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    Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3
    Tytuł:
    Florian Znaniecki jako pedagogiczny marzyciel
    Florian Znaniecki as a Pedagogical Dreamer
    Autorzy:
    Kwieciński, Zbigniew
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/919866.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-03-15
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    possibility of decline of Western civilization
    new education as a rescue
    Florian Znaniecki as a pedagogue
    Opis:
    An outstanding sociologist and philosopher of culture did not consider himself a pedagogue and was not perceived as one. An analysis of his books written during periods of great global crises: The Fall of Western Civilization (1921) and The Social Role of a University Student (1940), indicates that the fundamental transformation of education, especially university education, is a necessary condition for the formation of a new “aristocracy of the spirit”, new creative elites, capable of leading the masses (people) to the revival and development of Western civilization. American universities are particularly well-suited to this function. Both the content and the language of these books confirms that Florian Znaniecki was a radical humanistic pedagogue.
    Źródło:
    Studia Edukacyjne; 2019, 52; 35-48
    1233-6688
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Edukacyjne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Dylematy wprowadzenia euro w Polsce przez pryzmat polityczny i gospodarczy
    The dilemmas related to launching the euro in Poland in terms of politics and economy
    Autorzy:
    Piwnicki, Grzegorz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616834.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    euro
    European structures
    center and peripheries
    hard core of Europe
    Western European civilization
    struktury europejskie
    centra i peryferie
    twardy rdzeń Europy
    cywilizacja zachodnioeuropejska
    Opis:
    The issue of Poland’s accession to the eurozone is universal and crucial both in economic and political terms, as well as with reference to civilizational processes. After the collapse of communism, Poland opted to join European structures (NATO and the European Union). This choice was concordantly made by the political elite, and the entire internal and foreign policy of Poland was aimed at these goals, which were eventually achieved in 1999–2004. It might seem that having succeeded there, Poland would continue to integrate with the West and become a part of Western European civilization. This is the only way to escape the peripheries and take a central position in Europe and western civilization, something Poland has unavailingly endeavored to achieve for centuries. It has turned out, however, that on account of opportunistic and short-term gains the majority of the political elite have changed their standpoint on this fundamental issue. This political trend is quite dangerous as it may result in the Polish state and society being marginalized on the peripheries of European circles. The euro is more than a single currency, it is also a guarantee of Poland’s permanent position in the center of Europe, that could ensure secure its existence, its present and future economic stability, and liberation from its Eastern European past.
    Problem przystąpienia Polski do strefy euro jest ponadczasowy, ważny nie tylko w kwestiach gospodarczych i politycznych, ale przede wszystkim cywilizacyjnych. Nasz kraj po upadku komunizmu opowiedział się za włączeniem do struktur europejskich (NATO i Unia Europejska). Była w tym wyborze zgoda elit politycznych, podporządkowano temu całą polską politykę wewnętrzną i zagraniczną. Cel został osiągnięty w latach 1999–2004. Wydawać by się mogło, że po osiągnięciu tego sukcesu państwo polskie dalej będzie się integrować z Zachodem, wpisywać się w krąg cywilizacji zachodnioeuropejskiej. To jedyna droga wyjścia z peryferii i zajęcia miejsca w centrum Europy i zachodniej cywilizacji, do czego Polska dążyła bezskutecznie przez kilkaset lat. Tymczasem okazało się, że większość elit politycznych z koniunkturalnych i doraźnych pobudek zmieniła w tej fundamentalnej sprawie zdanie. Jest to bardzo niebezpieczny trend polityczny, ponieważ możemy być w najbliższej przyszłości jako państwo, ale również społeczeństwo zmarginalizowani jako peryferie w przestrzeni europejskiej. Euro to nie tylko wspólna waluta, ale gwarant stałego miejsca w centrum Europy co mogłoby zapewnić Polsce bezpieczny byt, stabilność gospodarczą obecnie i w przyszłości, wyzwolenie się od przeszłości wschodnioeuropejskiej.
    Źródło:
    Przegląd Politologiczny; 2016, 1; 91-106
    1426-8876
    Pojawia się w:
    Przegląd Politologiczny
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    KOREA: KLUCZ DALEKIEGO WSCHODU (1905) AND WACŁAW SIEROSZEWSKI’S VIEW OF KOREA
    „극동의 열쇠 한국”(1905)과 쉐로셰프스키의 한국 인식
    KOREA: KLUCZ DALEKIEGO WSCHODU (1905) I POGLĄDY WACŁAWA SIEROSZEWSKIEGO NA TEMAT KOREI
    Autorzy:
    LEE, Yeong-Mi
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1040236.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017-07-08
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    Wacław C. Sieroszewski (1858-1945)
    Korea
    Klucz Dalekiego Wschodu (1905)
    zachodnia supremacja
    nowoczesna cywilizacja
    Japonia
    Western supremacy
    modern civilization
    Japan
    Opis:
    The aim of this paper is to review Wacław C. Sieroszewski’s (1858-1945) view of Korea. He, well-known Polish writer, traveled to Korea, i. e., Daehan Empire (大韓帝國), in fall of 1903, and published Korea: Klucz Dalekiego Wschodu (1905). Considering that most of travelogues of Korea were written by American, British, French, and German, so-called “Western powers,” KKDW was a pretty valuable book.The author believes that Western view of Korea was notably changed around the late eighteenth century. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Europeans did not ignore or belittle Korea and Korean. They regarded Korea as a rich and well-systemized country, and Korean as an intelligent nation, although they had very little knowledge of Korea. On the other hand, generally speaking, they degraded Korea and Korean in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and Sieroszewski was one of them. Poland was one of the weakest countries in Europe, but his view was not different from that of American, British, French, and German authors.Sieroszewski was favorably impressed by Japan before he came to Korea in October, 1903, and, as a result, he constantly compared Korea and Japan. He even wrote that Japan was better than Europe in some ways. He truly believed that Japan was the only country to carry out a desirable reform for Korea. Meanwhile, he never approved the Russia’s imperialist ambition for Korea. He considered Japan as an agent of the West. In conclusion, his idea of Korea and the East was quite similar to that of other contemporary Western travelers.
    Celem pracy jest dokonanie przeglądu poglądów na temat Korei Wacława C. Sieroszewskiego (1858-1945). Ten znany polski pisarz wyjechał do Korei to jest tak zwanego imperium Daehan (大 韓帝國) jesienią 1903 r. Następnie opublikował książkę o Korei: Klucz Dalekiego Wschodu (1905) (KDW). Biorąc pod uwagę, że większość dzienników z podróży do Korei została napisana przez amerykańskich, brytyjskich, francuskich i niemieckich pisarzy z tak zwanych „mocarstw zachodnich”, KDW stanowi cenne źródło informacji.
    본 논문은 폴란드 작가 바츠와프 쉐로셰프스키 (Wacław C. Sieroszewski, 1858~1945)의 저서 『극동의 열쇠 한국 (Korea : Klucz Dalekiego Wschodu)』(1905)에 나타난 한국 인식을 검토하려는 목적에서 집필되었다. 『극동의 열쇠 한국』은 19세기 말과 20세기 초에 양산된 서양인들의 한국견문록 중 거의 유일하게 폴란드인이 작성한 책으로, 대다수의 한국 관계 문헌이 미국, 영국, 프랑스, 독일 등 소위 서양 열강 여행자들의 것임을 고려할 때 상당히 희소성 높은 자료라고 평가할 수 있다. 서양인들이 한국을 바라보는 방식은 18세기 후반에 시작된 서구 세계의 변화와 함께 달라졌다. 가령 17~18세기의 유럽인들은 한국에 관한 지식이 극히 빈약하였으나, 한국을 섣불리 무시하거나 경멸하지는 않았던 것 같다. 그 이유는 당시 세계 질서에서 아시아가 차지하고 있었던 우월한 지위 때문이라고 생각된다. 그들은 서구 문명보다 중국 문명을 높이 평가하였고, 경제적으로도 아시아에 의존하고 있었던 것이다. 반면 19세기 이후 ‘서구의 시대’ 에 출간된 한국 관계 문헌들은 한국에 대한 비하를 기본 자세로 삼았던 듯하다. 『극동의 열쇠 한국』도 마찬가지이다. 저자 쉐로셰프스키의 모국 폴란드는 당시 유럽에서 가장 허약한 나라 중 하나였으나, 그가 한국을 보던 눈은 서양 강대국 출신 사람들의 그것과 별다른 차이가 없었던 것으로 판단된다. 쉐로셰프스키는 끊임없이 한국과 일본을 대비시켰다. 1903년 10월 한국에 오기 전 일본에 체류하면서 대단히 긍정적인 인상을 받았기 때문이다. 그는 어떤 점에서는 일본이 유럽보다 낫다고 할 만큼 일본에 매료되었다. 그리하여 오직 일본만이 한국을 위하여 바람직한 개혁을 시행할 것이라고 확신한 반면, 같은 유럽 국가인 러시아의 지배욕에 관해서는 (폴란드가 러시아의 지배를 받고 있었던 것도 이유가 되겠지만) 조금도 호응하지 않았다. 즉, 그는 일본을 동아시아에서 서양의 대체자로 간주한 것인데, 이 또한 미국, 영국, 프랑스, 독일 등지에서 한국을 보러 왔던 이들의 입장과 흡사한 것으로 해석된다.
    Źródło:
    International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences; 2017, 3; 127-146
    2449-7444
    Pojawia się w:
    International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
      Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3

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