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    Wyświetlanie 1-7 z 7
    Tytuł:
    Wall Paintings in Ancient Cyprus: The Hellenistic and Roman Tombs of Paphos and Its Region
    Autorzy:
    Lysandrou, Vasiliki
    Michaelides, Demetrios
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1975648.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Kultur Śródziemnomorskich i Orientalnych PAN
    Tematy:
    Hellenistic period
    Roman period
    wall paintings
    tombs
    Nea Paphos
    Cyprus
    Opis:
    This paper presents the wall paintings decorating a number of Hellenistic and Roman tombs, of various architectural types, in Paphos and the region. The paper gathers together for the first time all the known published and unpublished painted tombs of the city, which are studied on the basis of observations made on the actual decoration preserved either in situ or in the laboratory of the Paphos District Museum, and with the use of all pertinent publications. A catalogue of these tombs has been created and this is accompanied by a map with the geographic location of each example. The various themes represented on wall paintings have been divided into groups and are discussed accordingly, while the manufacturing technology of a sample of the wall paintings is examined using both non-contact and analytical tools.
    Źródło:
    Études et Travaux (Institut des Cultures Méditerranéennes et Orientales de l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences); 2021, 34; 207-253
    2084-6762
    2449-9579
    Pojawia się w:
    Études et Travaux (Institut des Cultures Méditerranéennes et Orientales de l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences)
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Fragments of Wall Paintings From Polish Excavations at Kom El-Dikka, Alexandria
    Autorzy:
    Tkaczow, Barbara
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/484136.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Kultur Śródziemnomorskich i Orientalnych PAN
    Tematy:
    wall paintings
    Kom el-Dikka
    Alexandria
    Hellenistic period
    Roman period
    Byzantine period
    Opis:
    The study of mural painting in ancient Alexandria is still based on images decorating walls of Alexandrian tombs due to the fact that discoveries of painted plaster at archaeological sites in the ancient city are rather scarce and poorly documented. For this reason, the analysis of painted decorations from both public buildings and private houses has to be supported with references to the material from the necropolis. Fragments of mural paintings, unfortunately not in large numbers, were found on the walls of buildings discovered at Polish excavations at Kom el-Dikka. They are mostly decorations of house interiors, both from the Early Roman and Imperial Periods (first–third centuries AD) as well as the Late Antique Period (fifth–sixth centuries AD). Very few remains of painted decoration of public buildings were preserved in several so-called auditoria and in some rooms of Imperial Baths. Rich assemblages of painted plaster pieces were found in debris filling interiors of particular buildings. A common presence of uniform patterns and colours indicates that the majority of the material might have come from a single large edifice located in the vicinity of Kom el-Dikka. The material, which consists of several hundred remains, includes a rich selection of imitation of stone revetment, fragments of ornamental decorations and pieces which come from bigger figural compositions. All this material could be a starting point for an in-depth study of painted decoration of Alexandrian architecture between the first and the sixth centuries AD.
    Źródło:
    Études et Travaux (Institut des Cultures Méditerranéennes et Orientales de l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences); 2014, 27; 421-439
    2084-6762
    2449-9579
    Pojawia się w:
    Études et Travaux (Institut des Cultures Méditerranéennes et Orientales de l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences)
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Obraz Boga w Pierwszej Księdze Machabejskiej
    The Image of God in the First Book of Maccabees
    Autorzy:
    Baran, Grzegorz M.
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1051482.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015-11-14
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II
    Tematy:
    1 Księga Machabejska
    obraz Boga
    okres hellenistyczny
    1 Maccabbees
    God
    Hellenistic period
    Opis:
    The First Book of Maccabees – although belongs to the historical books of the Old Testament – also has an important theological value. The issue ofthe image of God, outlined in this article, is one out of the many theological themes presented in that work. This image – as it is clear from the analysis of the text of 1 Macc – was presented by the biblical author in the context of historical events which constituted, for the hagiographer, the space of God’s activity, through which God let Himself known. The featured image of God is undoubtedly an expression of faith of the hagiographer and of the community to which he belonged. This is evidenced by terms referring to God (Heaven, He, You etc.), which very strongly emphasize His transcendence. As it is clear from the analysis of texts, the biblical author explicitly referred to the entire theological tradition of the Old Testament and therefore presented God, who helped Israel in the whole history, also in Hellenistic times as punishing for unrighteousness, listening to prayers, supporting and saving His people from its enemies, as well as taking vengeance on them.
