Informacja

Drogi użytkowniku, aplikacja do prawidłowego działania wymaga obsługi JavaScript. Proszę włącz obsługę JavaScript w Twojej przeglądarce.

English (EN)·Polski (PL)·Yкраїнський (UK)
Przejdź do strony domowej biblioteki Centralna Biblioteka Wojskowa Link otwiera się w nowym oknie Logo biblioteki Prolib Integro - strona głównaCentralna Biblioteka Wojskowa

Wyszukujesz frazę "USA," wg kryterium: Wszystkie pola

  Lista filtrów
Wyrównaj
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 66
Tytuł:
On the history of Roma schooling in the USA
Autorzy:
Hancock, Ian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1875712.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Roma
Roma education
schooling
USA
Opis:
The paper comprises a retrospective overview of the educational situation of the Roma in the USA. In contrast to the European situation, efforts to establish schools for Romanies in the United States have been both few in number and - with only a couple of limited exceptions - unsuccessful. There are approximately one million Romanies in the USA, a number which is slowly growing and till now there are any schools established for Romanies to learn their mother tongue or to get integrated in the mainstream educational system of the USA.
Źródło:
Edukacja Międzykulturowa; 2021, 14, 1; 109-122
2299-4106
Pojawia się w:
Edukacja Międzykulturowa
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
International Security in Strategic Concepts of Powers (USA and Russia) – an Analysis Attempt
Autorzy:
Mierzejewski, Donat
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2028040.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
USA
International Policy
Security Politics
Russia
Opis:
An essential element of international security policy shaping are documents of strategic or doctrinal character. They define the main assumptions of state security politics in the context of changes of global character. Undoubtedly this process is influenced by strategic concepts of two world powers: the USA and Russian Federation, both in the cold war past as well as now – main agents and creators of world security policy. this article will analyze the National Security Strategy of the USA, the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation, the National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation and the War Doctrine of the Russian Federation.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2009, 38; 221-232
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Permanent Presence? USA in the Security Policy of the Republic of Poland
Autorzy:
Piątek, Jarosław J.
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1963347.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
political alliance
security policy
Polish Army
NATO
USA
Opis:
The consequence of systemic and political changes in Poland involved reorientation of Polish policy in terms of perceiving security. It was reflected in newly defined policy directions which expression involved a search for the new guarantees of security. The problem of ensuring state security in new geopolitical conditions is expressed in the adopted hierarchy of priorities of implementation of the Polish national interest. The exercise of the specified policy priorities means Poland’s obtaining a solid security basis. The Polish Army, the armed forces of the Republic of Poland, has become an element of NATO’s broad security system. The implementation of the policy in this regard by the Polish government has recently been more and more unidimensional. Only cooperation with the USA is at the target of the Polish security policy. Issues related to its costs remain outside its determinants. There is no reflection on being dependent on another egoistic player.
