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Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3
Tytuł:
From the “Paris Agreement” to the “London Pact”: Political Aspects of the Democratisation of Poland’s April Constitution of 1935
Autorzy:
Kilian, Stanisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2146977.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Wydawnictwo UMK
Tematy:
April Constitution
political émigré circles
Polish politics
political integration
Opis:
In the history of Poland’s April Constitution of 1935, there were two attempts to democratise it, the first one in November 1939 referred to as the “Paris agreement” and the other one in September 1950 included in the formula of the “London pact”, both of which concerned the ways of implementing Article 13 defining the scope of the President’s personal powers. The “Paris agreement” introduced into political life the practice of consultation between the President and the Prime Minister; the “London pact” provided for a thorough change in the nature of the President’s relations with the Government and the planned Parliament-in-exile called the Council of National Unity, as well as strengthened the role of the political parties in political decision-making. Motivated by the notion of the modernisation of the Constitution and its adjustment to the democratic standards of Western states, the postulate to democratise it was put forward by established political actors, the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) and the National Party (SN), supported by the Independence and Democracy (NiD) party founded in exile. Appearing together as the Political Council, they took part in negotiations on the formation of a government of national unity after the death of Prime Minister T. Tomaszewski. Representatives of the Polish People’s Party did not take part in the talks; its leader, Stanisław Mikołajczyk, rejected the April Constitution “in its entirety”. The “pact” did not gain the approval of the “Castle”: the President defended the Constitution and did not accept concessions as regards Article 13. Nevertheless, the postulates of the “pact” were not nullified as they were used to build a new political construction – the National Unity – from 1954 functioning in parallel to the presidential centre. Due to the importance of the issue, the negotiations can be regarded as a breakthrough event in the political life of the émigré community. It is no exaggeration to say that the roots of the most important political events in the life of the émigré milieu go back to the “London pact”. The research goal of this article is to bring to light the political aspects of the initiative motivated by the idea of democratising the April Constitution, expressed in the formula of the “London pact”, against the background of the hypothesis that the leaders of the Political Council, behind the screen of their demand for the modernisation of the political system, aimed at weakening the position of the President as an obstacle on the way to building a new political centre – the Unity camp. They used the stage of negotiations based on the demands of the “pact” to orchestrate an anti-presidential propaganda campaign and to portray Zaleski as an opponent of the notion of unity. At the same time, they promoted the false premise that the democratisation of political life would help unblock the channels of émigré diplomacy and change the position of the Polish cause in the international arena. In this way, taking advantage of the atmosphere of distrust towards the President, they were able to launch their own political project: the National Unity, planned for as early as in 1949. For them, their participation in the Unity’s bodies opened the possibility of realising their own political ambitions reserved for politicians from President Zaleski’s closest milieu referred to as the ‘Castle entourage’.
Źródło:
Historia i Polityka; 2021, 36 (43); 99-113
1899-5160
2391-7652
Pojawia się w:
Historia i Polityka
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O konstytucji kwietniowej raz jeszcze
On the April Constitution Once More
Autorzy:
Marcinkiewicz, Marta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/478007.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
II Rzeczpospolita
parlamentaryzm
myśl polityczna
konstytucja marcowa
konstytucja kwietniowa
Józef Piłsudski
piłsudczycy
2nd Polish Republic
parliamentarism
political thought
March Constitution
April Constitution
Opis:
The March Constitution of 1921 was a result of a compromise, which was quickly criticised by politicians, lawyers, and scholars alike. Its form was also affected by the personality of Józef Piłsudski – predicting that he would become the head of the state, the right wing of the political scene purposefully weakened the presidential prerogatives. It was not long before the constitution failed to fulfil the hope vested in it. Even its own authors joined the criticism. The main objections included the supremacy of the parliament over other authorities or the excessively strong inspiration drawn from French constitutions. The work on a new constitution began in 1928. Although most of the political parties were aware of the necessity to fix the government system, the deputies opposing the governing camp refused to take part in the work on the constitutional changes and adopted a confrontational attitude. Representatives of individual parties criticised the draft by the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government and paid little attention to their own initiatives. Despite the absence of the opposition in the Sejm on 26 January 1934, the Constitution was passed and then, after it had been signed by the president, entered into force in April 1935. Rarely did any event or legal act in Poland’s history cause such emotion and controversy. There is rich literature on the subject, but for years, there was no serious polemic, but rather the constitution was debased as a whole, and a substantial analysis has not been undertaken. The focus was on the fact that it was passed illegally and on its articles that could be regarded as not fully democratic. This approach is firmly cemented. The aim of the work is to show the situation related to the government system of the young Polish state in the Interbellum period and the debate that took place in the Polish parliament. The author focuses on the role of the opposition in the discussed events, critiques their conduct during the work and the passing of the constitution. This evaluation is made not only in the context of the internal circumstances but also the geopolitical and international situation, which was highly complicated in the 1930s.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2018, 31; 296-355
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polish April Constitution of 1935 and Constitution of the Fifth Republic of France of 1958. Apparent Affinity
Konstytucja kwietniowa z 1935 r. i Konstytucja V Republiki Francuskiej z 1958 r. Widoczne powinowactwo
Autorzy:
Ujazdowski, Kazimierz Michał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/940711.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
April Constitution
Fifth Republic of France authoritarianism
good-governance
democracy
rigidity of the constitution institutionalism
consolidation of the executive power direct democracy
konstytucja kwietniowa
V Republika Francuska
autorytaryzm
dobre rządy
demokracja
stabilność konstytucji
instytucjonalizm
konsolidacja władzy wykonawczej demokracja bezpośrednia
Opis:
A large number of authors, both academics and novelists, contend that there is an affinity between the Polish April Constitution of 1935 and that of the Fifth Republic of France. In their view, such an affinity results from the dominant political position of the president, his powers and general consolidation of the executive power2. Another reason for such an assertion is a similar model of leadership adopted by Piłsudski and de Gaulle. Some authors even assert that “Polish Constitution was an inspiration for the constitutional thought of general de Gaulle”3. Special attention should be paid to the different axiology of the two constitutions, including rigidity of the April Constitution provisions, designed exclusively for the presidential system, and distrust of the Polish constitutional thought in direct democracy. Different leadership models adopted by Piłsudski and de Gaulle also contributed to the general disparities between Polish and French fundamental statutes discussed in this paper.
Wielu autorów, zarówno naukowców, jak i powieściopisarzy, twierdzi, że istnieje podobieństwo między Konstytucją kwietniową Polski z 1935 r. a Konstytucją V Republiki Francuskiej. Ich zdaniem takie powinowactwo wynika z dominującej pozycji politycznej prezydenta, jego uprawnień i ogólnej konsolidacji władzy wykonawczej. Innym powodem takiego twierdzenia jest podobny model przywództwa przyjęty przez Piłsudskiego i de Gaulle’a. Niektórzy autorzy twierdzą nawet, że „polska konstytucja była inspiracją dla konstytucyjnej myśli generała de Gaulle’a”. Szczególną uwagę należy zwrócić na inną aksjologię obu konstytucji, w tym sztywność postanowień Konstytucji kwietniowej, przeznaczonych wyłącznie dla systemu prezydenckiego, oraz brak zaufania do polskiej myśli konstytucyjnej w demokracji bezpośredniej. Różne modele przywództwa przyjęte przez Piłsudskiego i de Gaulle’a również przyczyniły się do ogólnych rozbieżności między podstawowymi ustawami Polski i Francji analizowanymi w niniejszym artykule.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2019, 5 (51); 351-362
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3

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