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Tytuł:
Współpraca naukowa PRL z drugą Jugosławią
Scientific Cooperation Between Polish People’s Republic and the Second Yugoslavia
Autorzy:
Małczak, Leszek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1068101.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-02-23
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
scientific cooperation
institutions
Polish People’s Republic
The Second Yugoslavia
Opis:
Scientific connections between Polish People’s Republic and The Second Yugoslavia were a very important element of the bilateral relations between both countries. The mechanisms and rules of the scientific cooperation were similar to the rules and mechanisms of the cultural cooperation and faced the same constraints and possibilities. Types of institutions existing in the field of culture had their correspondences in the field of science and education. Developing of the scientific cooperation was not a strategic aim for both countries in the interwar period as well as during the Communism due to the situation on the international political scene. In the era of globalization, in the context of international scientific cooperation, interslavic relations has become the weakest in the last two centuries. Nowadays, even more than before, the scientific cooperation between all Slavic countries depends on individuals and their involvement.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2020, 19; 117-133
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
François Mitterrand wobec rozpadu Jugosławii w latach 1991-1995
François Mitterrand to in the face of the disintegration of Yugoslavia, 1991-1995
Autorzy:
Mikołajczyk, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/909823.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013-01-01
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
François Mitterrand
France
Yugoslavia
Germany
Francja
Jugosławia
Niemcy
Opis:
The French President, Francois Mitterrand, followed with a great deal of attention a deepening collapse of Yugoslavia in the late 1980s of the 20th century. In the beginning, he believed that thanks to reforms and Serbians it will be possible to maintain Yugoslavia as a country. Mitterrand - as opposed to Kohl, who since the beginning of the conflict supported Croatian and Slovenian expectations of independence - was against a ‘wild’ independence. This caused a serious conflict in French-German relations during this time. Finally, in December 1991, France and other members of the European Community, facing a fait accompli by the German side, agreed to acknowledge the independence of all Yugoslav republics, on the condition that they met specified requirements concerning the observance of human rights, including the rights of minorities. Since the beginning of the Yugoslav conflict, Mitterrand was in favor of further mediations and against the military intervention of France or the European Community. He did not change his mind until the end of his presidency in 1995. He believed that one cannot respond with a war for a war. Mitterrand was in favor of sanctions against the fighting sides, he was ready to support the humanitarian aid. On June 28,1992, he went to the surrounded Sarajevo in order to support the local community. Although this trip met with a surprise and admiration of almost the whole world, Mitterrand’s policy became an object of criticism in France by some of French intellectuals. They accused him of supporting Serbians and of showing indifference toward their acts of genocide, above all, in Bosnia. Mitterrand did not agree with these accusations. He stressed that France did more than anybody else for Bosnia.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2013, 20, 1; 195-216
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Slobodan Milošević przeciwko doktrynie „słaba Serbia - mocna Jugosławia‟ (1986-1992)
Slobodan Milošević against the doctrine of „weak Serbia - strong Yugoslavia“ (1986–1992)
Autorzy:
Żurek, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2043566.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-12-31
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Slobodan Milošević
Serbia
Anti-bureaucratic revolution
breakup of Yugoslavia
antybiurokratyczna rewolucja
rozpad Jugosławii
Opis:
Na początku lat osiemdziesiątych XX wieku, w Serbii utarło się przekonanie, że w SFRJ jest prowadzona polityka mająca na celu osłabić najliczniejszy naród państwa - Serbów. Na przeciwstawieniu się doktrynie „słaba Serbia - mocna Jugosławia‟ kapitał polityczny zdobył Slobodan Milošević. W obliczu rozpadu Jugosławii serbski lider próbował przebudować SFRJ w państwo serbocentrystyczne. W momencie wybuch wojny Milošević doprowadził do powołania SRJ. Według koncepcji serbskiego prezydenta wokół tego państwa miały zjednoczyć się wszystkie ziemie serbskie.
