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    Wyświetlanie 1-12 z 12
    Tytuł:
    Les dérivés nominaux de noms propres en tant qu’insultes dans le discours médiatique polonais
    Nominal derivatives of proper nouns as insults in Polish media discourse
    Autorzy:
    Kochanowska, Anna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1048557.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017-09-15
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    proper nouns
    derivatives
    insults
    hate speech
    Opis:
    The aim of the article is to study simple nominal derivatives created from the acronym of the Polish political party Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice). In some forms of media discourse, these derivatives function as insults and are among many instruments of hate speech.
    Źródło:
    Studia Romanica Posnaniensia; 2017, 44, 3; 87-101
    0137-2475
    2084-4158
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Romanica Posnaniensia
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Gdy słowo dzieli. Mowa pogardy i nienawiści w relacjach między ludźmi
    When the word divides. Contempt speech and hate speech in relationships between people
    Autorzy:
    Obrębska, Monika
    Dobrowolska, Marcelina
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2043916.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021-03-15
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    hate speech
    minority groups
    social prejudices
    Opis:
    Hate speech is defined as verbal abuse against minority groups. Its emotional basis is contempt which activates anger and revulsion. Therefore, it seems to be justified to speak of “contempt speech and hate speech” as a spreading social phenomenon, in effect resulting in a generalised deterioration in attitudes toward minorities. The media and public figures play a huge role in promoting hate speech, and it is also fostered by the sense of danger accompanying the COVID-19 pandemic. In order to stop this process, we should start to perceive hate speech as a serious social problem, the conditions and consequences of which should be the subject of reflection and scientific studies.
    Źródło:
    Człowiek i Społeczeństwo; 2021, 51; 221-239
    0239-3271
    Pojawia się w:
    Człowiek i Społeczeństwo
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Political dispute in Poland in the eyes of Facebook slacktivists
    Spór polityczny w Polsce, w oczach facebookowych slaktywistów
    Autorzy:
    Pawlak, Piotr
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1912323.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2021-03-15
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    democracy crisis
    hate speech
    slacktivism
    social media
    Opis:
    This text is a report from research on selected aspects of the crisis of democracy in Poland. The problem of the analysis focuses on questions about the attitude of the participants in the political dispute towards opponents, the possibility (and method) of reaching an agreement and the assessment of the situation. I chose the area of analysis considering social media a transparent platform for political dispute (especially during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic). The essence of the research was to find respondents clearly involved in the political dispute. I choose Facebook, among the other things, because this platform creates a place of many actively operating thematic groups which gathers supporters of particular political options. This fact facilitate reaching respondents with the preferred characteristics. The survey was conducted in the period 13/12/2020 to 25/01/2021 on the basis of the author’s form consisting of 15 questions. The research sample consists of 220 respondents: 126 women and 94 men aged 14 to 72 years old. Appropriately for the nature of the variables and the sample size, the contingency coefficient and the Kruskal-Wallis test were calculated, together with the statistical significance of the obtained results. All analyzes were performed on the basis of SPSS software version 26 and Microsoft Excel.
    Niniejszy tekst jest raportem z badań nad wybranymi aspektami kryzysu demokracji w Polsce. Problem analizy koncentruje się na pytaniach o stosunek uczestników sporu politycznego do przeciwników, możliwości (i sposobu) osiągnięcia porozumienia oraz oceny sytuacji. Obszar analizy wybrałem, traktując media społecznościowe jako przejrzystą platformę do sporu politycznego (szczególnie podczas pandemii SARS-CoV-2). Istotą badania było znalezienie respondentów wyraźnie zaangażowanych w spór polityczny. Autor wskazał portal Facebook między innymi dlatego, że platforma ta tworzy miejsce dla wielu aktywnie działających grup tematycznych, skupiających zwolenników poszczególnych opcji politycznych. Fakt ten ułatwia dotarcie do respondentów o preferowanych cechach. Badanie przeprowadzono w okresie od 13.12.2020 r. Do 25.01.2021 r. Na podstawie autorskiego formularza składającego się z 15 pytań. Próba badawcza liczy 220 respondentów: 126 kobiet i 94 mężczyzn w wieku od 14 do 72 lat. Odpowiednio do charakteru zmiennych i liczebności próby obliczono współczynnik kontyngencji i test Kruskala-Wallisa oraz istotność statystyczną uzyskanych wyników. Wszystkie analizy wykonano w oparciu o oprogramowanie SPSS w wersji 26 i Microsoft Excel.
    Źródło:
    Przegląd Politologiczny; 2021, 1; 23-37
    1426-8876
    Pojawia się w:
    Przegląd Politologiczny
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Portal społecznościowy Facebook jako narzędzie realizacji celów edukacji antydyskryminacyjnej
    Facebook as a tool to anti-discrimination education
    Autorzy:
    Smoter, Katarzyna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/920181.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014-01-01
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    Facebook
    social network
    hate speech
    anti-discrimination education
    Opis:
    Countering social exclusion is becoming a import_ant social issue. Those kinds of activities are developed in the field of anti-discrimination education, (where one of the most meaningful aspects is preventing hate speech). Such activities are undertaken in campaigns and projects, for example: “Bez nienawiści,” “Hejtstop,” “Mowa miłości,” which are promoted on the social network Facebook. They are examples of good practices that should be disseminated and continued, also in the context of formal education.
    Źródło:
    Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej; 2014, 7; 41-55
    2300-391X
    Pojawia się w:
    Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    WHEN UNIVERSITY BECOMES THE ENEMY: HATE SPEECH ATTACKS ON FACEBOOK
    Autorzy:
    RESENDE, VIVIANE DE MELO
    MARTINELLI, YARA
    SARAIVA, ERNANI VIANA
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1036231.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020-02-25
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    Critical discourse analysis
    Hate speech
    Facebook
    Brazil
    ultra right
    Opis:
    The extreme right hate speech propagated currently in Brazil addresses a broad social spectrum, from feminist movements to traditional communities. The academic community and higher education institutions are also targets, as they are identified as poles of democratic resistance. Specific hate speech towards academy in Brazil is the subject of this paper. The persecution of academic community and knowledge itself occurs through the discursive dispute especially on social networks, and thus in this analytical exercise, we looked up at Facebook’s largest bolsonarista’s group – the “Jair Bolsonaro Presidency Support Group”, which brings together 317,000 members. We analyzed the memetic discourse on the page, focusing memes that were published between April and June 2019, thematizing higher public education, and presenting a bimodal verb-visual composition. These criteria led to the collection of 115 memes analyzed with the support of a QDA package. Analysis reveals the disqualification of university institutions and their actors through ironies, negative associations including stereotypes, simplification of debate to the shallower. Students are often associated with nudity as immorality, professors of indoctrination and ridicule, protesters of ignorance, or bad character. Political debate is reduced to extreme left-right polarization, with the criminalization of the left.
    Źródło:
    Society Register; 2020, 4, 1; 23-36
    2544-5502
    Pojawia się w:
    Society Register
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    "The Development of the Hate Speech Regulation in Hungary: from Criminal Law to Civil Law and Media Regulation"
    Autorzy:
    Gárdos-Orosz, Fruzsina
    Nagy, Krisztina
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/684791.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    hate speech
    freedom of speech
    media law
    discrimination
    criminal law,
    constitutional law
    Opis:
    In the Hungarian legal system, the anti-hate speech rules of media law provide an ad-ditional (administrative) proceeding for the media authority in parallel with proceedings under criminal law and civil law. The media authorities, over the past twenty years, have consistently set media law sanctions at a lower intervention threshold than criminal law did, and in many cases, they established media law violation in cases where criminal proceedings for incitement against a community were not initiated or ended in acquittal. The fundamental aim of media law regulation is to shape media content and the edit-ing practices of media players with a view to ensure respect for human dignity, and to prevent media from becoming an ‘amplifier’ of hateful communications. In the first four-teen years of the Hungarian media regulation, the scope of interpretation concerning anti-hate speech media law restrictions developed gradually. The authority reacted not only to individual cases, and individual communications, but also carried out targeted investigations in cases that can be described as a phenomenon in the media coverage. Besides reviewing news and information programmes, it also acted against hateful con-tents of the entertainment programmes. The new media regulation, which entered into force in 2011, partially amended the content of the former anti-hate speech regulation: in addition to the provisions of “incitement to hatred”, the former category of “offending or prejudiced content” was replaced by the prohibition of “exclusion”. The practice of the media authority has not changed as regards the assessment of the media law standard, as the authority has continued to apply it differently from the criminal law standard, con-sidering it as a lower intervention threshold. However, in comparison with pre-2010 practice, the authority initiated considerably fewer proceedings and its approach in terms of law enforcement became less characterised by adjudicating problems that can be de-scribed as phenomenon in the media coverage, no targeted proceedings of this kind were initiated. Its practice can be characterised by a couple of high profile cases with extreme sanctions, which attract great attention. These cases are important as they designate the boundaries of public communications, but in this way, media law measures are not really suitable for making any substantial changes to the characteristics of the media coverage.
    Źródło:
    Adam Mickiewicz University Law Review; 2018, 8
    2450-0976
    Pojawia się w:
    Adam Mickiewicz University Law Review
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Politically correct hate speech
    Autorzy:
    Demenko, Anna
    Urbańczyk, Michał
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1037296.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020-09-30
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    hate speech
    political correctness
    criminal law
    freedom of speech
    rules of precaution
    Opis:
    In the paper we discuss the reasons behind a specific permissiveness of the Polish judicial authorities with regard to hate speech. Hate speech is criminalized by various provisions of the Polish Criminal Code. But as conducted surveys and statistics show, these regulations do not seem to be used adequately. The acceptance of hate speech does not necessarily result from the fact that we are a less tolerant society, but also to a large extent, from the fact that the scope of what is allowed to be said, especially publicly, is in Poland very broad. Paradoxically, it seems that in this ‘new democracy’ there is more freedom of speech than in Western countries, where political correctness plays a very important role in public and social life. The lack of responsibility that goes with freedom of speech and of boundaries on what might be expressed in public, the scurrilous language used also by high-ranking officials, influence the rules of socially acceptable behaviour. These rules also influence the scope of what is considered criminal behaviour. When tackling the problem of the acceptance of hate speech, it is also very important to remember that legal acts, especially criminal law, might not necessarily be the best way to change the attitudes in a society. Restrictions on freedom of speech might not only have a freezing effect but also be counterproductive – that which it is prohibited to say tends to be said more. The problem is to strike the right balance between those two possible outcomes.
    Źródło:
    Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny; 2020, 82, 3; 169-177
    0035-9629
    2543-9170
    Pojawia się w:
    Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Gender representations in the Polish public space – an attempt to capture the dynamics of the discourse
    Autorzy:
    Grochalska, Monika
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2194854.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020-12-15
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    gender
    hate speech
    tolerance
    discrimination
    homophobia
    sexism
    anti-discrimination actions
    politics
    Opis:
    Before 2013, the term ‘gender’ as used to define male and female social roles had appeared relatively rarely in the public sphere. However, it had not been completely unknown. Whenever this term did occur in utterances of public figures, it was mostly in reference to equality policies (gender policy) and the idea of gender mainstreaming in EU projects. It was commonly associated with feminism and has in this form entered the social consciousness, including the minds of major public figures, especially those with highest state positions. The situation changed radically in 2013. The term ‘gender’ started to be connected with ‘gender ideology’, a term coined by people associated with the Catholic Church. This article presents the ways in which the issues related to the broadly meant gender are presented on the right and left sides of the political scene. This analysis is based on selected interviews and other utterances of famous politicians as well as the articles in popular weekly magazines published in 2011–2015. This paper covers both kinds of utterances – those in line with the rules of political correctness and the examples of hate speech. All examples are provided to highlight the mechanisms of discrimination hidden in the language of politics.
    Źródło:
    Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja; 2020, 17, 1; 369-397
    2300-0422
    Pojawia się w:
    Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Reprezentacje gender w polskiej sferze publicznej – próba uchwycenia dynamiki dyskursu
    Autorzy:
    Grochalska, Monika
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2194856.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2020-12-15
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    gender
    hate speech
    tolerance
    discrimination
    homophobia
    sexism
    anti-discrimination actions
    politics
    Opis:
    Before 2013, the term ‘gender’ as used to define male and female social roles had appeared relatively rarely in the public sphere. However, it had not been completely unknown. Whenever this term did occur in utterances of public figures, it was mostly in reference to equality policies (gender policy) and the idea of gender mainstreaming in EU projects. It was commonly associated with feminism and has in this form entered the social consciousness, including the minds of major public figures, especially those with highest state positions. The situation changed radically in 2013. The term ‘gender’ started to be connected with ‘gender ideology’, a term coined by people associated with the Catholic Church. This article presents the ways in which the issues related to the broadly meant gender are presented on the right and left sides of the political scene. This analysis is based on selected interviews and other utterances of famous politicians as well as the articles in popular weekly magazines published in 2011–2015. This paper covers both kinds of utterances – those in line with the rules of political correctness and the examples of hate speech. All examples are provided to highlight the mechanisms of discrimination hidden in the language of politics.
    Źródło:
    Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja; 2020, 17, 1; 339-367
    2300-0422
    Pojawia się w:
    Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Alternative für Deutschland: rhetoric against migrants as a threat to democracy in Germany
    Alternatywa dla Niemiec: retoryka przeciwko migrantom jako zagrożenie dla demokracji w Niemczech
    Autorzy:
    Gołębiowska, Klaudia
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/31233393.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2023
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    Alternative für Deutschland
    AfD
    hate speech
    immigrants
    democracy
    Alternatywa dla Niemiec
    mowa nienawiści
    imigranci
    demokracja
    Opis:
    The field of this artice is the far-right populist AfD party in the context of anti-immigrant rhetoric. I intend to establish to what extent the anti-immigrant agenda and activity can pose a threat to democracy in Germany. The field of research is the ideological background of the AfD. I intend to show what the anti-immigrant arguments stem from and what their boundaries are. In conducting research I adopted the main hypothesis according to which: far-right and populist AfD displaying anti-immigrant rhetoric are increasingly going beyond the boundaries of free speech to extremisms that undermine the constitutional order in Germany. The AfD aims to destabilise the democratic landscape by, among other things, building support for anti-immigrant attitudes.
    Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest skrajnie prawicowa populistyczna partia AfD w kontekście antyimigranckiej retoryki. Celem jest ustalenie w jakim stopniu antyimigrancki program i działalności mogą stanowić zagrożenie dla demokracji w Niemczech. Obszarem badań jest ideologiczne tło AfD. Zamierzam pokazać, z czego wynikają argumenty antyimigranckie oraz jakie są ich granice. Prowadząc badania przyjęłam główną hipotezę, zgodnie z którą: skrajnie prawicowa i populistyczna AfD prezentująca antyimigrancką retorykę coraz częściej wykracza poza granice wolności słowa w kierunku ekstremizmów podważających porządek konstytucyjny w Niemczech. AfD dąży do destabilizacji demokratycznego krajobrazu, między innymi poprzez budowanie poparcia dla postaw antyimigranckich.
    Źródło:
    Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej; 2023, 17; 243-255
    1899-6256
    Pojawia się w:
    Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Ironia postkolonialna. Język politycznej poprawności jako tworzywo literackie w polskiej prozie po 1989 r.
    Postcolonial Irony. The Language of Political Correctness as a Source of Polish Literary Fiction After 1989
    Autorzy:
    Kledzik, Emilia
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1182381.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014-12-02
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    postcolonial studies
    irony
    political correctness
    hate speech
    polish prose after 1989
    postkolonializm
    ironia
    poprawność polityczna
    mowa nienawiści
    polska proza po 1989
    Opis:
    Artykuł stawia tezę, że literatura polska powstała po transformacji ustrojowej wchłonęła język licznych debat społecznych i obyczajowych, jakie przewijały się przez polską opinię publiczną przez dwadzieścia pięć lat demokracji – w tym nad fenomenem tzw. „politycznej poprawności”. Podstawową figurą retoryczną stosowaną w jej obronie przez troje pisarzy – Mariusza Sieniewicza, Artura Daniela Liskowackiego i Joannę Bator – jest ironiczny cytat mowy nienawiści. Autorka porównuje tę semantyczną woltę do klasycznego zjawiska postkolonialnej figury mimikry. W tym wypadku językiem kolonizatora byłby homogenizujący, etnocentryczny język reżimu komunistycznego. Literatura, której głównym bohaterem jest wykluczający, tworzący podziały język, stanowi dobre studium konstruowanych i demontowanych w nim tożsamości.
    The article argues that Polish post-1989 literature absorbed the language of numerous debates on controversial issues that have been present in the Polish public opinion for twenty-five years of democracy – including the phenomenon of the socalled “political correctness”. The basic rhetorical figure used in its defense by three writers – Mariusz Sieniewicz, Arthur Daniel Liskowacki and Joanna Bator – is an ironic quotation of hate speech. The author compares this phenomenon to the classic figure of post-colonial mimicry. In this case, the ethnocentric language of the communist regime would constitute the language of the colonizer. Literature, whose main character is the language of exclusion, provides a good study of how it helps constructing and dismantling the identity.
    Źródło:
    Porównania; 2014, 15; 133-152
    1733-165X
    Pojawia się w:
    Porównania
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Krytyczna teoria rasy (Critical Race Theory) i obecność koncepcji rasy w kontekscie przeszłych i bieżących amerykańskich dyskusji edukacyjnych
    Critical Race Theory and the Presence of Concept of Race in the Past and Current Educational Debates in the United States
    Autorzy:
    Drozdowicz, Jarema
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/645006.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2012
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    race
    racism
    Critical
    Race Theory
    Culture
    education
    American studies
    Gates
    controversy
    Brown vs. Board of Education
    hate speech
    difference
    Williams-Bolar controversy
    Opis:
    The concept of race seems to be, despite the efforts of various political movements of 1960’s still present in the public life and education in the Unites States. Contemporary educational debates in America in most cases tackle this problem through the lenses of a specific research approach which takes the concept of race as granted, when examining social relations in the American society. This approach, generally called Critical Race Theory (CRT) had been established in the late 1980’s, but its theoretical, methodological and political roots go back to the decade of the Vietnam War and the assassination of Martin Luther King or even further. This paper makes an attempt to deliver a closer look at the CRT and to highlight its most important assumptions and forms of political actions undertaken within the common frame of the racial concept. The Boasian tradition in the American way of conceptualization of race is an important factor in this debate. The past and present educational debates in the USA prove the fact that the idea of race is undergoing nowadays an intensive shift from its biological basis towards economic and social differences making the new conflicts even more visible in the American political landscape today.
    Źródło:
    Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja; 2012, 1; 65-80
    2300-0422
    Pojawia się w:
    Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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