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Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 171
Tytuł:
Deliberative democracy and citizenship
Autorzy:
Pietrzyk-Reeves, Dorota
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2026741.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
democracy
citizenship
deliberative democracy
models of democracy
Opis:
The model of deliberative democracy poses a number of dificult questions about individual rationality, public reason and justification, public spiritedness, and an active and supportive public sphere. It also raises the question about what kind of civic involvement is required for the practices of democratic deliberation to be effective. The aim of this article is to examine the last question by looking at the role and value of citizenship understood in terms of participation. It argues that deliberative democracy implies a category of democratic citizens; its institutional framework calls for the activity and competence of citizenry, and consequently, the participatory forms of deliberative democracy come closest to the democratic ideal as such. Also, the model of participatory-deliberative democracy is more attractive as a truly democratic ideal than the model of formal deliberative democracy, but it certainly faces more dificulties when it comes to the practicalities, and especially the institutional design. This problem is raised in the last section of the article where the possible applicability of such a model to post-communist democracies is addressed. The major dificulty that the participatory-deliberative model poses for the post-communist democratization can be explained by a reference to the cultural approach towards democratization and to the revised modernization theory presented by Inglehart and Welzel. The problem of the applicability of such a model in the post-communist context seems to support the thesis presented here which suggests that active citizenship, civic skills and civic culture are indispensable for the development of deliberative politics.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2006, 35; 43-64
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Viktor Orban’s Illiberal Democracy in the Indices of the Quality of Democracy
Autorzy:
Gawron-Tabor, Karolina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2007555.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Orban
Hungary
illiberal democracy
democracy’s indices
democracy
Opis:
The aim of the article is to analyse the assessment of Hungary presented in two democracy’s indices: the Freedom in the World Index and the Bertelsmann Stiffung Index in years 2010 - 2016. The research problem is to identify which of the elements shaping the democracy in Hungary in accordance with the indices have deteriorated. The research is based on the analysis of the content and the existing data. The evaluations of Hungary in the indices of democracy have deteriorated since 2010 when Orban and Fidesz won the parliamentary election and gained power (up to 2016). The changes introduced by Orban in the Constitutional Court and the judiciary, the adoption of a new Basic Law, a new electoral law and the media law cast a shadow over Hungarian democracy. Indices show that the four basic principles of a democratic state have been violated, namely 1) the rule of law, 2) the separation of authorities 3) free and fair elections, and 4) freedom of expression.
Źródło:
Kultura i Edukacja; 2016, 4(114); 46-62
1230-266X
Pojawia się w:
Kultura i Edukacja
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Non-Liberal Democracy and the Possibilities of Its Consolidation
Autorzy:
Plecka, Danuta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2195799.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
crisis
democracy
liberal democracy
non-liberal democracy
democratic
backsliding
Opis:
The notion of non-liberal democracy has become an inseparable element of the debate on the crisis of liberal democracy. For some scholars and journalists, non-liberal democracy is a consequence of the crisis of liberal democracy. It should be pointed out that when indicating the causes of this crisis in the economic, political, and cultural spheres, researchers rarely address the issue of the legitimacy of identifying democracy as non-liberal and its characteristics. Moreover, no one has initiated a broad debate on the possibility of a retreat from non-liberal democracy and the conditions that must be met to return to liberal democracy. That is why this paper attempts to describe the phenomenon called nonliberal democracy and analyse the conditions which should be fulfilled, both in political and social terms. It is to enable the return to the idea of liberal democracy.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2022, 4(51); 25-34
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Local democracy: theoretical and legal characteristics
Autorzy:
Pankratova, Viktoriia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2057827.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
democracy
local democracy
local self-government
decentralization
general meeting
petition
instruments of democracy
Opis:
The article presents a theoretical and legal analysis of local democracy. The top place in democratic transformations in local democracy; is an effective system of local self-government that is impossible without working mechanisms to implement legislation in the field of local democracy at both national and local levels. The author points out that the importance of local democracy is determined by its essence and role. After all, the local level is the closest to the population, needs, and problems. The creation of appropriate living conditions should be determined locally. It is determined that the term «local area» means a reasonably extensive range of phenomena and processes. In defining this term in scientific doctrine, emphasis is placed on a particular phenomenon or process. The predominance of local democracy is understood as a national model of democracy, as the participation of citizens in governance, as a form of self-organization of citizens and as a democratic system at the municipal level. Based on the analysis of scientific points of view, conclusions are made about the peculiarities of local democracy. The main characteristics of local democracy are an organization of the life of the territorial community on the principles of equality, participation, public dialogue; involvement of citizens in community affairs, dissemination of practices of local initiatives, referendums; self-organization of the population. The local democracy is the development of the people, the broad involvement of local people in participation in matters of meaning. Effective local democracy is a prerequisite for sustainable and equitable economic and social development, good governance, and the promotion of democratic values. The proper functioning of democratic institutions and processes at the local level is a determining and vital factor. Active citizenship at the local level lays the foundation for a stable and robust democracy at the national level because the policy at the national level uses practices and methods at the local level. In contrast, experience at the local level is the basis for national policy and reform.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2022, 20; 99-108
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
What Factors Determine and Facilitate a Departure from a Neo-Militant Democracy? The Case Study of Bulgaria
Jakie czynniki determinują i ułatwiają odejście od neoopancerzonej demokracji? Studium przypadku Bułgarii
Autorzy:
Rezmer-Płotka, Kamila
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1928767.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
democracy
semi-consolidated democracy
Freedom House
militant democracy
demokracja
demokracja częściowo skonsolidowana
demokracja opancerzona
Opis:
Bulgaria is a partially consolidated democracy. Between the financial crisis of 2008 and the coronavirus pandemic, it began to take on characteristics of authoritarian regimes. However, its case is not a classically understood militant democracy, but quasi-militant democracy. This article aims to present main changes the Bulgarian system faced in 2008– 2019 and its transition from neo-consolidated democracy to quasi-militant democracy. The research questions are: is Bulgaria still a neo-militant democracy? If not, what factors determine and facilitate a departure from a neo-militant democracy?
Bułgaria jest demokracją częściowo skonsolidowaną. W okresie między kryzysem finansowym z 2008 r. a pandemią koronawirusa zaczęła przyjmować cechy systemów autorytarnych. Nie jest to jednak przypadek klasycznie rozumianej demokracji opancerzonej, a quasi-opancerzonej. Celem pracy jest odpowiedź na pytania badawcze: czy Bułgaria wciąż ma cechy demokracji neo-opancerzonej? Jeśli nie, jakie czynniki powodują jej zmianę z demokracji neo-opancerzonej w quasi-opancerzoną? W ramach odpowiedzi pokazano zmiany, jakich doświadczył system polityczny Bułgarii w latach 2008–2019, w tym przejście od demokracji neo-opancerzonej do quasi-opancerzonej.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2021, 6 (64); 269-280
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Impact of Brexit on the Transformation of Majoritarian Democracy in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
Autorzy:
Danel, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/15848929.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
United Kingdom
Brexit
Westminster democracy
majoritarian democracy
Arend Lijphart
Opis:
The article attempts to answer whether, and if so, to what extent, the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union (the so-called Brexit) impacted the British model of democracy. The starting point for the analysis is the famous classification of Arend Lijphart, who distinguished two main models of democracy – Westminster and consensus – identifying the United Kingdom as a prime example of the first of them. Using the method of institutional and legal analysis and the historical method, the author tries to prove the thesis that Brexit has shaken the foundations of the majoritarian democracy in the United Kingdom. However, the transformations of this model are not a new phenomenon, as they are part of the trend of changes occurring in this country, at least since the end of the 1990s. The article also proves the thesis that the serious political and systemic tensions to which Brexit – for very different reasons – led can be treated as temporary, as there is little indication that these tensions would permanently undermine the foundations of the Westminster model of democracy in the United Kingdom.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2023, 2(52); 159-175
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Organizational and Legal Mechanism of Public Administration of Functioning and Development of Electronic Consultations
Autorzy:
Yansons, Yanis
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1931343.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
e-democracy
e-democracy tools
e-consultation
civil society
public participation
Opis:
The paper presents the results of analysis of the status of organizational and legal mechanism of public administration of electronic consultations (e-consultations) as well as scientific and theoretical substantiation of recommendations to Ukrainian authorities on their improvement. The study of national and international laws in regard to functioning of the mechanism of e-consultations has been conducted to determine positive and negative factors influencing its application. Ways to improve specified mechanism regarding the structure of units of central (regional, local) executive bodies and local governments, legal normative acts concerning e-consultations and participation of public councils in the process of e-consultations have been offered. The main shortcomings of the organizational and legal mechanism of public administration of national e-consultations have been identified, including: low 36 Yanis Yansons quality of e-consultations; unwillingness of the subjects of power to allow the civil society to have a real impact on state affairs, lack of responsibility for ignoring the law in regard to organization and conduct of e-consultations, distrust of the authorities and “digital inequality” etc. Based on the analysis of international experience in implementing the tool of e-consultations, ways to improve the procedure for its implementation in Ukraine, changes to national laws and recommendations to central (regional, local) executive bodies and local governments, public councils and the civil society to improve the organizational and legal mechanism managing tool of econsultations implementation, operation and development.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie; 2020, 3(27); 22-36
1643-6911
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Symbolism of Populism
Symbolika populizmu
Autorzy:
Taranu, Andrei
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1953204.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
democracy
populism
behavioural theory
Opis:
The vast majority of the papers on populism describe this political phenomenon as one which is very difficult to explain and to analyze due to its discursive versatility and behavioural chameleonism. Furthermore, I would argue that the term populism covers more political and social realities than one single term would normally concentrate from a semantic point of view. I focus more over the psychological roots of populism which can be observed in the political symbolic field. In that manner, I consider that political symbolic, as part of the behavioural theory, can be a better tool for unveiling the populist discourse than the usual techniques of political analysis.
Ogromna większość artykułów dotyczących populizmu opisuje to polityczne zjawisko jako trudne do wyjaśnienia i analizy ze względu na jego dyskursywną różnorodność i behawioralny „kameleonizm”. Co więcej, twierdzę, że termin „populizm” opisuje większą liczbę politycznych i społecznych faktów, niż pojedynczy termin jest w stanie pomieścić w swej objętości semantycznej. Skupiam się głównie na psychologicznych źródłach populizmu, które mogą być obserwowane w symbolicznej sferze polityki. W tej perspektywie postrzegam polityczny symbolizm, będący częścią teorii behawiorystycznej, jako lepsze narzędzie służące ujawnianiu dyskursu populistycznego niż zwykłe techniki analizy politycznej.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2015, 48; 64-75
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Religion and Democracy: Points of Agreement, Points of Controversy
Autorzy:
Marczewska–Rytko, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2028130.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Religion
Democracy
Political Theory
Opis:
Introductorily, it should be observed that the discussed problem’s significance is increasingly pressing as our interest drifts towards societies dominated by great, universalizing religions Islam being only one of them. From the above, a question arises of whether the notions of religion and democracy, as mentioned in the title, are reconcilable within a single order in the first place. In his deliberations, Bohdan Chwedeńczyk inclines to the view that three types of relations may be distinguished in this respect: religion favours democracy; is indifferent to democracy; or is harmful to democracy. The discussion of the above opinion has, respectively, developed threefold. In one point of view, religion is by nature contradictory to the democratic order, it is in a sense its direct opposite. In other words, we face a choice of opting either for religion or democracy. Supporters of an alternative viewpoint claim that in the long run, a democratic system is not viable without the basis of notions such as religion, and therefore religion does play a vital part in the social order. It serves members of the public by satisfying those of their needs that do not belong to the scope of duties performed by the state and its institutions. Finally, the third approach basically acknowledges the fact that no definitive claims can be made as to the possibility of agreement between religion and democracy. I must admit that the latter is closest to my personal stance in this respect. Naturally, through careful selection of examples, arguments to support the first or the second of the mentioned opinions can be easily produced. There have been numerous examples of academic and journalistic articles advocating one of the clear-cut standpoints, which seem not to leave much room for discussion. However, the issue becomes far more multifarious when taking into account the complexity of religious and political issues analysed in both theoretical and practical perspective.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2009, 38; 90-103
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Unfulfilled Promise? Deliberative Democracy vs. Political Participation
Autorzy:
Potz, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2026817.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
democratic theory
politics
democracy
Opis:
The article aims to, first, critically assess the idea and practice of deliberative democracy and, second, find it a proper place in the democratic theory. I start with defining the concept as it emerges from the works of some of its most prominent proponents (such as Fishkin, Cohen or Habermas), reiterating several of the important arguments in support of it. I then present various criticisms of deliberative democracy, regarding philosophical assumptions that inform it (the idea of common good, the conditions of rational deliberation etc.) and its modus operandi (its alleged procedural superiority over aggregative methods). I then off er further criticism of deliberative democracy as a model of democracy, an alternative to the dominant model of representative democracy, arguing from its ineff ectiveness in influencing political decisions. Instead, in the final section, I propose to establish deliberation as one of the two criteria of classifi cation and assessment of democratic systems, thus restoring its importance in the democratic theory.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2010, 39; 108-125
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Sovereignty of the Political Nation Under Threat? Portugal Between Neo- and Quasi-Militant Democracy
Czy suwerenność narodu politycznego jest zagrożona? Portugalia między nową a quasi-opancerzoną demokracją
Autorzy:
Rezmer-Płotka, Kamila
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2162233.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
militant democracy
neo-militant democracy
quasi-militant democracy
Portugal
demokracja opancerzona
nowa demokracja opancerzona
demokracja quasi-opancerzona
Portugalia
Opis:
In this paper the main assumption is that Portugal becomes a neo-militant democracy since the first major finance crisis in the European Union, which occurred in 2008– 2009 years. This process has also accelerated significantly at the time of the so-called refugee crisis and the coronavirus pandemic. The clue of the assumption is the introduction of restrictions on the rights and freedoms of citizens, especially visible during crises, as well as the demobilization of social movements which began in connection with the beginning of anti-democratic tendencies. Based on the analysis, it can be observed that Portugal becomes a neo-militant democracy to an increasing extent. This may be indicated by introduced and existing legal regulations limiting the rights and freedoms of citizens.
W tym artykule głównym założeniem jest to, że Portugalia staje się nową demokracją opancerzoną od czasu zaistnienia pierwszego poważnego kryzysu finansowego w Unii Europejskiej, który wystąpił w latach 2008–2009. Dostrzeżono, że proces ten znacznie przyspieszył również w czasie tzw. kryzysu uchodźczego i pandemii koronawirusa. Istotę tak postawionego założenia stanowi wprowadzenie ograniczeń praw i wolności obywateli, szczególnie widocznych w czasie kryzysów, a także demobilizacja ruchów społecznych, zapoczątkowana w związku z nadejściem tendencji antydemokratycznych. Na podstawie przeprowadzonej analizy można zauważyć, że Portugalia w coraz większym stopniu staje się nową demokracją opancerzoną. Mogą na to wskazywać m.in. wprowadzone i istniejące regulacje prawne ograniczające prawa i wolności obywateli.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2022, 6(70); 521-528
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Afghanistan’s Media Developments and Challenges in the Past Two Decades: A Short Glance at Media Freedom
Autorzy:
Masomy, Masom Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2030684.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Media
democracy
Afghanistan
propaganda
Opis:
Media, during Taliban five years period from 1996-2001, had been totally suffocated. Only limited number of print media would publish to spread the propaganda of Taliban Emirate under Sharia Law. Post-Taliban era, media landscape obtained new image with the establishment of democratic government. Independent media were allowed to operate in accordance with the formation of new constitution of 2004. Afghanistan to rise and promote the voice of right, equality and justice, defend human rights and spread public awareness in order to serve for social responsibilities. Despite continued challenges media outlets and journalists have made tremendous progress which it has resulted in harm of their personal life from time to time due to threats of insecurity, war, warlords, strongmen, corrupted actors in government as well as in attacks of Taliban and ISIS insurgents. Hence, media outlets and journalists have been carrying on their responsibilities despite of availed risks to them and their families. In this paper, it has been viewed the status of media freedom, process of development and continued challenges to media freedom and journalists.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2022, 19; 64-77
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Education and Political Subjectivity. A Study Report
Autorzy:
Marszałek-Kawa, Joanna
Plecka, Danuta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1967661.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
education
political subjectivity
democracy
Opis:
It is obvious that the educational system shapes the skill of critical thinking, also in the sphere of the assessment of political phenomena. The educational background of a person determines the kind of decisions he or she makes. These decisions refer to political activity both defined as interest in political issues and manifested in the form of active political participation. The aim of this paper is to identify relations between holding a university degree and political subjectivity. The study, conducted with the use of a survey questionnaire, involved students from the University of Zielona Góra and from the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń.