At the beginning of the 1980s, Serbia became convinced that there was a policy in the SFRY aimed at weakening the country's most numerous nation - the Serbs. Slobodan Milošević gained political capital on his opposition to the doctrine of 'weak Serbia - strong Yugoslavia'. In the face of the collapse of Yugoslavia, the Serbian leader tried to transform the SFRY into a Serb-centric state. At the outbreak of the war, Milošević led to the establishment of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. According to the concept of the Serbian president, all Serbian lands were to unite around this country.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2021, 28, 2; 141-159
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Titofania”. Formy obecności symbolicznej Josipa Broza Tity w Jugosławii doby socjalizmu
„Titophany”. Forms of Symbolic Presence of Josip Broz Tito in the Socialist Yugoslavia
Autorzy:
Bogusławska, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/635793.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Josip Broz Tito
Yugoslavia
communism
propaganda
cult of personality
heroization
sacralization
deification
religious anthropomorfization
Opis:
Text is an analysis of symbolic strategies, serving creation of Josip Broz Tito’s authority as the leader of the socialist Yugoslavia; it also reveals their cultural and political motivations. Author indicates three dominant factors in the process of cult creation, which are characteristic for the cult of personality in totalitarian systems; as such they also remain a specific continuation of traditions as a base of the local power culture. In this perspective, the Tito’s cult and political mythology as its frame is an endemic embodiment of mythological provincionalism with universal aspirations – typical for communism. The function of this cult is a consolidation of multi-nation community and legitimization of federal state formula in the conditions of immaturity of the local political culture.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2013, 5
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Arso Jovanović – an erased biography
Autorzy:
Vukelić, Vlatka
Šumanović, Vladimir
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/910236.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-02-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Arso Jovanović
Partisan movement
Supreme Staff
Montenegro
socialist Yugoslavia
Opis:
The article presents a basic overview of the war record of the chief of the SupremeStaff of the Partisan army Arso Jovanović. Jovanović's war biography is described in relation to three social groups in which he had operated. The first social group was the Piper clan, or the local Montenegrin context in which he was born and grew up. The other social group was the leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) with which he cooperated during the war. The third social group was the circle of Montenegrin generals of the Yugoslav army (JA) which Jovanović belonged o until his unexplained death in the summer of 1948. This paper describes how all these groups were interlinked through Jovanović, how they affected each other creating the preconditions for the events of World War II and the post-war period in Yugoslavia.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2018, 25, 1; 161-180
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sukcesja państw po rozpadzie Socjalistycznej Federacyjnej Republiki Jugosławii
Autorzy:
Szymanowska, Irena Alicja
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/684745.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Agreement on Succession Issues
Arbitration Commission of the Peace Conference on the former Yugoslavia
break up of Yugoslavia
international agreements
SFRY
succession of states
Vienna Convention on Succession of States in respect of Treaties
Opis:
The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia ceased to exist in 1991, though some topics concerned with the succession of its constituent states were not regulated for a long time afterwards. This issue and the efforts to solve it were examined by the Arbitration Commission of the Peace Conference on the former Yugoslavia. When answering all the related questions, the Arbitration Commission used as a basis the 1978 Vienna Convention on the Succession of States in respect of Treaties and the 1983 Vienna Convention on the Succession of States in respect of State Property, Archives and Debts. The final solution to the problem of SFRY succession was found in 2001 when the Agreement on Succession Issues was signed, although it came into force three years later. There were no problems with the succession of citizenship. Under the 1974 Constitutional Act of SFRY, there were two citizenships in the federation – federal and republican. Therefore, after the breakup of Yugoslavia, republican citizenship became the citizenship of a new state.
Źródło:
Adam Mickiewicz University Law Review; 2015, 5; 23-38
2450-0976
Pojawia się w:
Adam Mickiewicz University Law Review
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Yugoslavia and the Balkan unity, 1925–1930
Autorzy:
Mićić, Srđan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/32328639.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Yugoslavia
Bulgaria
Albania
Greece
Turkey
alliance
diplomacy
economy
minority issues
regional international structure
Opis:
This paper analyzes policies of the Yugoslav foreign ministers Momčilo Ninčić and Vojislav Marinković towards the ideas of the Balkan unity. Not only were both of them prominent political figures, but also economists and in several mandates ministers of finance, national economy, trade (and industry) and/or construction. Therefore the aim is to analyze their views on the political unification and economic co-operation between the Balkan states, and factors that provided opportunities or stood as constraints to the implementation of their plans. Chronologically, the paper covers the period from the beginning of the Locarno period in the Balkans to the beginning of the Balkan Conferences. The paper is primarily based on the Yugoslav and Bulgarian archival sources, domestic and foreign published sources, and scientific literature.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2022, 29; 213-238
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ivana Pantelić, Uspon i pad „prve drugarice“ Jugoslavije: Jovanka Broz i srpska javnost 1952-2013. [The Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia’s “First Female Comrade”: Jovanka Broz and the Serbian Public, 1952-2013]. Beograd: Službeni glasnik, 2018, 337 pp.
