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Tytuł:
Means of Expressing and Implying Emotions and Impoliteness in Croatian and Montenegrin Public Discourse
Autorzy:
Šarić, Ljiljana
Radanović Felberg, Tatjana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/951715.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Croatia
Montenegro
identity discourse
emotions
impoliteness
Opis:
This article addresses means of expressing and implying emotions (Langlotz, Locher 2012) in realizations of impoliteness in written discourse thematizing language and identity in Croatian and Montenegrin media in 2010 and 2011. Realizations of impoliteness often relate to communicating an emotional stance that can trigger emotional responses in readers. Our discourse sample can be described as “disputes about language and identity” (cf. Felberg, Šarić 2013), which is largely characterized by conflictual disagreements. Conflictual disagreements, as Jones (2001) or Langlotz and Locher (2012) put it, do not leave one cold in face-to-face interaction: they arouse feelings of annoyance, irritation, anger, or contempt directed to the communicative partner. These observations are relevant in our context, although we deal with written discourse. The main participants in our data include well-known intellectuals, journalists, and editors. They all defend or attaca a position in discussing, among other things, “how similar ‘our’ language (Croatian/Montenegrin) is to ‘their’ language” (Serbian), and “what makes this language (Croatian/Montenegrin) a distinctive and independent entity”. These participants clearly position themselves in relation to other participants. Their positioning of the self and the other person involves negative identity-ascribing practices. Taking into consideration parameters such as the role of participants in discourse and society, context, co-text, and activity types in which discourse participants engaged, we identified various highly context-dependent types and functions of impoliteness realizations (cf. Šarić, Felberg 2015). Contrary to our expectations, the participants in the media discourse in both countries frequently use impoliteness both strategically and systematically while defending their positions. The impoliteness realizations point to emotively significant places in discourse. Their use has several functions: a prominent one is coercion through legitimizing one’s own standpoints and delegitimizing those of one’s opponents.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2015, 9; 123-148
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Główne determinanty polityki bezpieczeństwa narodowego Republiki Chorwacji w latach 1995-2013
Main determinants of Croatian national security policy during the 1995-2013 period
Autorzy:
Paszkiewicz, Jędrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/909821.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013-01-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Croatia
NATO
national security
Chorwacja
bezpieczeństwo narodowe
Opis:
The article investigates the factors which determined the evolution of the national security concept in the Republic of Croatia during the period 1995-2013, as viewed by the political elite as well as the Croatian society. The Croatian public discourse approaches the national security in the context of either a multi-faceted reform of the country’s security sector or an improvement of both the democratic control over the military and security forces. Among the former Yugoslav republics, Croatia accomplished major goals in its pursuit of the national security policy. After a period of arduous reforms and reconstruction, the country has become a member of both the NATO and the European Union. The issues which are still disputed among the researchers are the legal bases for the security policy and the process of the internalization of values lying at the foundation of the security sector reform. It is questionable whether or not the newly established system of legal and institutional references is likely to consolidate in the social, political and economic reality of modern Croatia.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2013, 20, 1; 217-227
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Vukovar as example of multiethnic and divided city
Vukovar kao primjer multietničkog i podjelenog grada
Autorzy:
Jagodar, Josip
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/910023.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-02-20
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
migrations
18-20 century
ethnic groups
Croatia
Vukovar
Opis:
Vukovar is the city in the East Croatia on the border with the Republic of Serbia. In the paper I attempt to show the development of the city, the composition of its population and the relationships between ethnic groups from establishing of Vukovar until the beginning of the Homeland war in 1991. The paper presents the history of the Croat majority and the minorities which were, and which are, present in the city: the Germans, Hungarians, Serbs, Rusyns, Ukrainians, Yews and the Slovaks. From the beginning Vukovar was a multicultural, multiethnic and multiconfessional city thanks to migrations which were present since its establishing, in which the Croats were the majority. After the WWI a large number of Serbs immigrated into this area. The political situation gave them benefits which earlier belonged to Germans and Hungarians. They gained power to rule the city. It became the source of constant tensions between the Serbian and Croatian population in the period of Yugoslavia (1918-1941) and during the WWII (1941-1944). Although the communist Yugoslav authorities were trying to pacify interethnic differences, the escalation of nationalisms brought about the siege and the capture of Vukovar in 1991 by the Serbian troops.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2017, 24, 1; 101-126