Źródło:
Reality of Politics; 2019, 10; 92-102
2082-3959
Pojawia się w:
Reality of Politics
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Stosunek chińskich studentów do ataku terrorystycznego 11 września 2001 r. na USA
Chinese students’ attitudes to the September 11 attack on the USA
Autorzy:
Sierakowski, Tytus
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2028974.pdf
Data publikacji:
2002-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
The study presents the results of author’s own survey conducted in Nanjing in June 2002. The questions concerning attitudes towards the September 11 attack constituted merely a part of a much broader questionnaire concerning knowledge of the West, opinions concerning its strong and weak points as well as personal attitudes towards the process of Westernization of China. The questions and answers were given in Chinese. During the survey the author avoided any direct contact with Chinese students in order to get their true opinions, not distorted by considerations of Chinese politeness. In order to conduct the survey in a usual situation, “within the circle of the Chinese”, the author was assisted by his Chinese friends who had distributed the questionnaires amongst the students, and then collected them and returned to the author. 108 students, 61 male and 47 female took part in this survey. They studied at the Nanjing Normal University, the Hehai University, and the School of Fine Arts. Students were asked one question concerning the September 11 attack: „What are your feelings towards the terrorist attack on the USA”. They had to choose one answer among the four “closest to their feelings”. The results are as following: The option the number of persons Bin Laden did well 28 Deeply in my heart I’m glad of it 14 I don’t have any feelings 29 I feel compassion for America 30 4 students did not answer at all. Three others gave an indirect answer (they rejected making the choice, but wrote their comment, that they feel compassion for the people, not for the country). Three other students, who made the choice, commented that they feel compassion for the victims not America as a state. Two others wrote down the word: “revenge” (baoying). Therefore, when one considers all answers, the three groups could be distinguished: the persons „satisfied with the attack” (42), „indifferent” (29), and „expressing sympathy” (30). The first roughly constituted 40%, whereas the two remaining 30% each. There were some differences in this respect among male and female students. Together Females Males Bin Laden did well 9 19 28 Deeply in my hear I’m glad of it 5 9 14 I don’t have any feelings 14 15 29 I feel compassion for America 18 12 30 As we can see, the female students (50%) are more willing to condole America than males (30%). Perhaps, it is related to the feminine sympathy towards the “weaker part” and for victims, combined with rejection of violence. However, even more important appears to a deeper involvement of male students into politics (according to the Chinese tradition “politics” and “public affairs” it is the sphere of men, not women). Hence the male students perceived the event from a different perspective: not “human”, but “political” and “national”, related to the PRC – US relations. Thus strong anti US sentiments were present, but they do not predominate. Similar “nationalist attitudes” were manifested in the relation to the two recent events: the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade by US planes, and the spy plane incident at the Hainan island. Some students obviously regarded the terrorist attack as a kind of punishment for a “hegemonic and anti-Chinese” American policy. But these who declared their compassion for America (or merely for the Americans) and the “indifferent” – account for ca 60%, and this is highly significant.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 2002, V; 165-172
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Competition for High Politics in Cyberspace: Technological Conflicts Between China and the USA
Autorzy:
Val Sánchez, Karina Verónica
Akyesilmen, Nezir
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2019117.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-03-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
USA
China
militarization of cyberspace
Artificial Intelligence
cyberespionage
Opis:
This paper highlighted the use of cyberspace as a conflict zone by the US and China, focusing on competition in various technological spheres, including cyberespionage, military technology, and Artificial Intelligence (AI). The main purpose of this study was to depict how great powers manipulate the cyber domain for their high political objectives through US-China rivalry. The research has been carried out mainly via literature review, discourse analysis, and relevant statistics. Consistent with previous literature and global public perception, the outcome has shown that both states are using cyberspace as a new domain for completion in trade, technology, and military purposes. Cyberespionage, the militarization of cyberspace, and AI have been the main conflict areas between these two global competitors in the last decade.
Źródło:
Polish Political Science Yearbook; 2021, 1 (50); 43-69
0208-7375
Pojawia się w:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Unilateral Powers and Donald Trump Presidency
Stosowanie uprawnień jednostronnych prezydenta USA w okresie administracji Donalda Trumpa
Autorzy:
Turek, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2047795.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-04-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
Donald Trump
U.S. political system
separation of powers in the U.S. American presidency
presidential powers
system polityczny USA
podział władzy w USA
amerykańska prezydentura
uprawnienia prezydenta
Opis:
The paper is an exploration of using unilateral presidential powers by Donald Trump. The Author hypothesizes that Trump, due to his lack of political experience, was less keen on detailed negotiations of legislative projects with Congress, and more willing to act unilaterally. Analyzing frequency of issuing selected unilateral directives by American presidents since Jimmy Carter, the Author claims that Trump was moderate user of unilateral tools, as several of his immediate predecessors issued more unilateral directives. However, Trump was most eager to act unilaterally in his fourth year of the presidency, due to emergency and national security concerns after the pandemic hit the United States.