Autorzy:
Sorescu Marinkovic, Annemarie
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1490907.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-12-03
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Yugoslavia
Serbia
socialism
first lady
Tito
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2019, 26, 1; 300-302
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Referendum as a direct democracy tool in successor states of former Yugoslavia
Referendum jako narzędzie demokracji bezpośredniej w państwach byłej Jugosławii
Autorzy:
Musiał-Karg, Magdalena
Lubik-Reczek, Natasza
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2083322.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-06-15
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
referendum
direct democracy
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Croatia
Montenegro
Kosovo
North Macedonia
Serbia
Slovenia
former Yugoslavia
demokracja bezpośrednia
Bośnia i Hercegowina
Chorwacja
Czarnogóra
Kosowo
Macedonia Północna
Słowenia
była Jugosławia
Opis:
Changes that have occurred in 1989–1991 ended the bipolar division of the world and commenced a new wave democratic transformation. In the early 1990s, the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) brought a number of changes to the region. Some of the changes were decided via the referendum which seems to be an exceptionally important tool in the process of democratic transformations in CEE. The article focuses on the institution of a nation-wide referendum in successor states of former Yugoslavia: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Slovenia. The main purpose is to provide an answer to the question about the role of this particular tool in these states and define directions for further use of referendum in this part of Europe. To meet its research objective, the article uses systemic analysis and institutional and legal approach, and statistics on results of national referendums in the countries concerned.
Zmiany, które nastąpiły w latach 1989–1991, zakończyły dwubiegunowy podział świata i zapoczątkowały nową falę demokratycznych przemian. Na początku lat 90. rozpad Socjalistycznej Federalnej Republiki Jugosławii (SFRJ) przyniósł szereg zmian w regionie. O niektórych z nich zadecydowano w drodze referendum, które wydaje się być niezwykle ważnym narzędziem w procesie przemian demokratycznych w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Artykuł koncentruje się na instytucji referendum ogólnokrajowego w państwach sukcesorach byłej Jugosławii: Bośni i Hercegowinie, Chorwacji, Czarnogórze, Kosowie, Macedonii Północnej, Serbii i Słowenii. Głównym celem artykułu jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie o rolę tego szczególnego narzędzia w tych państwach oraz określenie kierunków dalszego wykorzystania referendum w tej części Europy. Aby zrealizować cel badawczy, w artykule wykorzystano analizę systemową i podejście instytucjonalno-prawne oraz dane statystyczne dotyczące wyników referendów ogólnokrajowych w omawianych państwach.