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Subwersywny potencjał śmiechu, czyli Ključ od velikih vrata Hinka Gottlieba
The Subversive Potential of Laughter in Hinko Gottlieb’s Ključ od velikih vrata [The Key to the Great Gate]
Autorzy:
Giergiel, Sabina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/30148706.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Hinko Gottlieb
the Holocaust
Croatia
grotesque
humour
fantasy
Opis:
This paper focuses on a short work of fiction written in the 1940s by the Croatian Jew, Hinko Gottlieb. The manuscript of the book was found in one of the Jerusalem archives and,about seventy years later was, prepared for publication in Croatia in 2021.  Undermining the readers’ previous habits, the book uncharacteristically problematises the Holocaust. Gottlieb uses humour as his major aesthetic device to describe internment. the story may also be ascribed to the fantasy genre, or to speculative fiction to be more precise. The purpose of the thought experiment presented here is to examine (in prison conditions) the possibilities that the socalled space capacitor has to offer. Besides acknowledging the occurrence in the text of such categories as science fiction, grotesque and surrealism, the article endeavours to answer the question about their use in the story of the Holocaust.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2023, 24; 43-63
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Identitet Hrvata i hrvatske države u govorima i porukama pape Ivana Pavla II.
The Identity of Croats and the Croatian State in the Speeches and Messages of Pope John Paul II
Autorzy:
Skoko, Božo
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/951749.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Croats
Croatia
identity
Pope John Paul II
messages
speeches
Opis:
Starting from the concept of “external branding” of states and nations, the paper analyses the speeches and messages of Pope John Paul II dedicated to Croats and the Croatian state, spoken and published during his pontificate (1978–2005), in order to uncover how he perceived and presented the Croatian identity. The author believes that Pope John Paul II, thanks to his charisma and significant public impact, as well as extensive knowledge of the Croatian identity, contributed greatly to strengthening the recognisability of Croats in the global public and to promote their values, interests and aspirations.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2016, 10; 361-376
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Percepcja Europy w wystąpieniach prezydenta Republiki Chorwacji Franja Tudjmana (1991-1999)
Perception of Europe in the speeches by the President of Republic of Croatia Franjo Tudjman (1991-1999)
Autorzy:
Paszkiewicz, Jędrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/909955.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-03-08
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Croatia
Tudjman
Balkans
European Union
Chorwacja
Bałkany
Unia Europejska
Opis:
The article deals with the discursive process through which Croatia framed its so-called “return to Europe” throughout the 1990s. T he author explores how Franjo Tudjman perceived Europe and European values by defining Croatian national identity in the strict opposition to the Balkan or Yugoslav identity. The post-communist government, which came to power after the first democratic elections in 1990, made use of the pre-communist historical-national narratives to legitimize itself and unify all ethnic Croats against the military threat. Even though since the beginning of the 1990s the Croatian president had declared his desire to join the European Union (EU ) as a visible symbol of the so called Europeanization process, a nationalist and isolationist attitude dominated both his political discourse and the intellectual debate. Europe was associated with the ontological values dedicated to the Western civilization rather than with such principles as democratization or the protection of human and minority rights, promoted by the EU . I n order to show the main directions within the F. Tudjman’s discourse, I used the analysis method focusing on his speeches and other works.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2015, 22, 2; 171-186
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Między upamiętnieniem a manipulacją: miejsce obozu koncentracyjnego w Jasenovacu w serbskiej pamięci i przestrzeni publicznej lat 80. i 90. XX wieku
Between commemoration and manipulation. The concentration camp in Jasenovac in Serbian memory and public space in the late 1980s and early 1990s
Autorzy:
Sokulski, Mateusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/32322414.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Jasenovac
pamięć
ludobójstwo
Serbia
Chorwacja