    Źródło:
    The Biblical Annals; 2014, 4, 2; 355-380
    2083-2222
    2451-2168
    Pojawia się w:
    The Biblical Annals
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wykorzystanie terakot ptolemejskich w badaniach nad religiami domowymi i osobistą pobożnością egipskich wojowników. Wybrane problemy
    The use of Ptolemaic terracotas for research into domestic religions and personal piety of egyptian warriors. Selected examples
    Autorzy:
    Jędraszek, Sławomir
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/584765.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Łódzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe
    Tematy:
    okres hellenistyczny
    Egipt
    terakoty
    religia
    wojownicy
    Hellenistic period
    Egypt
    terracottas
    personal religion
    warriors
    Opis:
    Artykuł prezentuje problematykę związaną z interpretacją wybranych egipskich terakot z okresu hellenistycznego, przedstawiających egipskie bóstwa w konwencji wojowników. Autor, starał się odpowiedzieć na pytanie o znaczenie tej grupy zabytków rozpatrywanych w aspekcie prywatnej (indywidualnej) pobożności, domowego kultu oraz religii. Szczególna uwaga została poświecona egipskiej elicie: zwłaszcza żołnierzom/kapłanom – oficerom z funkcjami kapłańskimi, którzy w II wieku przed Chr. byli rekrutowani przez władców ptolemejskich spośród egipskich rodzin, oraz rodzimą klasę wojowników, którą Grecy określali jako machimoi. W ramach tej bogatej kategorii zabytków terakotowych, zaprezentowano pewne aspekty analizy ikonograficznej, skupiając się przede wszystkim na egipskich bóstwach, takich jak apotropaiczny Bes, szczególnie w jego wojskowej formule. Zanalizowano również militarną formułę manifestacji Horusa, boga Harpokratesa, syna Izydy i Ozyrysa, wyobrażonego w jego militarnej konwencji (często w pełnym uzbrojeniu). Te terakotowe wyobrażenia, mogły funkcjonować w kilku kategoriach prywatnego rytuału oraz kultu indywidualnego, związanego z wizerunkiem bóstwa, kultem oficjalnym, jak i w czynnościach związanych z magicznymi obrzędami. Niniejszy artykuł, nie odnosi się tylko do samej ikonograficznej analizy przykładów bóstw jak Bes czy Harpokrates, ale przedstawia również społeczne tło, żołnierzy niższego szczebla oraz oficerów pełniących funkcje kapłańskie w ptolemejskiej armii.
    The subject of the following article is the problems surrounding the interpretation of Egyptian military terracotta figurines representing Egyptian deities from Hellenistic period. In the present paper, I will attempt to find an answer to the question the study of this class of objects permits us to answer contemporary questions concerning the personal (individual) piety, worship, household cult and religion. Special attention will be given to the Egyptian elite: especially soldier/priests – officers with priestly functions, which from the second century BC the Ptolemaic rulers recruited from among Egyptians families, and to the native military class, whom the Greeks called machimoi. The iconographic range of this category of objects is very wide, and I also intend to raise certain aspects of the iconographic analysis. I will concentrate above all on Egyptian deities such as the protective, dwarf god Bes, especially in his military forms. Then I shall turn to the god Harpocrates, the son of Osiris and Isis, a manifestation of Horus, showing his military manifestations (often fully armed). These terracotta figurines might conceivably function in the domestic practice of several types of ritual. The worship of deities where the terracotta served as a cult image of deities, also in the royal cult, and in the performance of magical rites. This article is, therefore, not only concerned with the iconographic analysis of chosen terracotta examples of a single deity, such as Bes or Harpocrates, but also presents social background of the lower-level soldiers, and officers with priestly functions within the Ptolemaic army.
    Źródło:
    Acta Archaeologica Lodziensia; 2016, 62; 51-61
    0065-0986
    2451-0300
    Pojawia się w:
    Acta Archaeologica Lodziensia
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Petrographic Variability of the Fabrics of Wine Jars from Sha‘ar-Ha Amakim as a Reflection of Differences in Their Provenance and Chronology
    Autorzy:
    Michniewicz, Jacek
    Młynarczyk, Jolanta
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/484083.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Kultur Śródziemnomorskich i Orientalnych PAN
    Tematy:
    Sha‘ar-Ha Amakim
    wine jars
    Persian period
    Hellenistic period
    Roman period
    jars petrography
    Opis:
    The aim of the present study is to investigate the relationship between the shape of the Levantine wine jars discovered at Sha‘ar-Ha Amakim and the petrography of their respective fabrics. The majority of sampled ceramic material originates in well-defined chronological phases of the settlement at the site, spanning the Persian through to the Middle Roman periods. The obtained results clearly demonstrate a connection between the historical period and the raw materials used in jar production. Specifically, the jars of the Phoenician type used in the Persian and Hellenistic periods were made from a fairly homogeneous raw material, the features of which such as the content of the fragments of the coralline alga Amphiroa confirm the previous results of the investigations of jars whose fabric has been considered as Phoenician. On the other hand the bag-shaped jars, especially those of the Hellenistic period, are characterized by the more diversified petrography of their fabrics, suggesting that they were produced by a number of local workshops to supply the needs of local wineries. Finally, the Roman period brings an abrupt change in the production of wine containers, with the introduction of the common use of the fine ferruginous soil rich in quartz silt.