Źródło:
Przegląd Politologiczny; 2022, 2; 49-63
1426-8876
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Politologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ruch oporu w Jugosławii w okresie II wojny światowej w audycjach Rozgłośni im. Tadeusza Kościuszki
The resistance movement in Yugoslavia during the Second World War in the programmes by the Tadeusz Kościuszko Broadcasting Station
Autorzy:
Karolak, Adrian
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/909959.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-03-08
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
rozgłośnia im. T. Kościuszki
ruch oporu w Jugosławii
II wojna światowa
the resistance movement in Yugoslavia
the Tadeusz Kościuszko Broadcasting Station
The Second World War
Opis:
The broadcasting station dealt with a variety of topics concerning the war and occupation. One of them was the resistance movement in Yugoslavia during the Second World War. The broadcasting station’s announcements touched upon many problems, among other things, they mentioned the towns that had been liberated by the guerillas from the occupation by the Axis states. They also discussed the topic of sabotage in the railway system and the industry which worked for the military purposes of the Third Reich. The losses suffered by the enemy (in weapons, munitions, soldiers, etc.) were often announced. It was sometimes directly emphasized that behind those actions there were communists, in contrast to other guerilla groups (the Chetniks), who apparently decided to cooperate with the Fascists. The aim of those messages was to spread among the Polish society the attitudes that would result in the development of a resistance movement on a massive scale. This was mainly the duty of the young generation. Apart from strictly military questions, it is easy to notice that the station was not indifferent towards the political events which were taking place in Yugoslavia during the Second World War. Also this time the party uniting various circles and social groups – according to the authors of the radio programmes – was the revolutionary left wing. It had a programme which would be realized after the end of the warfare. The aim of broadcasting those messages was the willingness to mobilise the Poles, who were expected to unite, to fight for freedom and independence together. The leading role in this process was to be left to the communists.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2015, 22, 2; 117-138
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The choice of citizens or the regime? Local (self-) government in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia 1929-1941. A case study of the Slavonski Brod district
Autorzy:
Milec, Ivan
Jagodar, Josip
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/32329133.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Kingdom of Yugoslavia
Brod district
self-government
urban and rural municipalities
interwar period
Opis:
During the period of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, urban and rural municipalities were the lowest administrative units and closest to the needs of the ordinary population. The aim of this paper is to determine the level of self-government, whether the leadership of municipal administrations was an expression of the political will of the majority of the population or an instrument of the regime that ensured loyalty through various restrictions, pressures and direct nominations. This case study is spatially limited to the area of the Brod district, which was composed of one city and 18 municipalities. It is limited in period from the proclamation of the dictatorship of King Alexander in 1929 until the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1941. During the 1920s, central government limited local self-government in various ways, and immediately after the proclamation of the dictatorship, it was legally abolished. However, it should be recognised that the Law on Municipalities was adopted in 1933 and the Law on City Municipalities a year later in which the regime proclaimed self-government in the municipalities, but in reality, it limited it to a great extent. The situation in cities and rural municipalities is very different. Elections for the rural municipalities were held three times (1933, 1936, 1940), while in the cities, despite announcements, these were not held until the collapse of the state. The appointment procedure adopted during the dictatorship period was retained, although the parliamentary elections of 1935 and 1938 showed that the imposed concepts did not have significant support from the electoral base.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2023, 30; 187-206
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Old wounds—new challenges: Women’s war experiences in the ex-Yugoslav and Bosnian armed conflict (1991–1995)
Autorzy:
Bitunjac, Martina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2105327.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022-08-21
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
war
Yugoslavia
Bosnia and Herzegovina
women
war victims
perpetrators
violence
Opis:
Women suffered greatly during the wars in the former Yugoslavia, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They lost everything they owned, they were widowed, had to flee, were victims of sexual violence or even lost their lives. Most have never gotten over their trauma from the war. Many of their tormentors have still never been brought to justice. At the same time, there were also women who supported the military conflict and ethnic hate as spreaders of propaganda, nationalists and war criminals. This article will explore the different fates and range of agencies open to women, who were to be sure primarily victims in the Balkan wars of the 1990s, but not just. It will also be shown how even after suffering brutal wartime experiences, women are now fighting for their rights and breaking open the patriarchal social structure existing up to today.  