nacjonalizm
memory
genocide
Croatia
nationalism
Opis:
W artykule omówiono kwestię polityki pamięci w dyskursie publicznym Serbii w latach 80. XX wieku w odniesieniu do zbrodni ustaszy podczas II wojny światowej, popełnionych przeciwko Serbom w Niezależnym Państwie Chorwackim (NDH). Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na sprawę największego obozu koncentracyjnego ustaszy w Jasenovacu. Dyskusja na ten temat została przedstawiona na podstawie tekstów prasowych z drugiej połowy lat 80. i początku lat 90. W dominującej liczbie publikacji podkreślano, że Serbowie ponieśli ogromne straty, a zbrodnie przeciwko prawosławnym w NDH nigdy nie zostały ukarane. Zwracano uwagę na liczbę ofiar, często zawyżając liczbę zamordowanych w Jasenovacu. Dyskusje o ludobójstwie, które w ówczesnej Serbii często określano mianem „zapomnianego”, odnosiły się do ówczesnego klimatu politycznego w republice. Czołowi politycy serbscy ostro wypowiadali się na ten temat, ukazywały się liczne publikacje o charakterze naukowym i quasi-naukowym. Wielokrotnie manipulowano liczbą ofiar. W odniesieniu do działań narodowych chorwackich rozwijano przekaz o „przebudzeniu duchów ustaszy”. Antychorwacka retoryka nasiliła się wraz z wprowadzeniem systemu wielopartyjnego w Jugosławii (1989) i nasileniem dążeń secesjonistycznych w poszczególnych republikach. Tematy dotyczące Jasenovaca były rozwijane w kontekście ówczesnego kryzysu politycznego w Jugosławii i aspiracji elit serbskich w kierunku narodowego jednoczenia Serbów wokół przekazów martyrologicznych.
The article discusses the question of the politics of memory in the public discourse of Serbia in the 1980s with regard to the crimes commited by the Ustasha regime against the Serbian population in Independent State of Croatia (NDH), during World War II. Particular attention is is paid to the case of the largest Ustasha concentration camp Jasenovac. The discussion on this topic was presented on the basis of the press from the second half of the 1980s and the early 1990s. The predominant number of publications emphasised that the Serbs suffered huge losses and that the crimes against the Orthodox population in the NDH were never punished. Discussions about the genocide, which was often described in Serbia as „forgotten”, referred to the political climate in the republic at the time. Leading Serbian politicians spoke sharply on the subject, and numerous scientific and quasi-scientific publications were published. The number of victims was manipulated. Moreover, a message about the „awakening of the Ustasha spirits” was developed in relation to Croatian national activities. Anti-Croatian rhetoric intensified with the introduction of the multi-party system in Yugoslavia (1989) and strengthening of secessionist aspirations in Croatia. The discussions concerning Jasenovac were developed in the context of the political crisis of the federation at the time and the aspirations of Serbian elites towards national unification of Serbs around martyrdom messages.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2023, 30; 225-248
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Towards the Theory of the Naïve Art – Grgo Gamulin and the Understanding of Modernism
Autorzy:
Mance, Ivana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/909528.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-20
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Grgo Gamulin
Croatia
naïve art
modernism
art theory
art historiography
Opis:
The article presents the theory of naïve art of the Croatian art historian Grgo Gamulin (1910–1997), which he developed in a number of texts written from early 1960s. In his theory, Gamulin tried to explain the phenomenon of naïve art on the basis of the modernist paradigm by applying the type of argumentation that is characteristic for the discourse of high-modernity. Gamulin’s postulates on the naïve can be summarised with a few basic lines of speculation. First of all, Gamulin claims that the phenomenon of the naïve was epistemologically possible only in the context of modernism, and that it should therefore be considered an equally valuable movement of contemporary art. However, in order to defend its authenticity, he began adhering to the ab ovo theory, the notion that naïve art does not arise as a cumulative result of the historical development of art, but that it ontologically precedes that development. The naïve artist, according to Gamulin, always starts from the beginning, independent of events in the art world, and immune to influences. A naïve artist is therefore necessarily authentic, or rather original: not having any role models, he develops an individual style, independently building his own visual arts language. Gamulin further posits that the visual arts language of the naïve is not based on a naive imitation of reality, or mimesis, but on an instinctive, spontaneous symbolisation of subjective experience, and as such is completely autonomous in relation to the laws of reality, i.e. it is ontologically grounded in the artist’s imagination. Finally, in an effort to explain the social significance of naïve art, Gamulin interprets the emergence of the naïve in the context of the culture of modernism as compensation – a supposedly naïve attitude to aesthetic norms, as well as an imaginarium that evokes “lost spaces of childhood,” necessarily functions as a therapeutic substitute for the alienation of art and the modern life in general. As such, Gamulin’s theory vividly testifies to the character of naïve art as a phenomenon that is constitutive of the culture of modernism, but that also reflects a number of contemporary polemics and split opinions, not only on the topic of the naïve but of modernism as a whole. The split of opinions on naïve art, especially with regard to its genesis, partly reflects the positions of the so-called conflict on the left, discussions that were taking place between the interwar period and early 1950s with the aim of defining the relationship of leftist ideology to modernism, or rather the relationship between the values of socially-critical engagement and aesthetic autonomy. The discussion on the naïve, however, experienced a certain changing of sides– Grgo Gamulin, a one-time advocate for socialist realism, began supporting naïve art and thus rose to the defence of basically liberal understanding of modernism, while former opponents of socialist realism denounced the phenomenon of the naïve as ideologically inconsistent and aesthetically doctored. In conclusion, Gamulin’s theory, as well as the entire polemic around naïve art that was taking place during the 1960s and which the theory necessarily ties in with, demonstrates the complex contextual reality of a seemingly integral modernist paradigm, illustrating the confrontation of positions that is by no means peculiar to Yugoslav society.
Źródło:
Artium Quaestiones; 2019, 30; 191-209
0239-202X
Pojawia się w:
Artium Quaestiones
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dzień dzisiejszy studiów genderowych w Polsce z odniesieniami do (niedzisiejszych) kontekstów chorwackich
The Present Day of Gender Studies in Poland, with Some References to [Past] Croatian Contexts
Autorzy:
Kraskowska, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/635602.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
gender
feminism
backlash
Polska
Croatia
Catholic Church
„witches from Rio”
Opis:
The article sums up the anti-gender campaign of 2013–2014 launched in Poland by the Catholic Church and right-wing politicians. The situation is presented with reference to the Croatian „Witches from Rio” case of 1992–1993 in order to demonstrate similarities of the two backlash discourses, both in the choice of rhetorics and topics (e.g. international conspiracy, deviated sexuality, national treason, violation of the natural social order). Finally, the author attempts to diagnose the impact that the campaign has had so far on various gender-focused projects (both in research and teaching) conducted in and outside academia in Poland.
.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2016, 11; 83-95
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
State Security of Socialist Republic of Croatia and events in Poland 1980-1982
Autorzy:
Barić, Nikica
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2043569.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia
Socialist Republic of Croatia
Polska
Solidarity
state of war in Poland
State Security Service of Socialist Republic of Croatia
Opis:
The Socialist Republic of Croatia, as one of republics of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, possessed its State Security Service (Služba državne sigurnosti, SDS), equivalent to similar political security services in other communist states. At the Yugoslav level there was also the Federal State Security Service. The State Security of Croatia dealt with both internal and external threats to the communist system and gathered intelligence information. In the early 1980s the State Security of Croatia gathered sizeable amount of information on the events connected with activities of „Solidarity” in the People’s Republic of Poland and the crisis that ultimately led to the imposition of state of war in Poland, as well as reaction to these events in Croatia. The main aim of this paper is to present State Security reports about with Poland in the period between 1980 and 1982.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2021, 28, 2; 117-139
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
W okowach etniczności? Funkcjonowanie wybranych partii etnoregionalnych w Serbii i Chorwacji
In the shackles of ethnicity? The functioning of selected ethnoregionalist parties in Serbia and Croatia
Autorzy:
Mikucka-Wójtowicz, Dominika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/619727.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Serbia
Croatia
political parties
party systems
Chorwacja
partie polityczne
systemy partyjne
Opis:
The author carries out an analysis of the functioning of ethnoregionalist parties in Serbia and Croatia in relation to the theoretical principles presented in the paper and pertaining to the activities of ethnoregionalist parties (ERP). The paper aims to shed some light on the discussion on this topic and present the results of preliminary research into the functioning of selected ethnoregionlist groups in these two countries. The author believes that parties of this kind are changing both their postulates and strategies. Changes to the strategies of ethnoregionalist parties are significantly influenced by the policy of the state towards the minorities that reside in its territory and the policy of their respective native states.
Na przestrzeni ostatnich dwóch dekad możemy obserwować wyraźny wzrost znaczenia regionalnych i etnicznych tożsamości, prowadzący do powstawania coraz większej liczby ugrupowań etnoregionalnych i regionalnych. Mimo to – podobnie jak w przypadku wielu innych, istotnych i aktualnych współcześnie zjawisk społecznych – zdania badaczy w kwestii przyczyn reetnicyzacji systemów partyjnych, funkcjonowania partii etnoregionalnych, ich typów czy relacji z demokracją pozostają podzielone. Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie toczącej się w tym zakresie dyskusji oraz zaprezentowanie na jej tle wstępnych wyników badań dotyczących funkcjonowania wybranych ugrupowań etnoregionalnych w Serbii i Chorwacji.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2016, 1; 69-100
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Emigracja – kultura – wolność. O Vinku Nikoliciu i spełnionym śnie o niepodległości
Emigration – culture – freedom. Vinko Nikolić and his dream about the independence
Autorzy:
Przeklasa, Szymon
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/910149.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-01-24
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Vinko Nikolić
Croatia
emigration
independence
culture
literature
Chorwacja
emigracja
niepodległość
kultura
literatura
Opis:
Mamy wspólnego wroga, mamy wspólną ojczyznę – to zdanie autorstwa Vinka Nikolicia doskonale opisuje jego biografię, twórczość i tragedię życiową. Ten poeta i działacz emigracyjny jest dobrze znany w Chorwacji ze względu na jego przynależność do chorwackiej kultury i literatury, a także z powodu kontrowersyjnych związków z ultranacjonalistycznym ruchem ustaszowskim, który rządził Niezależnym Państwem Chorwackim (1940-1945). Celem artykułu jest ukazanie w jaki sposób V. Nikolić stał się jednym z najważniejszych chorwackich działaczy emigracyjnych w czasach istnienia socjalistycznej Jugosławii i jak zmieniły się jego zapatrywania na kwestię niezależności Chorwacji podczas blisko pięćdziesięcioletniego pobytu na emigracji. 
We have the same enemy and the same motherland – the sentence by Vinko Nikolić is the essential one to describe his life, creativeness and a tragedy of the entity. This poet and emigre activist is well-known person in Republic of Croatia due to the loyalty to native culture and literature but also because being a controversial figure linked with the ultranationalist organization of Croatian Revolutionary Movement – Ustaša (which used to rule in Independent State of Croatia during World War II). The aim of the article is to show how Nikolić had become one of the most important Croat abroad during the existence of Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, how his connotations with Nazis really looked and how he changed views on the independence during being out of Croatia for almost 50 years. 
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2019, 26, 1; 213-229
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Serbskie kręgi finansowe w Chorwacji na przełomie XIX i XX wieku. Kontekst społeczno-polityczny
Serbian financial elites in Croatia at the turn of the 19th century. Socio-political context
Autorzy:
Paszkiewicz, Jędrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/910224.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-02-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Serbs
Austro-Hungary
Croatia
financial elites
Serbowie
Austro-Węgry
Chorwacja
elity finansowe
Opis:
W artykule zostały przedstawione okoliczności, w których doszło do wykrystalizowania się serbskich elit finansowych w autonomicznym Królestwie Chorwacji i Sławonii, na przełomie XIX i XX wieku. Pod uwagę wzięto środowiska  które w tym czasie prowadziły działalność finansowo-kredytową. Rola serbskich elit finansowych jest charakteryzowana pod kątem działań ekonomicznych i powiązań społeczno-politycznych. W opisie uwzględniono kontekst “podwójnej autonomii” prawno-politycznej”, w których ówcześnie funkcjonowali prawosławni Serbowie, dotyczącej statusu Królestwa Chorwacji i Sławonii oraz patriarchatu w Karlovcach. Na podstawie analizy założeń programowych Banku Serbskiego z Zagrzebia (Srpska banka; 1895–1918), największej instytucji finansowej, która była kojarzona z serbskim kapitałem w Austro-Węgrzech, przeprowadzona jest refleksja nad wpływem omawianych elit na proces modernizacji społecznej i politycznej ludności serbskiej z obszaru ówczesnej Chorwacji.
The article decribes the circumstances of the emergence of the Serbian financial elites within the autonomous Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia at the turn of the 19th century, taking into consideration the circles which provided financial and credit services at that time. The role of the Serbian financial elites is discussed from the perspective of their economic activity, social and political affiliations. The discussion includes the context of the dual autonomy in the legal and political field, which regulated the status of the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia, the Patriarchate of Karlovci, and determined the overall situation of the Orthodox Serbs.The reflection on the influence of the financial elites on the social and political modernisation processes among the Serbian population of the then Croatian autonomy is created on the basis of the The Serbian Bank in Zagreb programme assumptions (Srpska banka; 1895–1918), which was the most prominent financial establishment associated with the Serbian capital within Austria-Hungary.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2018, 25, 1; 113-127
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Transformation of the Countries of Cen- tral and Eastern Europe – an Attempt at Comparing Croatia and Slovenia
Autorzy:
Lubik-Reczek, Natasza
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616522.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
transformation
Central and Eastern Europe
Croatia
Slovenia
transformacja
Europa Środkowa i Wschodnia
Chorwacja
Słowenia
Opis:
W Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej od kilkunastu lat zachodzą zmiany, które wyjaśniane są w kategoriach transformacji systemowej czy ustrojowej. Transformacja systemowa jest najczęściej używanym pojęciem do opisu zmiany społecznej, która rozpoczęła się w tym rejonie Europy po 1989 r. Zbliżonym pojęciem,  choć  węższym  jest  transformacja  ustrojowa,  która  opisuje  fazę  radykalnej  zmiany  ładu społecznego  w aspekcie  formalno-prawnym.  Analizując  transformację  państw  Europy  Środkowej i Wschodniej, zwrócić należy również uwagę na państwa bałkańskie. Zostały w nich uchwalone nowe konstytucje, ustawy o partiach politycznych i ordynacje wyborcze. Otworzyły one drogę do konkurencyjnego systemu partyjnego oraz systemu politycznego opartego na zasadach demokracji.
For over a dozen years changes have been taking place in Central and Eastern Europe which are explained in the categories of systemic transformation. “Systemic transformation” is the term most widely used to describe the social change that began in that part of Europe after 1989. A term close, albeit narrower, in meaning is the “political transformation” which describes the phase of radical change of social order in the formal and legal aspect. Analysing the transformation of Central and East European countries one should not disregard the Balkan states. Those states have new constitutions, laws concerning political parties and new electoral statutes. They have opened the road to a competitive party system and the political system based on democratic principles.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2015, 3; 79-92
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Od devedesetih: aktivističke i artivističke prakse – hrvatski slučaj
From the 1990s Onwards: Activist and Artivist Practices – the Case of Croatia
Autorzy:
Marjanić, Suzana
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/635810.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Igor Grubić
Black Peristyle (1998)
performance art
independent scene in Croatia
transition
democracy of capital
Opis:
The article documents the relation of performance art, actions, interventions, happenings, and the democracy of capital for the ruling power through double optics. The first optics constitutes a niche within which art is treated as a crime, as in the case of e.g. the individual guerrilla action Black Peristyle (Crni Peristil) from 1998, the author of which was summoned for interrogation at the Department for Terrorism and War Crimes.The second optics constitutes a niche within the framework of which art engagingly views what is political, what is criminal, what is taking place in this Balkan planetarium of ours – thus demonstrating that personal is (indeed) political – on the example of the independent scene on the one hand (Močvara Club and ATTACK!; I only address the independent scene of Zagreb on this occasion), but also the concept of “Green Democracy” (whereby I used the syntagma by Vandana Shiva) on the example of the activist practice of Animal Friends, as well as the examples of the artistic practice of multimedia artist Ivan Mesek, who also sought to indicate the suffering of animals on the barbed wire (Hungarian-Croatian and Slovenian-Croatian borders). With the aforementioned examples from the niche of animal rights, I sought to document the refugee crisis on the Balkan Route through the optics of equalising speciesism (species-based discrimination) and racism.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2019, 17; 87-100
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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