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Wyszukujesz frazę "memory of the past" wg kryterium: Wszystkie pola


Wyświetlanie 1-6 z 6
Tytuł:
Pamięć przeszłości w działaniach towarzystw mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych województwa śląskiego (na wybranych przykładach)
Memory of the past in the activities of national and ethnic minorities of the Silesian Voivodeship (selected examples)
Autorzy:
Gołda, Agnieszka
Nadolna, Marta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2188336.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
mniejszości narodowe i etniczne
pamięć kulturowa
stowarzyszenie
województwo śląskie
national and ethnic minorities
cultural memory
association
Silesian Voivodeship
Opis:
Organizations of national and ethnic minorities have been subjected to research analysis. They are discussed in many contexts, yet, there is a lack of studies devoted to memory-forming aspects. The aim of the research was to show the activity of minority communities in the Silesian Voivodeship. Their activities aimed at consolidating the memory of generations were presented, showing initiatives of a material and spiritual nature.
Organizacje mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych są przedmiotem analiz badawczych. Omawia się je w wielu kontekstach, ale brakuje opracowań poświęconych aspektom pamięciotwórczym. Celem badań było ukazanie aktywności tego typu towarzystw na terenie województwa śląskiego. Zaprezentowano ich działania zmierzające do utrwalenia pamięci o pokoleniach, pokazując inicjatywy o charakterze materialnym i duchowym.
Źródło:
Edukacja Międzykulturowa; 2023, 20, 1; 61-74
2299-4106
Pojawia się w:
Edukacja Międzykulturowa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Cultural War and Reinventing the Past in Poland and Hungary: The Politics of Historical Memory in East–Central Europe
Autorzy:
Ágh, Attila
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594839.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Hungary; Poland
East–Central Europe
historical memory
politics of memory
cultural war
reinventing the past
Opis:
This paper has been based on three assumptions that have been widely discussed in the international political science: (1) there has been a decline of democracy in East–Central Europe (ECE) with the emergence of “velvet dictatorships”, (2) the velvet dictatorships rely on the soft power of media and communication rather on the hard power of state violence that has provoked “cultural wars“ and (3) the basic turning point is the transition from the former modernization narrative to the traditional narrative with “reinventing the past” and “reconceptualising modernity” through the reference to the historically given collective national identity by launching the “politics of historical memory”. The velvet dictatorships have been using and abusing the national history as an ideological drug to consolidate their power. The (social and national) populism and Euroscepticism are the basic twin terms to describe the soft power of the new (semi)authoritarian regimes. They are convertible, the two sides of the same coin, since they express the same divergence from the EU mainstream from inside and outside. Soft power means that the political contest in the new regimes has been transferred from the hard to the soft fields of politics as the fight between the confronting narratives. The victory of the traditionalist–nativist narrative carries also the message that the people are only passive “subjects” and not active citizens, so the field of politics has been extremely narrowed in the “new brave world” in ECE.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2016, 45; 32-44
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
A Case of Successful Transitional Justice: Fritz Bauer and his Late Recognition in the Federal Republic of Germany
Autorzy:
Gortat, Jakub
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594434.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
German transitional justice
collective memory
cultural memory
Nazi crimes
Fritz Bauer
the Auschwitz trial in Frankfurt
coming to terms with the past
Opis:
Germany is an example of a country which has been implementing transitional justice for decades and is still active in this field. What is more, contemporary Germans have recently come to terms with their not-so-distant past and their negligence in this area by showing the falsehood, backwardness, and injustice as negative foundations of the young Federal Republic. This article evokes the person of Fritz Bauer, the prosecutor in the state of Hessen. His struggle for human dignity and the memory of his achievements after his death exemplify an accomplished case of transitional justice and the memory of it. During his lifetime he contributed to bringing to trial numerous Nazi criminals, even at the cost of habitual threats and disregard. Forgotten for a few decades, Bauer and his legacy have been recently rediscovered and studied. Eventually, Bauer became a movie character and was finally brought back to the collective memory of Germans. The belated, but a well-deserved wave of popularity of Fritz Bauer in the German culture memory proves that reflections on the transitional justice are still topical and important.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2017, 2 (46); 71-84
