again as a historic monument connected with John III, at an exhibition mounted at the National Museum in Warsaw in 1933.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Historii Sztuki; 2021, 83, 3; 569-615
0006-3967
2719-4612
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Historii Sztuki
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-4 z 4

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