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Tytuł:
„Egipskie ciemności...” - od autorytaryzmu do autorytaryzmu
„Egyptian Darkness...” - from Authoritarianism to Authoritarianism
Autorzy:
Ostant, Witold
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/615951.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Middle East
Egypt
Arab Revolution
Bliski Wschód
Egipt
Arabska Rewolucja
Opis:
This paper presents the key events that determine the political, social and economic situation in Egypt in the early 2010s. Owing to its potential, the country is considered a rising power at the regional level, and its policies may be key to future geopolitical developments, not only the Middle East. The paper presents the irony of the Arab Revolution of 2011, which led to the overthrowing of one authoritarian regime and the rise of another.
Artykuł przedstawia najważniejsze kwestie determinujące sytuację polityczną, społeczną i ekonomiczną Egiptu na początku drugiej dekady XXI w., ponieważ państwo to ze względu na potencjał może być postrzegane jako tzw. sworzeń geopolityczny, którego kierunek rozwoju może mieć znaczenie nie tylko w wymiarze regionalnym. Artykuł ten przedstawia swoisty paradoks tzw. arabskiej rewolucji, która obaliła jeden autorytarnym, aby doprowadzić do powstania kolejnego.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2014, 1; 231-252
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Regional Development of Democratization and Civil Society: Transition, Consolidation, Hybridization, Globalization - Taiwan and Hungary
Autorzy:
Szabó, Máté
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/615886.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
democratization
hybridization
regional development
Central Europe
East Asia
Democracy
party system
political protest
social movements
mobilization
authoritarianism
competitive authoritarianism
Opis:
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since 1988-1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the ‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 4; 153-172
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rosja – autorytaryzm – demokracja – między iluzją i realnością
Russia – authoritarianism – democracy. Between illusion and reality
Autorzy:
Broda, Marian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/619535.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Opis:
The prognostications and forecasts concerning Russia, the nature of the Russian state and its socio-political life are frequently characterized by the extreme or even dichotomous polarization, contradiction and volatility. The reasons and explanation for this can be sought both in the objective (the features of Russian reality) and subjective (the ways of how it is perceived, conceptualized and problematized) factors, which coexist and mutually define one another.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2014, 2; 5-20
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Towards authoritarianism. Internal situation in the Slovak Republic (1994-1998)
Autorzy:
Żarna, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616966.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Vladimir Meciar
Slovak Republik
human rights
Michal Kovac
Mikulas Dzurinda
Opis:
This article discusses the internal situation of the Slovak Republic in the years 1994-1998, the period in which the country was governed by the coalition of Movement for Democratic Slovakia, the Slovak National Party and the Slovak Workers’ Association, and the prime minister was Vladimir Meciar. The main objective of the research was to analyse the actions undertaken by the coalition government in the context of violations of civil and political rights and freedoms, which could indicate an authoritarian way of exercising power and the dismantling of a democratic state of law. In the analysed period, the role of the parliamentary and nonparliamentary opposition was marginalised, the role of the media limited, the rights of national and ethnic minorities violated. There was also an ongoing, sharp conflict between Prime Minister Vladimir Meciar and President Michal Kovac. The effect of this governance was the union of almost all political forces and seizure of power after the elections in 1998. In order to answer the research questions, the author used the method of institutional and legal analysis, decision analysis and the statistical method. The research confirmed the hypothesis that, against the background of other Visegrad Group countries, the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary, in the case of Slovakia there were many instances of human rights violations in the period analysed. This led to the drastic deterioration of bilateral relations with many countries and the slowdown of Slovakia’s accession to the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 4; 103-115
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
European Union Democracy Promotion and its impact on Civil Society in Central Asia
Autorzy:
Fiedler, Radosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616470.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
European Union
Central Asia