Źródło:
Przegląd Krytyczny; 2022, 4, 1; 27-38
2657-8964
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Krytyczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
„Unutrašnji emigrant”: političke ideje Milovana Đilasa 1954–1989
„The Emigrant Within”: The Political Ideas of Milovan Djilas 1954–1989
Autorzy:
Stanić, Veljko
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/635999.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Yugoslavia
Milovan Djilas
dissidence
political ideas
„the emigrant within”
communism
Opis:
The aim of this article is to examine the political ideas of Milovan Djilas (1911–1995) developed in his dissident period (1954–1989). Once a highly ranked communist and revolutionary of Tito’s antifascist partisan army in the Second World War Yugoslavia, Milovan Djilas (1911–1995) became widely known as one of the most important dissident figures in Eastern Europe. A noted reformist since Tito-Stalin split in 1948 and political prisoner (1956–1961, 1962–1966), Djilas was deprived from all public activity in his country until the end of communist rule. Author of more than twenty books translated and published abroad, ranging from political analysis and memoirs to novels and shorts stories, Djilas never truly gave up the ideals of the young talented writer he was in the early 1930s when he joined the communists. Declaring himself a democratic socialist, it was in his dissident period that he formulated a specific form of political philosophy which included his criticism of communist ideology and Titoist authoritarian rule in Yugoslavia, but also wider thoughts on human condition, literature and philosophy in the 20th century.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2014, 6
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka zagraniczna Serbii po rozpadzie Jugosławii. W poszukiwaniu sojuszników (szkic problemu)
Foreign policy of Serbia after the breakup of Yugoslavia: the search for allies (sketch of the problem)
Autorzy:
Szczepański, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/32330279.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Serbia
Yugoslavia
foreign policy
EU
NATO
Russia
China
Kosovo
Jugosławia
polityka zagraniczna
UE
Rosja
Chiny
Kosowo
Opis:
Celem artykułu jest szkicowa charakterystyka serbskich strategii geopolitycznych w okresie od rozpadu socjalistycznej Jugosławii, W zmieniających się warunkach globalnych, które ewoluowały z układu dwubiegunowego w wielobiegunowy serbska koncepcja funkcjonowania w polityce i gospodarce międzynarodowej oparła się na czterech filarach: Unii Europejskiej, USA, Rosji i Chinach. Serbskie elity są jednak podzielone na dwa obozy: prozachodni i prorosyjski. Zaznaczająca się od przeszło dekady przewaga opcji prorosyjskiej opiera się na sentymentach historyczno-kulturowych i doświadczeniach kryzysu kosowskiego. W 2022 roku, wobec agresji militarnej Rosji na Ukrainę niewykluczone jest, że więzi serbsko-rosyjskie osłabną na rzecz działań w kierunku integracji z UE. Artykuł stanowi wprowadzenie do najważniejszych wątków, obecnych w polityce zagranicznej Serbii. Oprócz nurtu prozachodniego i prorosyjskiego zasygnalizowano rolę Turcji, Chin i innych państw azjatyckich.
The aim of the article is to characterize generally main Serbian geopolitical strategies since the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia. In the changing global conditions, transforming from a Cold War-bipolar, into a multipolar order, Serbia has developed a concept of functioning in international politics and economy on four pillars: the European Union (EU), the United States (US), Russia and China. However, the Serbian elites are divided into two camps: pro-Western and pro-Russian. The advantage of the pro-Russian option, which has been visible for over a decade, is based on historical and cultural sentiments and the experience of hostility from the West, manifested during the Kosovo crisis period. However, in 2022, as a result of the military aggression of Russia against Ukraine, a gradual weakening of Serbian-Russian ties is possible in order to strengthen the position of Serbia on its way towards EU. The article is merely an introduction to main motives influencing Serbian foreign policy. It also notifies the role for Serbia of Turkey, China and other Asian countries.
Źródło:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia; 2022, 29; 281-295
0239-4278
2450-3177
Pojawia się w:
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
“Running into Madness to Stay Sane”: the Spirituality of Nature in the Autobiographical Texts of Female Prisoners from Goli Otok Prison Camp
Autorzy:
Taczyńska, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/636173.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
Goli Otok
Yugoslavia
women
memory
nature
animal studies
Opis:
The text concerns the camp for political prisoners established in 1949 in Yugoslavia on Goli Otok island. This theme was almost entirely absent from public discourse before the 1980s, and real changes and developments in discussions about this part of the history of postwar Yugoslavia occurred only after Tito’s death. Goli Otok as the largest and most infamous camp in communist Yugoslavia is considered a symbol, its name recognized as a synonym of a physical and psychological system for destroying people. In the text I analyze autobiographical texts written by women prisoners (such as Milka Žicina and Vera Cenić). A large number of female inmates were sentenced just for being related to or keeping close contact with a male “enemy of the state”. Thus women were treated not as independent subjects, but as mothers, sisters and wives subordinate to male family members. The social exclusion of women prisoners and their families exacerbated the feeling of isolation and continued after leaving the camp. I am interested in the detail of the strategies of storytelling which are related to spirituality (focusing on nature) both during the period of isolation, when they searched for a way to survive it, as well as after release when the women tried to start a new life.
Źródło:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne; 2019, 16; 267-279
2084-3011
Pojawia się w:
Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 27

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