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Means of reproducing the individual past in W. Sebald’s novel Austerlitz
Autorzy:
Megela, Ivan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2177874.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
bricolage
photography
memory
trauma
storytelling
history
documentary
fiction
verbal
visual
Opis:
The article is devoted to the coverage of the problem of bricolage as a method of memory reconstruction in the novel “Austerlitz” by the greatest German writer Winfried Sebald. The article notes that “Austerlitz” marks the transition from trauma to conscious identity as part of the historical memory of the Holocaust. It shows how the hero of the work, Jacques Austerlitz, acquires his identity by assembling from scattered information his personal history, reflecting a significant part of the collective tragedy. The genre feature of the work as a travelogue, memoir, investigation, as literature bordering on documentary and artistic experience, where the real is combined with the fictional, is highlighted. The article describes in detail the content of the technique of bricolage as a form of “wild”, “pre-rational” way of thinking, as a technique of fitting auxiliary materials (old photographs, newspaper clippings), a montage of disparate episodes, the technique of collage. The structure of the work’s storytelling is analyzed when the narrator does not tell the story but describes what he hears from Jacques Austerlitz. It is as if it is not a text, but the story itself, which someone tells, and also shows pictures for authenticity. The functions of the hero in the novel gradually shift from people to things, documents, bearers of the memory of individual and collective civilizational catastrophe. These indescribable witnesses break the blockade of traumatic silence around the childhood of Austerlitz, embodied in images of blindness, dumbness, oblivion. Before the protagonist of the work, the “man without a past,” the history of his family, the ghostly happy childhood that was rudely cut short by the separation from his biological parents, is suddenly revealed. Sebald demonstrates a contemporary form of novel narrative in which the truthfulness of the Holocaust narrative is revealed by incorporating the exile’s personal authorial biography, pain, and guilt into the memory of this tragedy. The role of photographs and descriptions of architectural structures in revealing the immanent semantic content of the subject, not manifested verbally, is analyzed. The latter is the key document that unites and structures the important for the writer themes of memories, memory, indifference, oblivion, return to the ghostly past, overcoming of the psychological trauma. Based on the analysis the author concludes that the attitude to the reader as a co-author brings Sebald’s novel closer to the tradition of the European intellectual novel and postmodern hypertexts, in which meaningful units are not presented in a traditional linear sequence, but as a multiplicity of links and transitions. The author notes that the acute experience of humanitarian catastrophe, the multilayered text, the density of meaningful meanings make this work a notable phenomenon in the context of artistic comprehension of traumatic memory.
Źródło:
Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe; 2022, 4(1); 81-86
2543-9227
Pojawia się w:
Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The European Court of Human Rights on Nazi and Soviet Past in Central and Eastern Europe
Autorzy:
Gliszczyńska–Grabias, Aleksandra
Baranowska, Grażyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/594414.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
ECtHR
European Court of Human Rights
ECHR
European Convention on Human Rights
memory laws
Opis:
The article demonstrates how references to Nazi and Soviet past are perceived and evaluated by the European Court of Human Rights. Individual cases concerning Holocaust and Nazism, which the Court has examined so far, are compared here to judgments rendered with regard to Communist regime. The article proves that the Court treats more leniently state interference with freedom of expression when memory about Nazism and Holocaust is protected than when a post–Communist state wants to preserve a critical memory about the regime. The authors of the article agree with the attitude of the Court which offers a wide margin of appreciation to states restrictively treating references to Nazism and Holocaust, including comparisons to the Holocaust, Nazism or fascism used as rhetorical devices. At the same time they postulate that other totalitarian systems should be treated by the Court equally.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2016, 45; 117-129
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dziedzictwo przeszłości i pamięć historyczna jako czynniki determinujące politykę bezpieczeństwa. Przypadek polityki zagranicznej i obronnej Polski 1918-1944/45 r.