authoritarianism
democratization
civil society
Opis:
After a period of relatively small activity in this region, in 2007, the European Union offered a strategy for Central Asia. This strategy addressed many issues, including democratic deficit and human rights violations. The main obstacles to the implementation of the strategy are autocratic tendencies and corruption, the influence of neighbors strongly leaning towards autocracy and the post-Soviet legacy. Additionally, the EU’s activity is overshadowed by the US and has minimal capacity for pursuing its own policy toward Central Asia. Another problem is the fact that after implementing this EU strategy toward Central Asia there are no new initiatives which contribute to more visible European activity in that region.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 1; 73-82
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Change of Russian Political Regime from the “White Revolution” To Presidential Elect ion (2012–2018)
Autorzy:
BÄCKER, Roman
RAK, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/642203.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
political regime
authoritarianism
totalitarianism
Putin’s Russia
Opis:
How did Russian political regime change after the “White Revolution”? The article makes a methodological, theoretical, and empirical contribution to the field of studies on the dynamics of non-democratic regimes, and especially the nature of the alterations within Putin’s Russia. The research field is the Russian political system determined by its three aspects: structure of political institutions, political awareness of public issues, and political mobilization between the “White Revolution” and the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. The paper solves the research problems by employing the qualitative analysis of sources and drawing on the critical analysis of the recent news. The analysis benefits from the use of Roman Bäcker’s analytical device, a theoretical framework made of the three continua whose extreme points are the indicators of authoritarianism and totalitarianism respectively. The research tool is to identify the essential features of Putin’s political regime. According to this model, bureaucracy or siloviki, emotional mentality, and social apathy are typical of authoritarianism. In turn, state-party apparatus, totalitarian gnosis, and controlled mass mobilization are the symptoms of totalitarianism. This article researches how the Russian political regime evolved from the “White Revolution” to the beginning of Putin’s fourth term. It tests the hypothesis that the system most likely evolved from a soft to hard military authoritarianism. The regime might have moved towards a hybrid regime made of the elements of authoritarianism and totalitarianism. It formulates the conclusion the Russian political regime is a hard military authoritarianism. After the fall of the “White Revolution”, most notably after the annexation of Crimea, few totalitarian elements were visible, mostly in the sphere of social awareness in the form of totalitarian political gnosis. In addition, the indicators of totalitarianism started to disappear from September 2014, especially the elements of totalitarian gnosis in the political discourse.
Źródło:
Przegląd Strategiczny; 2018, 11; 143-155
2084-6991
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Strategiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O społeczno-politycznych źródłach złego stresu i jego edukacyjnych skutkach
On Social and Political Sources of Bad Stress and its Educational Effects
Autorzy:
Olubiński, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/916249.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
corporatism
authoritarianism
stress
education
Opis:
The main problem of considerations concerns the relationships and dependencies between selectedsocio-political factors as stressors and specific reactions to them of selected categories of people andgroups, analysed in terms of educational processes. The author is especially interested in the stressfuland educational role of human participation in the system of corporate trade as the source of artificiallycreated needs connected with continuous shopping and multiplying material goods. The second stress factor analysed below is the character of state power exercised by politicians, with the particular role of its distortion towards authoritarian relations. The final kind of synthetic summary of the above deliberations is an attempt of critical evaluation of the educational role of stress caused by the authoritarian school. And although the discussed stress factors the author attempts to refer to individual behaviours, taking into account, for example, the concepts of human nature, age and institution (e.g. school), the conclusions and findings resulting from these analyses are also more general. Their essence relates to the thesis that regardless of individual behaviours in a stressful situation, generally negative stressors, such as the impact of corporate economy, pathological character of exercising authority or authoritarian school usually shape negativebehaviour, including mainly authoritarian personalities.