Poniższy artykuł jest eksploracją na temat stosowania uprawnień jednostronnych prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w okresie administracji Donalda Trumpa. Autor stawia hipotezę iż Trump, ze względu na brak doświadczenia politycznego, był mniej skłonny do negocjowania szczegółów projektów legislacyjnych z Kongresem, a bardziej do rządzenia za pomocą jednostronnych dyrektyw. Analizując częstotliwość wydawania rozporządzeń wykonawczych, proklamacji, memorandów oraz oświadczeń przy podpisywaniu ustaw wydawanych przez prezydentów USA od czasów Jimmy’ego Cartera, artykuł wskazuje, że Trump korzystał z wybranych uprawnień jednostronnych w sposób umiarkowany. Jednocześnie Trump wydał najwięcej jednostronnych dyrektyw w czwartym roku prezydentury, w okresie wzmożonych obaw o bezpieczeństwo narodowe po wybuchu pandemii koronawirusa.
Źródło:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego; 2022, 2(66); 269-282
2082-1212
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Azja Południowo-Wschodnia w polityce USA: nowe rozdanie
The USA and Southeast Asia: a new deal
Autorzy:
Szumski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/441448.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
polityka USA wobec Azji Wschodniej
Azja Wschodnia w polityce Trumpa
nowe tendencje w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej
US policy towards the Eastern Asia
Eastern Asia in the Trump policy
new trends in the South-East Asia
Opis:
The beginning of XXI century is characterized by the rise of the role of East Asia in the contemporary world. The rivalry of great powers embraced all region, included Southeast Asia, which for a long time was at the forefront of development and regional integration initiatives, especially with the ASEAN. It became the area of interventions and influences of major external powers such as the United States, China, India, Japan, Australia, and the EU and Russia. Unfortunately also old local animosities included unresolved territorial disputes and new challenges like terrorism and pandemics, affect Southeast Asia. The American presidential election campaign in 2016 and particularly campaign of Donald Trump exerted great influence on situation in Southeast Asia. Some controversial decisions of Donald Trump such as withdrawal from Trans Pacific Partnership and the absence of the clear policy in the region, after the policy of “pivot/rebalance” of president Obama, almost completely changed political situation in Southeast Asia. The immediate consequence is the rise of the Chinese position in the area and extraordinary activation of diplomacy of Japan, Vietnam and some other countries, making attempt to stop Chinese influence. The political situation in the region turned more dynamic, unforeseeable and complicated. The countries of Southeast Asia sooner or later will face the crucial choice between the United States and China.
Źródło:
Azja-Pacyfik; 2017, XX; 133-161
1643-692X
Pojawia się w:
Azja-Pacyfik
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The United States’ Trade and Investment Strategy in George W. Bush’s Foreign Economic Policy
Strategia handlowo-inwestycyjna Stanów Zjednoczonych w zagranicznej polityce gospodarczej George’a W. Busha
Autorzy:
Kleszczyńska, Iga
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1858032.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Tematy:
George W. Bush
U.S. foreign policy
U.S. trade and investment strategy
National Security Strategy
neoclassical realism
polityka zagraniczna USA
strategia handlowo-inwestycyjna USA
Strategia Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego USA
realizm neoklasyczny
Opis:
The aim of this article is to present the U.S. trade and investment strategy during the George W. Bush presidency based on the National Security Strategy of 2002 and 2006. Moreover, the article confirms the hypothesis that indicates that the U.S. trading and investment strategy was strictly subordinated to geopolitical foreign policy goals. The work consists of an introduction and theoretical perspective, institutional and legal analysis of the American political and economic system, analysis of economic priorities of foreign policy strategy and trade and investment strategies towards selected regions of Latin America and the Southeast Asia and the Pacific. These issues are being presented through the prism of the theory of neoclassical realism – pointing to the role and importance of the President’s office in U.S. foreign policy, institutional liberalism, taking into account the role and importance of structuring global trade and investment relations and the theory of comparative advantage in American trade policy. Methods used include systemic, comparative, institutional and legal, and descriptive statistics, as well as case study technique.