    Źródło:
    Études et Travaux (Institut des Cultures Méditerranéennes et Orientales de l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences); 2017, 30; 339-387
    2084-6762
    2449-9579
    Pojawia się w:
    Études et Travaux (Institut des Cultures Méditerranéennes et Orientales de l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences)
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Kolos rodyjski: gdzie stał i jak był wykonany
    Autorzy:
    Wujewski, Tomasz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/909481.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-05-07
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    art of ancient Greece
    Hellenistic period
    Colossus of Rhodes
    problems of location and construction technique
    Opis:
    Colossus of Rhodes: Where It Stood and How It Was Made The author, just as Ursula Vedder, who has expressed the same opinion recently, has been long sure that the place where the Colossus of Rhodes was located was the acropolis of the town of Rhodes. The paper includes also some arguments that have not been presented by the German scholar. At first, some source information concerning the Colossus has been briefly summarized. For instance, the expression in APV, 171 (Overbeck 1543), ou gar hyper pelagos monon anthesan alla kai en ga, may be understood as confirming its location in the acropolis: “it stood not only close to the sea, but also on the earth.” In fact, there it would have loomed over the land and the sea, and, as big as it was, it could be seen from a distance. The text by Philo of Byzantium is not credible, as it was written quite late. Then the problem has been analyzed critically. As regards the legend of Colossus bestriding the entrance to the harbor, one may add to the already listed counterarguments that for static reasons a piece of sculpture shaped that way would have needed a third footing attached to the sea bottom at the harbor entrance, which would have made the ships’ access to the harbor difficult. Besides, such a pose of a god would have seemed a little indecent. A hypothesis that situates the Colossus at the end of a pier in the Mandraki Bay, preferred by many scholars, also has its weak points. Placed there, the construction site would have been too small, particularly that construction took at least twelve years, and it would have been difficult to move building materials along the narrow and long pier which under such circumstances could not be used as part of the harbor. According to Strabo (XIV, 2, 5) the harbor was accessible only to authorized personnel. Was it then a good location for a work of art intended to glorify the people of Rhodes? Even if the Colossus had been accessible there, it would have been visible only in a shortened perspective, in frog’s eye view. Still, the most important was the problem of proper display of the statue. Placed on the pier, it would have to turn its back either to the town, or to the sea, and in both cases connotations would have been unwelcome. Such details were essential for ancient Greeks. For static and constructional reasons, one must also reject a hypothesis that the Colossus put his palm over the eyes, as if examining the horizon. If it is true that the relics of the statue remained for several hundred years intact, they would have blocked access to the harbor since most probably they would have fallen into the sea. Besides, would the iron elements have resisted corrosion well enough to be recognizable? Placed on the pier, the Colossus would have been invisible to the crews of ships approaching the town from the west and the same would have been true had it been situated at the present location of the palace of the Great Masters of the Knights Hospitaller. The placement of the statue in the sanctuary of Helios at the present corner of Sofouli and Khimaras streets is also improbable, since the area is really small and the Colossus would not have made a prominent component of the town skyline. Hence, the acropolis must have been the most convenient place, just as in other Greek towns, particularly in Athens where it was the site of the city patron’s worship. Some scholars argue that the temple in the acropolis was dedicated to Apollo, but when the Colossus was constructed Apollo was commonly identified with Helios who was the most important patron of the island. The statue, with his face turned to the east – the town and the sea – might have stood near that temple (ill. 1-2), towering over it. From the west, the steep rock of the acropolis practically made it impossible to watch the Colossus from the western shore, while from the sea it was visible only as a silhouette, an orientation point for the approaching ships (ill. 3), particularly if it was gilded like the statue of Athena Promachos in Athens. This can actually be the origin of the legend that the Colossus of Rhodes was also a lighthouse. Situated in the acropolis, the statue would have been visible both from the town and the sea on both sides of the island. If the damaged Colossus remained intact for centuries, it was because removing it from the acropolis was much more difficult than removing from the wharf. The noun “colossus” originally meant “something towering” (cf. Colossae and Colophon, towns upon hills). The other part of the paper focuses on the technology of construction. Some scholars were too eager to draw from Philo’s description conclusions about the Colossus’ structure and the building methods applied. If the statue had stood at the end of the pier, most likely it would not have been hilled up since the area was too