Źródło:
Studia Edukacyjne; 2019, 55; 39-58
1233-6688
Pojawia się w:
Studia Edukacyjne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Increasing the Effectiveness of EU Education Assistance in Uzbekistan. Revising the EU Strategy in Light of the New Regime
Autorzy:
Peyrouse, Sebastien
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616645.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
European Union
Central Asia
Uzbekistan
Education
Western assistance
authoritarianism
Opis:
The European Union has identified education in Central Asia as a key area of cooperation. However, the EU’s engagement in this area, which has faced considerable difficulties since the fall of the Soviet Union, has so far not had the desired impact. Based on a case study of Uzbekistan, I argue in this article that the EU should revise its strategy by adopting a more targeted approach, consistent with the longer-term funding it is able to commit to Central Asia and better tailored to the local social context through strong engagement with local stakeholders. Instead of imposing broad concepts designed in Brussels – which have generally not been fully accepted or implemented by local political authorities – this new approach would involve setting up specific projects with local input, such as the opening of campuses of European universities, providing financial and logistical support for school infrastructure, and increasing the involvement of potential employers. With local ownership, EU education assistance will allow a new generation in Uzbekistan to breathe life into long-term reforms by drawing on the European concepts of their instruction, rather than viewing them as imposed from outside.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2018, 3; 7-26
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Znieważający konstytucjonalizm i konstytucjonalizm znieważony. Refleksja socjologiczna na temat kryzysu liberalno-demokratycznego konstytucjonalizmu w Europie pokomunistycznej
Autorzy:
Skąpska, Grażyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/950275.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-09-10
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
abusive constitutionalism
abused constitutionalism
constitutional hypocrisy
constitutional nihilism
negative constitutional consensus
democratic authoritarianism
bonding capital
Opis:
This paper debates abusive constitutionalism and constitutionalism abused as ways to introduce a fundamental change of political system. Abusive constitutionalism consists in a change of a democratic regime in a less democratic one with the help of democratic means, i.e. democratically legitimized change of the existing constitution, or proclamation of a new constitution, as it recently happened in Hungary. An example of abused constitutionalism presents contemporary Poland. There the fundamental change of democratic regime happens notwithstanding the still binding constitution, as in an oblivion of it, by the means of ordinary laws proclaimed in a rush process by the ruling parliamentary majority. The whole process is steered in an informal way by the chairman of the ruling party. The important context of abusive constitutionalism, and of constitutionalism abused, as I am going to argue, presentst he crisis of liberal constitutionalism, the loss of its motivational force as a moral sign-post in the public sphere. Instead, one observes a retreat to some primordial and emotionally laden conceptualizations of a politically organized community (a Gemeinschaft) where emotions, primary bonds, foundational myths are more important than law and liberal constitution. Such a retreat results from the past but also presents a reaction to the growing complexity of the contemporary world, and involved risks.
Źródło:
Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna; 2018, 7, 1; 276-301
2299-1875
Pojawia się w:
Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Review of the Psychoanalytic Approaches to the Holocaust, on the Example of the Ninth Circle Interpretation
Pregled psihoanalitičkih pristupa holokaustu uz primjer tumačenja Devetog kruga
Autorzy:
Matijašević, Željka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/635685.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
psychoanalysis
Holocaust
authoritarianism
logotherapy
Ninth Circle
Opis:
The essay is an overview of the most notable psychoanalytic approaches to the trauma of the Holocaust, in the works of the Frankfurt school authors, and in the works of Shoshana Felman and Dori Laub. The last part of the article represents an attempt to interpret the film Ninth Circle by France Štiglic, and in this respect the article reviews and applies the concepts of Viktor Frankl’s school of logotherapy, while it also relies on Frankl’s autobiographical account of the Holocaust trauma.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2017, 12; 211-224
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Why did Putin go too far? The rationality of Vladimir Putin’s decision to begin a war with Ukraine
Autorzy:
Bäcker, Roman
Rak, Joanna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2118943.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-08-23
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
: Russia
Ukraine
war
political decision-making
authoritarianism
clep-
tocracy
Western militant democracy
Opis:
The paper aims to determine the extent of the rationality of Vladimir Putin’s decision to begin a war with Ukraine. Its central argument is that this decision was irrational on three levels. Firstly, the Russian decision-making elites failed to foresee the ability of the Ukrainian army and people to resist efficiently. It might have resulted from the imperial superiority syndrome reinforced by the experiences of 2014. Secondly, the elites treated the reports on the Russian army’s combat readiness as reliable and did not make an effort to verify them. Probably no one can determine the scale of the kleptocracy, and therefore no one has reliable data on the quality of the Russian army’s combat preparation. Thirdly, the elites failed to envisage the scale of support for Ukraine from Western democracies. What is more, they did not take into account the democratic rationality of Western politicians. The same politicians who appeared to Putin to be weak and incapable of action, immediately after the mass social protests and condemnation of Russia’s aggression by public opinion, acted following the clearly expressed will of the political nation. The article reflects on the systemic reasons for such a poor definition of the decision-making situation and then tries to formulate the general relationship between the quality of the decision-making elite and the acceleration of the bifurcation processes of the Russian autocratic regime.