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie strategii handlowej i inwestycyjnej USA w czasie prezydentury George’a W. Busha w oparciu o Strategię Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego z 2002 i 2006 roku. Hipoteza artykułu wskazuje, że strategia handlowa i inwestycyjna Stanów Zjednoczonych była ściśle podporządkowane geopolitycznym celom polityki zagranicznej. Praca obejmuje wprowadzenie i perspektywę teoretyczną, analizę instytucjonalno-prawną amerykańskiego systemu polityczno-gospodarczego, analizę priorytetów gospodarczych strategii polityki zagranicznej oraz strategii handlowych i inwestycyjnych wobec wybranych regionów Ameryki Łacińskiej oraz Azji Południowo-Wschodniej i Pacyfiku. Zagadnienia te są przedstawiane przez pryzmat teorii realizmu neoklasycznego i liberalizmu instytucjonalnego. Stosowane metody obejmują statystykę opisową, systemową, porównawczą, instytucjonalno-prawną, jak również technikę studium przypadku.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2021, 72; 119-134
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Od obojętności do zaangażowania, czyli relacje USA i państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej [recenzja książki Aktywność dyplomacji USA wobec państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej w latach 2009–2013]
From indifference to commitment – relations between the United States and UE member states [book review Aktywność dyplomacji USA wobec państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej w latach 2009–2013]
От безразличия к участию или отношения между США и государствами-членами Европейского Союза [рецензия книги Aktywność dyplomacji USA wobec państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej w latach 2009–2013]
Autorzy:
Bielanowska, Judyta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/568780.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Źródło:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia; 2020, 1(24); 190-195
2084-3291
Pojawia się w:
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kulturowe uwarunkowania korupcji w systemie demokratycznym i niedemokratycznym na przykładzie USA i ZSRR
Autorzy:
Czepil, Bartosz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/11542564.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009-06-30
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
CULTURAL PARADIGM IN political science is understood as an issue of the importance of norms and values shared by the members of a given society in political life. Corruption, which is a phenomenon occurring within political space, can be also determined by cultural influences. Given two examples of completely different political and axiological – normative systems such as democratic United States and undemocratic Soviet Union, we are able to observe how cultural determinants shape the probability of power being misused for private gain. Among both power elite representatives and ordinary members of the society beliefs concerning legal order and politics may have significant, but often difficult to grasp, impact on the susceptibility and opportunity of corruption. As written in this paper, cultural order can be indirectly conducive to corruption by legitimizing solutions within political system which encourage and enable public officials to engage in corrupt practices. Values and norms internalized by participants of political system may also determine corruption directly by increasing their willingness to become corrupt and corrupt others.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2009, 21; 224-243
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kulturowe uwarunkowania korupcji w systemie demokratycznym i niedemokratycznym na przykładzie USA i ZSRR
Autorzy:
Czepil, Bartosz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2167506.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011-10-31
Wydawca:
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
Opis:
Cultural paradigm in political science is understood as an issue of the importance of norms and values shared by the members of a given society in political life. Corruption, which is a phenomenon occurring within political space, can be also determined by cultural influences. Given two examples of completely different political and axiological – normative systems such as democratic United States and undemocratic Soviet Union, we are able to observe how cultural determinants shape the probability of power being misused for private gain. Among both power elite representatives and ordinary members of the society beliefs concerning legal order and politics may have significant, but often difficult to grasp, impact on the susceptibility and opportunity of corruption. As written in this paper, cultural order can be indirectly conducive to corruption by legitimizing solutions within political system which encourage and enable public officials to engage in corrupt practices. Values and norms internalized by participants of political system may also determine corruption directly by increasing their willingness to become corrupt and corrupt others.
Źródło:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne; 2011, 31; 120-139
1505-2192
Pojawia się w:
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 66

Ta witryna wykorzystuje pliki cookies do przechowywania informacji na Twoim komputerze. Pliki cookies stosujemy w celu świadczenia usług na najwyższym poziomie, w tym w sposób dostosowany do indywidualnych potrzeb. Korzystanie z witryny bez zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies oznacza, że będą one zamieszczane w Twoim komputerze. W każdym momencie możesz dokonać zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies