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    Tytuł:
    Sposoby czytania rzymskich portretów starców z okresu republiki
    How to Read Roman Republican Portraits of the Old Men
    Autorzy:
    Bugaj, Ewa
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1046766.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014-01-01
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    ancient art
    ancient portraiture
    Roman Republican portraiture
    veristic portraiture
    Roman funerary reliefs and monuments
    Roman portraits in a public and private context
    political uses of images in Rome
    Opis:
    The portrait sculpture from the Republican era, better recognisable since the second century BC, although gaining in popularity particularly in the first century, constitutes one of the most unique portrait collections ever created. Variability of the portraits reveals combination of abstract features, expressed in an appropriate visual language, with definite physiognomic features and characteristics of persons being portrayed. A new type of portraiture was created at the time, different from the traditional Hellenistic one. Although it was the latter that was a source of the idea itself, and a provider of formal tools used to implement the idea. With this new concept the portraiture obtained an unprecedented capacity to articulate and project the interior processes of human experience. The Roman concept of portraying was most distinctive in so called veristic portraits, usually assumed to represent the essence of what was socially Roman. The collection consists mainly of the portraits of old men, frequently bold and toothless, with wry faces, full of wrinkles and scars – depicted in a stern manner, the manner that was not limited only to a persistent portraying of irregularities in physiognomies. Also emotional states were shown – almost with no exception these emaciated faces were gloomy and graceless. Looking at them might mislead viewers into assumption that they represented uncompromising images of their models. However, according to some studies, they were often just conventional types of representations, with features resulting from ideological motivation. And manipulating particular elements of physiognomy and character, these portrayed people – public images – were supposed to carry a particular message, to play desired and expected political and propaganda roles. What the role was remains a disputable issue, depending on various interpreting approaches. The papers dealing with the history of ancient art have been revealing, for the several years, various attempts made to extend interpretative interest beyond formal and stylistic interpretations of antique pieces of art and to look at these visual representations in a wider cultural and political context of their times. The study of the Republican portrait – traditionally explaining the origin of so called verism of these images in terms of the influence of the preceding realistic Hellenistic or Egyptian portraiture and images of ancestors – has been replaced by the approach promoting interpretation of these portraits as the signs existing in particular historical and political context which helps to explain their special visual expression. Such new interpretative perspectives significantly improved our understanding of forms and meanings of the portraits, although there are still several unclear issues, such as the social functioning of art. What is more, various researchers represent significantly different approaches. Thus, the portraits of the old men, especially popular towards the end of the republican era, on the one hand were interpreted as signs of protest against the contemporary reality, with which they argued, not allowing for what was approaching. While emphasising their age, the portrayed persons were supposed to emphasise their long-lasting service for the Republic, as well as the values they were devoted to, which were virtues, such as gravitas, dignitas, fides. On the other hand, these Republican portraits of old men are sometimes interpreted as efficient medium of social and cultural activities, and more precisely, as a result of relationships with authorities, and even as a tool used to build these relationships, especially if there was a patronage system functioning. In my paper, I confront various attitudes towards the portraits of old men and present the most convincing, in my opinion, interpretations, also trying to extend them.
    Źródło:
    Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae; 2014, 24, 1; 33-60
    0302-7384
    Pojawia się w:
    Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Kolos rodyjski: gdzie stał i jak był wykonany
    Autorzy:
    Wujewski, Tomasz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/909481.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-05-07
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    art of ancient Greece
    Hellenistic period
    Colossus of Rhodes
    problems of location and construction technique
    Opis:
    Colossus of Rhodes: Where It Stood and How It Was Made The author, just as Ursula Vedder, who has expressed the same opinion recently, has been long sure that the place where the Colossus of Rhodes was located was the acropolis of the town of Rhodes. The paper includes also some arguments that have not been presented by the German scholar. At first, some source information concerning the Colossus has been briefly summarized. For instance, the expression in APV, 171 (Overbeck 1543), ou gar hyper pelagos monon anthesan alla kai en ga, may be understood as confirming its location in the acropolis: “it stood not only close to the sea, but also on the earth.” In fact, there it would have loomed over the land and the sea, and, as big as it was, it could be seen from a distance. The text by Philo of Byzantium is not credible, as it was written quite late. Then the problem has been analyzed critically. As regards the legend of Colossus bestriding the entrance to the harbor, one may add to the already listed counterarguments that for static reasons a piece of sculpture shaped that way would have needed a third footing attached to the sea bottom at the harbor entrance, which would have made the ships’ access to the harbor difficult. Besides, such a pose of a god would have seemed a little indecent. A hypothesis that situates the Colossus at the end of a pier in the Mandraki Bay, preferred by many scholars, also has its weak points. Placed there, the construction site would have been too small, particularly that construction took at least twelve years, and it would have been difficult to move building materials along the narrow and long pier which under such circumstances could not be used as part of the harbor. According to Strabo (XIV, 2, 5) the harbor was accessible only to authorized personnel. Was it then a good location for a work of art intended to glorify the people of Rhodes? Even if the Colossus had been accessible there, it would have been visible only in a shortened perspective, in frog’s eye view. Still, the most important was the problem of proper display of the statue. Placed on the pier, it would have to turn its back either to the town, or to the sea, and in both cases connotations would have been unwelcome. Such details were essential for ancient Greeks. For static and constructional reasons, one must also reject a hypothesis that the Colossus put his palm over the eyes, as if examining the horizon. If it is true that the relics of the statue remained for several hundred years intact, they would have blocked access to the harbor since most probably they would have fallen into the sea. Besides, would the iron elements have resisted corrosion well enough to be recognizable? Placed on the pier, the Colossus would have been invisible to the crews of ships approaching the town from the west and the same would have been true had it been situated at the present location of the palace of the Great Masters of the Knights Hospitaller. The placement of the statue in the sanctuary of Helios at the present corner of Sofouli and Khimaras streets is also improbable, since the area is really small and the Colossus would not have made a prominent component of the town skyline. Hence, the acropolis must have been the most convenient place, just as in other Greek towns, particularly in Athens where it was the site of the city patron’s worship. Some scholars argue that the temple in the acropolis was dedicated to Apollo, but when the Colossus was constructed Apollo was commonly identified with Helios who was the most important patron of the island. The statue, with his face turned to the east – the town and the sea – might have stood near that temple (ill. 1-2), towering over it. From the west, the steep rock of the acropolis practically made it impossible to watch the Colossus from the western shore, while from the sea it was visible only as a silhouette, an orientation point for the approaching ships (ill. 3), particularly if it was gilded like the statue of Athena Promachos in Athens. This can actually be the origin of the legend that the Colossus of Rhodes was also a lighthouse. Situated in the acropolis, the statue would have been visible both from the town and the sea on both sides of the island. If the damaged Colossus remained intact for centuries, it was because removing it from the acropolis was much more difficult than removing from the wharf. The noun “colossus” originally meant “something towering” (cf. Colossae and Colophon, towns upon hills). The other part of the paper focuses on the technology of construction. Some scholars were too eager to draw from Philo’s description conclusions about the Colossus’ structure and the building methods applied. If the statue had stood at the end of the pier, most likely it would not have been hilled up since the area was too small. Due to the pressure of dirt, boarding such an embankment (A. Gabriel’s claim) would have required 40-45 meter long struts for which there was no room. Moreover, with each subsequent raising of the embankment the struts would have to be multiplied and made much longer, which would have been both costly and technologically challenging. With each new layer of dirt, founding furnaces would have to be removed (as, according to Gabriel, they were located on the embankment) and then put back. A high embankment would have required the use of gigantic ladders, unstable and dangerous. What is more, it would have made it impossible to control the form of the work in progress. All that would have been irrational, while ancient Greeks do not really deserve such a charge. In the author’s opinion, the Colossus was erected within a wooden scaffolding. Founding particular elements of the statue on site was rather unlikely. An external dirt coat would not have helped since there was no clay core inside it, which would have made the alloy’s cooling speed radically unequal. Partial casting is also unlikely as it would have required a 1:1 model (30-35 meters high). Had the model been smaller, errors in calculating detailed measurements would have been inevitable. The author believes that the Colossus of Rhodes was made of hammered bronze sheets riveted to the inner metal skeleton. Such a technique made vertical transportation easier and allowed the constructors to correct the process of montage by bending the sheets whenever necessary. It cannot be excluded that the heads of the rivets and lines of contact between the sheets were masked with solders that did not require much alloy, although in higher sections of the statue the wind would have cooled it quite rapidly. The noun “colossus” did not originally imply a gigantic size but only a slightly archaic look of the sculpture so that the Colossus of Rhodes might have been somewhat similar to very ancient and artistically primitive stiff statues of Helios. On the other hand, it might have alluded to the mythic Telchins who were the first to make statues of gods. (For static reasons, contrapposto was out of the question in the statues of that size, besides it would have been impossible to fill its interior with stones.) Another aspect of making the Colossus look archaic was the use of a modified technique of sphyrelaton. In the author’s opinion, the base of the statue and maybe its higher parts as well, up to the level of ankles, contained carefully sized and braced blocks of stone. They were drilled through to hold the lower ends of the metal internal skeleton made according to the schema of a spatial grid, perhaps used on that occasion for the first time in history. Such a fixture protected the Colossus from the wind pressure so effectively that it remained standing for dozens of years, being vulnerable to earthquakes. The fallen Colossus must have looked like a debris of rods and tin, while the stones from the fixture could be seen in the “abyss” (Plinius), below the level of the ankles, where the structure was actually bent (it must have been bent there rather than at the level of the knees, since looking inside the ruin was easy: the ankles were situated about two meters above the base.) The third footing point might have been camouflaged with some attribute (a spear or a torch). It cannot be excluded that originally Chares had been planning a statue half the final size, similar to the previously known colossal pieces of sculpture, but the pride of the people of Rhodes, emulating Athenians, made them want a Colossus twice as big (Sextus Empiricus, pros mathem., VII, 107 n.). Making the statue look archaic and using an old technology plus some innovations allowed Chares to make their extravagant wish come true. The archaic look might have been achieved thanks to a reference to some old statue of Helios, which perhaps could be found in the neighboring temple. The torso might have been topped with the head, cast separately, although the trouble with placing it so high makes one doubt it. 
    Źródło:
    Artium Quaestiones; 2018, 29; 289-320
    0239-202X
    Pojawia się w:
    Artium Quaestiones
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Dziecięca ikonografia księżniczek Okresu Amarneńskiego
    Autorzy:
    Kloska, Maria Monika
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1023884.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018-07-31
    Wydawca:
    Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Tematy:
    child in Ancient Egypt
    children in Amarna Period
    princesses in Amarna Period
    art in Amarna Period
    iconography in Amarna Period
    Meritaten
    Maketaten
    Ankhesenpaaten
    Neferneferuaten
    Neferneferure
    Setepenre
    Neferneferuaten Nefertiti
    Opis:
    This article explains the characteristic style of princesses representations in Amarna Period art. This high essential aspect (in literally way) shows full of love relations between family members from Akhetaten. Children iconography in ancient Egypt remained rather persistent, however, pictures showing Meritaten, Maketaten, Ankhesenpaaten, Neferneferuaten, Neferneferure and Setepenre stand alone not only by details, but also by scenes in which princesses have been presented. The royal daughters are often shown naked or in robes looking like delicate tied with sash in waist or under bust dress belonging to their mother Nefertiti. Though girls – regardless of age – have always been portrayed with the sidelock of youth. The reliefs representing Amarna princesses and their parents deviate significantly from fixed and formal style of iconography which is characteristic for periods before and after Akhenaten’s reigns. The girls have been shown not only in family scenes enjoying a good time  with their parents, but also accompanying the royal couple in scenes of tribute from Nubia and Syria, in the scenes of killing enemies of Egypt and in the heart-touching mourning scenes. The representations of the six daughters of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, besides being the symbol of the spouses’ fertility, also performed an important religious function – the girls together with their parents and the god Aten created the divine Ennead just like the model of the nine gods from Heliopolis. The reliefs showing Amarna family seem to present real feelings and emotions of the royal couple and their children, although it could have a propagandist character.
    Źródło:
    Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia; 2017, 22; 85-110
    0239-8524
    2450-5846
    Pojawia się w:
    Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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