Źródło:
Society Register; 2022, 6, 3; 57-72
2544-5502
Pojawia się w:
Society Register
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Charakter władzy suwerennej w koncepcjach ładu konstytucyjnego Hansa Kelsena i Carla Schmitta
The nature of sovereign power in the constitutional concepts of Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt
Autorzy:
Kaleta, Krzysztof J.
Koźmiński, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/950245.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013-12-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
sovereignty
normativism
authoritarianism
constitution
liberalism
Opis:
The purpose of this article is to review the controversy between two, potentially most influential legal theorists in 20th century, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt. Their philosophical concepts: Schmittian decisionism and Kelsenian normativism, were based on different assumptions, leading their authors to variant practical conclusions. It is reasonable to infer that the differences in their visions of constitutional order were deeply rooted in different intellectual traditions – not only political (Kelsen’s involvement in defense of liberal democracy unlike Carl Schmitt, whose conservative attitude and critique of liberalism led to support totalitarian state and extreme right wing ideology), but also theological (pantheistic idea of God and fideism; conflict between rationality and faith). So from this perspective „Pure theory of law” can be seen as pantheistic political theology, because „pantheism overcomes the opposition of God and World; the Pure Theory of Law accordingly overcomes the opposition of State and Law”. On the other hand legal philosophy of Carl Schmitt is inspired by the Roman Catholic theological concept of the miracle, whereby God is free from the laws of nature – and in consequence – the sovereign is not bound by the law and may decide exceptions to it.
Źródło:
Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna; 2013, 2, 2; 154-168
2299-1875
Pojawia się w:
Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Opposition in authoritarian regimes – a case study of Russian non-systemic opposition
Opozycja w reżimach autorytarnych – stadium przypadku na przykładzie rosyjskiej opozycji niesystemowej
Autorzy:
Nadskakuła-Kaczmarczyk, Olga
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/620439.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
non-systemic opposition
authoritarianism
Kremlin
protest movement
niesystemowa opozycja
autorytaryzm
Kreml
ruch protestacyjny
Opis:
Według Juana Linza, autorytarni władcy dopuszczają ograniczony i bezsilny pluralizm polityczny i organizację wyborów, ale jasno pokazują, że zmiana władzy jest niemożliwa, a opozycja nie może przejąć władzy. Wybory w reżimach autorytarnych są częścią nominalnie demokratycznych instytucji i pomagają władzom legitymizować panujący reżim. Wybory nie są wolne ani uczciwe, a zatem nie stanowią szansy dla opozycji, aby wygrać i zmienić system polityczny w ich następstwie. Można zadać pytanie, jakiego rodzaju działania powinna podjąć opozycja w celu wzmocnienia swojej pozycji. Jest to obecnie główny problem niesystemowej opozycji w Federacji Rosyjskiej. Z jednej strony ma ona problem z uzyskaniem dostępu do wyborów, ale z drugiej strony wie, że nawet gdyby mogła wziąć w nich udział, nie byłyby to wybory demokratyczne. Artykuł stara się rzucić światło na strategie niesystemowej opozycji rosyjskiej i możliwości jej wpływu na rosyjskie społeczeństwo, w warunkach gdy rząd próbuje marginalizować, osłabiać i ostatecznie niszczyć niesystemową opozycję. Artykuł przedstawia krytyczną analizę literatury i dokumentów na ten temat.
According to Juan Linz, authoritarian rulers permit limited, powerless political pluralism and organization of elections, but they make it very clear that a change in power is impossible and the opposition cannot take over. Elections in authoritarian regimes are a part of nominally democratic institutions and help rulers to legitimize the regime. They are not free or fair, and therefore do not present any opportunity for the opposition to win and change the political system afterward. The question could be asked, what kind of action the opposition should undertake in order to improve its strength. That is the main problem nowadays for non-systemic opposition in the Russian Federation. On the one hand, the opposition has a problem gaining access to elections, but on the other hand, it knows that even if it could take part, the elections would not be democratic. This article tries to shed light on the strategies of the non-systemic Russian opposition and the possibility of its impact on Russian society when the government tries to marginalize, weaken and eventually destroy the non systemic opposition. The paper provides a critical analysis of the literature and documents on the topic.
Źródło:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne; 2017, 4; 175-190
1731-7517
Pojawia się w:
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Unia Europejska na rzecz demokratyzacji państw Azji Centralnej – działania i efekty
The European Union for the democratization of states in Central Asia – activities and results
Autorzy:
Fiedler, Radosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/625145.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
European Union
Central Asia
authoritarianism
liberalization
Unia Europejska
Azja Centralna
autorytaryzm
liberalizacja
Opis:
European Union after years of relatively small activity, in 2007 offered a strategy to Central Asia. In that strategy were addressed many issues, including democratic deficit or human rights violations. EU in its activity is overshadowed by the US and has small capacity for pursuing its own policy to the Central Asia. Another problem is a fact that after accomplishing EU strategy to Central Asia there are no new initiatives which will contribute for more visible European activity in that region.
Unia Europejska dopiero w 2007 r. zaproponowała wobec regionu Azji Centralnej strategię, w której odniesiono się do różnych problemów, w tym deficytu demokracji i łamania praw człowieka. Istotnym ograniczeniem działań UE jest występowanie w cieniu USA oraz brak ambicji by także rozwijać współpracę w innych obszarach jak bezpieczeństwo czy zwiększenie europejskich inwestycji. Kolejnym problemem jest po zakończeniu jedynej strategii brak nakreślenia priorytetów, które umożliwiłoby UE na odgrywanie większej roli w Azji Centralnej.
Źródło:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej; 2016, 10; 371-379
1899-6256
Pojawia się w:
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Uwarunkowania legitymizacji władzy w systemach autorytarnych. Casus państw Azji Centralnej
Conditions of Legitimacy in Authoritarian Systems. The Case of Central Asian States
Autorzy:
Shukuralieva, Nartsiss
Lipiński, Artur
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/616234.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
legitimacy
repression
co-optation
Central Asia
authoritarianism
legitymizacja
represje
kooptacja
Azja Centralna
autorytaryzm
Opis:
Legitimacy along with co-optation and repression are the three main pillars of the stability of autocratic regimes. Explanation of their relative stability should take into account the complex relationships between these variables. The elites of authoritarian regimes systematically formulate legitimacy claims in order to justify their power, and the processes of institutionalization and effective distribution of these claims depends on a number of factors and mechanisms. The purpose of this paper is to analyze these factors and mechanisms of legitimacy contributing to the stability of authoritarian states by drawing on the example of Central Asian republics.
Legitymizacja wraz z kooptacją oraz represją stanowi trzy zasadnicze filary stabilności reżimu autokratycznego, a wyjaśnianie mechanizmów trwałości powinno uwzględniać skomplikowane relacje pomiędzy wymienionymi zmiennymi. Elity reżimów autorytarnych systematycznie formułują legitymizacyjne roszczenia mające usprawiedliwiać ich władzę, a proces ich skutecznej dystrybucji oraz instytucjonalizacji zależy od szeregu warunków i mechanizmów. Zadaniem niniejszego tekstu jest analiza wybranych warunków efektywności i mechanizmów legitymizacji w państwach autorytarnych, w oparciu o przykłady pochodzące z krajów Azji Centralnej.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2017, 1; 189-202
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 19

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