small. Due to the pressure of dirt, boarding such an embankment (A. Gabriel’s claim) would have required 40-45 meter long struts for which there was no room. Moreover, with each subsequent raising of the embankment the struts would have to be multiplied and made much longer, which would have been both costly and technologically challenging. With each new layer of dirt, founding furnaces would have to be removed (as, according to Gabriel, they were located on the embankment) and then put back. A high embankment would have required the use of gigantic ladders, unstable and dangerous. What is more, it would have made it impossible to control the form of the work in progress. All that would have been irrational, while ancient Greeks do not really deserve such a charge. In the author’s opinion, the Colossus was erected within a wooden scaffolding. Founding particular elements of the statue on site was rather unlikely. An external dirt coat would not have helped since there was no clay core inside it, which would have made the alloy’s cooling speed radically unequal. Partial casting is also unlikely as it would have required a 1:1 model (30-35 meters high). Had the model been smaller, errors in calculating detailed measurements would have been inevitable. The author believes that the Colossus of Rhodes was made of hammered bronze sheets riveted to the inner metal skeleton. Such a technique made vertical transportation easier and allowed the constructors to correct the process of montage by bending the sheets whenever necessary. It cannot be excluded that the heads of the rivets and lines of contact between the sheets were masked with solders that did not require much alloy, although in higher sections of the statue the wind would have cooled it quite rapidly. The noun “colossus” did not originally imply a gigantic size but only a slightly archaic look of the sculpture so that the Colossus of Rhodes might have been somewhat similar to very ancient and artistically primitive stiff statues of Helios. On the other hand, it might have alluded to the mythic Telchins who were the first to make statues of gods. (For static reasons, contrapposto was out of the question in the statues of that size, besides it would have been impossible to fill its interior with stones.) Another aspect of making the Colossus look archaic was the use of a modified technique of sphyrelaton. In the author’s opinion, the base of the statue and maybe its higher parts as well, up to the level of ankles, contained carefully sized and braced blocks of stone. They were drilled through to hold the lower ends of the metal internal skeleton made according to the schema of a spatial grid, perhaps used on that occasion for the first time in history. Such a fixture protected the Colossus from the wind pressure so effectively that it remained standing for dozens of years, being vulnerable to earthquakes. The fallen Colossus must have looked like a debris of rods and tin, while the stones from the fixture could be seen in the “abyss” (Plinius), below the level of the ankles, where the structure was actually bent (it must have been bent there rather than at the level of the knees, since looking inside the ruin was easy: the ankles were situated about two meters above the base.) The third footing point might have been camouflaged with some attribute (a spear or a torch). It cannot be excluded that originally Chares had been planning a statue half the final size, similar to the previously known colossal pieces of sculpture, but the pride of the people of Rhodes, emulating Athenians, made them want a Colossus twice as big (Sextus Empiricus, pros mathem., VII, 107 n.). Making the statue look archaic and using an old technology plus some innovations allowed Chares to make their extravagant wish come true. The archaic look might have been achieved thanks to a reference to some old statue of Helios, which perhaps could be found in the neighboring temple. The torso might have been topped with the head, cast separately, although the trouble with placing it so high makes one doubt it. 
    Źródło:
    Artium Quaestiones; 2018, 29; 289-320
    0239-202X
    Pojawia się w:
    Artium Quaestiones
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Séleukos Ier et le culte de Zeus Nikatôr
    Seleucos I and the Cult of Zeus Nikatôr
    Autorzy:
    Bru, Hadrien
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/52157805.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2023
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet Jagielloński. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
    Tematy:
    royal Seleucid cult
    religious policy and propaganda
    epigraphy
    numismatics
    onomastics
    Syria
    Anatolia
    southern Taurus
    Hellenistic period
    Roman Imperial times
    Opis:
    In order to study the cult of Zeus Nikatôr, six Greek inscriptions (one from northern Syria and five from southern Anatolia) are gathered and commented. The origin, the diffusion and the longevity of the cult are evoked, since it was vivid until the IIIrd century A.D. in the eastern Mediterranean, mainly in southern Taurus (Pamphylia, Lycia, Pisidia and Phrygia Paroreios). Accordingly, also in connection with onomastics and numismatics, the Seleucid memory and the remembrance of Seleucos I are discussed, from Hellenistic times to the Roman Imperial period, and beyond.
    Źródło:
    Electrum; 2023, 30; 197-209
    1897-3426
    2084-3909
    Pojawia się w:
    Electrum
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
      Wyświetlanie 1-7 z 7

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