Źródło:
The New Educational Review; 2019, 57; 17-26
1732-6729
Pojawia się w:
The New Educational Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Development of electronic petition tools in Ukraine based on international experience
Autorzy:
Yansons, Yanis
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1933285.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-09-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
e-democracy
e-democracy tools
e-appeals
e-petitions
organizational and legal mechanism
Opis:
The purpose of the article is to analyze the public administration mechanisms of electronic petitions (e-petitions), scientific and theoretical justification of recommendations to Ukrainian authorities on their improvement. The paper analyzes the approaches to defining the essence of the concepts of individual and collective e-petitions. The mechanisms of e-appeals (e-petitions) at the national and local levels have been studied. A comparison of the mechanisms of formation and submission of e-petitions in the Ukrainian legislation has been made. It is proposed to improve the interaction of national and local levels by redirecting petitions from local authorities to national executive bodies. The main shortcomings of the existing mechanism of public administration of e-petitions at the national level have been identified. In the process of analyzing the shortcomings of the organizational and legal mechanism, foreign experience and its possibility use in Ukraine were taken into account. Considering the identified shortcomings should further increase the level of civil society involvement in public administration of public affairs and, as a consequence, accelerate the democratization of Ukrainian society and Ukraine as a full member of the European community. In order to assess the level of availability of the electronic individual petitions tool, a study of the official web resources of central and local executive bodies was conducted and ways to improve the practical implementation of the e-petition tool in order to increase its accessibility were identified. The main identified shortcomings are: staffing issues (personnel quality); accessibility and transparency of e-democracy tools for citizens; lack of a unified approach to the implementation of e-appeals (petitions); lack of bottom-up redirection mechanisms; low civil society awareness of public authorities’ responsibilities and powers; lack of mechanisms for imperative execution of e-petitions, etc. Based on the analysis of international experience of implementation of e-appeals (e-petitions), the ways to improve national legislation have been proposed and the recommendations for central authorities, local governments and civil society organizations have been developed to improve the organizational and legal mechanism of public administration of e-democracy tools (electronic individual and collective petitions). The main ones are as follows: amendments to a number of legislative acts, including the conceptual and strategic level; taking into account the imperative implementation of e-petitions; actualization of the issue of administrative and criminal liability for non-compliance with the requirements of the legislation regarding the implementation of e-petitions.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2020, 13; 53-69
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Conceptualizing the Theoretical Category of Neo-militant Democracy: The Case of Hungary
Autorzy:
Rak, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2014409.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
militant democracy
Karl Loewenstein
neo-militant democracy
political regime
hybrid regime
Hungary
authoritarianism
Opis:
The article aims to formulate a theoretical category of neo-militant democracy that applies to study the nature and dynamics of democratic regimes after the 2008 economic crisis. It conducts an empirical test to verify the analytical effectiveness of the redeveloped category. The test takes a form of the case study of the Hungarian political system. Apart from a verification-objective, the research aims to identify and account for the dynamics of the Hungarian regime in terms of the neo-militant democracy principle. The qualitative method of source analysis serves to collect data on the processes of becoming neo-militant democracy. The selection of sources is deliberate and oriented on finding information about the implementation of neo-militant democracy measures in Hungary (2008-2019). The technique of qualitative content analysis applies to identify the nature of these processes. The theoretical tool is the category of neo-militant democracy, which simultaneously undergoes the empirical test. The main argument is that the process of becoming neo-militant democracy took a traditional form since the Hungarian neo-militant democracy principle drew on the traditional means introduced by Loewenstein rather than innovations advanced by the current research
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2020, 2 (49); 61-70
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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