The heritage of the past and historical memory as factors determining security policy. The case of Polish foreign and defense policy 1918-1944/45
Наследие прошлого и историческая память как факторы, определяющие политику безопасности. Казус иностранной и оборонной политики Польши 1918–1944/45
Autorzy:
Kuk, Leszek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1930271.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Polish Question/question polonaise in the XIXth century
European security
system 1815–1914
Versailles collective security system
foreign policy of the Second Polish
Republic
Polish power cencepts in the interwar period
Polish political élite between the
Wars (1918–1939)
Polish German relations 1918–1939
Polish Soviet relations 1918–1939
«польский вопрос/question polonaise» в XIX веке
европейская
система безопасности 1815-1914
внешняя политика Второй Польской Республики
политические элиты Второй Польской Республики
польско-немецкие отношения
в межвоенный период
польско-советские отношения в межвоенный период
Opis:
The shaping of the security and defence policy of the Second Polish Republic took place primarily under the influence of the development of the domestic situation in the country and evolution of the European security system. However, in the case of Poland, experience and historical memory played a greater role in this field than in the case of other countries. Poland as a state did not exist for a dangerously long 123 years. During that period, as a kind of substitute for the Polish state, the so-called “Question polonaise/Polish Question” was present in the political life and security of system Europe, that is all problems related to the Polish nation’s efforts to regain the state, which often manifested itself in the form of armed uprisings. It was so difficult to solve that it remained unresolved throughout the nineteenth century. Both the circumstances of the collapse of the Polish state and the evolution of the «question polonaise» in the «long» nineteenth century (for Poland from 1795 to 1918) provided Europe with experiences going in different directions, evoking on the one hand certain hopes and expectations, but on the other hand doubts, and even fears. As a result, in 1918, the project of restoring the Polish state was universally (and irrevocably!) accepted, but no agreement was reached on its borders, and thus, indirectly, on its socio-economic system. The year 1918 should be seen not only as the end of the century of the struggle for independence, but also as the opening of the next century, the century of the struggle to maintain the Polish state and to give it a form corresponding to the aspirations of the nation and accepted by the geopolitical surroundings of Poland. In the short interwar period, those efforts were not successful. Faced with the evolution of the international situation and the European security system, unfavourable for Poland, the political elites largely failed. They came from the upper and privileged social classes, mainly from the post-feudal layer of landowners and from the intelligentsia, rooted in that layer, both of whom were especially numerous in Poland. In many areas of key importance from the point of view of the security of the country and of the nation, they were unable to break out of the circle of ideas and views taken from the past. In their political thinking, they were subject to the limitations typical of post-feudal landowning layers. And so, in the internal dimension, they did not manage to make the effort to reform social relations in the form of a radical land reform, or to give real equality to national minorities (especially Ukrainian and Jewish). They also failed to prevent the evolution of the state system in an anti-democratic and authoritarian direction. In the external dimension, they failed to properly assess the potentials, intentions, and actions of the two totalitarian powers which bordered on Poland, namely the Third Reich and the Soviet Union.
Формирование политики безопасности и обороны Польской Республики происходило в первую очередь под влиянием развития внутренней ситуации страны и эволюции европейской системы безопасности. Однако, в случае Польши, по сравнению с другими странами, в этой области большую роль сыграли опыт и историческая память. Польша как государство не существовало опасно долго -123 года. В этот период, как бы взамен польского государства, в политической жизни и в системе безопасности присутствовал т.н. «question polonaise/польский вопрос» - комплекс вопросов, связанных со стремлением польской нации восстановить государство, который часто проявлялся в форме вооруженных восстаний. В связи со своей сложностью в XIX в. он так и оставался нерешенным. Оба обстоятельства - распад польского государства и эволюция «польского вопроса» в «долгом» XIX в. (для Польши 1795-1918 гг.) -привносили Европе двоякий опыт, т.е., с одной стороны, определенные надежды и ожидания, но с другой - сомнения и даже опасения. Это означало, что в 1918 году проект восстановления польского государства был одобрен повсеместно (и безвозвратно), но не достигнуто соглашения относительно его границ и, таким образом, косвенно - его социально-экономической системы. 1918 год должен быть признан не только концом столетия борьбы за независимость, но и началом следующего века борьбы за сохранения польского государства и придачу ему формы, которая соответствовала бы аспирациям народа и могла быть принята геополитическим окружением Польши. В короткий межвоенный период эти усилия не увенчались успехом. Ввиду неблагоприятной для Польши эволюции международной и европейской системы безопасности в значительной степени не оправдала себя политическая элита. Она происходила из высших и привилегированных слоев населения, в первую очередь из особо многочисленного в Польше постфеодального слоя помещиков и происходившей из него интеллигенции. Во многих ключевых с точки зрения безопасности страны и народа сферах они не могли освободиться от мировоззрения из прошлого. Их политическое мышление подвергалось ограничениям, типичным для постфеодального слоя владельцев. Во внутреннем измерении, они не решились провести реформу социальных отношений в виде радикальной сельскохозяйственной реформы, ни на реальное равенство национальных меньшинств (особенно украинцев и евреев). Им не удалось предотвратить эволюцию государственной системы в антидемократическом и авторитарном направлении. А во внешнем измерении, им не удалось должным образом оценить потенциалы, намерения и действия двух соседних тоталитарных держав, т.е. Третьего Рейха и Советского Союза.
Źródło:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2021, 2(29); 41-82
2084-3291
Pojawia się w:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-6 z 6

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