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Tytuł:
Stosunki polityczne między królestwem Kastylii a emiratem Granady 1246-1275
Relations between the Kingdom of Castile and the Emirate of Granada 1246-1275
Autorzy:
Malinowski, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/18029947.pdf
Data publikacji:
2000
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
In the second half of the thirteenth century, in the Spanish South appeared a very particular organism, Islamic and very Andalusian. The birth of the emirate of Granada in 1246 was an result of the policy of Castile in the early Middle Ages. This policy based in the territorial conquest and, at the same time, tried to gain to the kingdom some new vassals. It was the main idea of Ferdinand III, who was a wise man which tried to make the Cristian and Muslim habitants of the recently conquered Andalusie live together in peace. This idea was stopped by his death in 1252. Ferdinand’s son, Alphons X, was a man with great ambitions and aspirations. The leitmotif of his reign were intents to gain the emperor’s crown. But, at the same time, he never refused the idea of the territorial expansion of Castile. His expansionism became soon dangerous to the Spanish Muslims. First, the king started to impede the life of the mudejares from the Cristian territories. This activity provoked a reaction of the emir of Granada, Muhammad I who was afraid that the next step would lead the Castilian king towards his country. Muhammad I started in the winter of 1264 an insurecction of the Andalusian mudejares. Alphons X put down the rebellion in the first months of 1265, but the situation between his kingdom and Granada was still very difficult. Alphons X was preparing a war with Muhammad I, in order to finish the existence of the last big Muslim state in the Peninsula. Then he received a surprising offer from a very strong Granadian family, named Ashqilula, deceived by the emir’s activity during the recent insurrection. The Ashqilula family, also personal enemies of the emir, offered to the king of Castile their support in the combat with Granada. The emir, scared about this, decided to exchange the neighbour state of Murcia for the kings’ refusal for the Ashqilula’s oITer. Murcia was under Castilian protectorate since 1243, but it existed with some autonomy only thanks to Granadian support. The treaty was firmed in 1265 in Alcala de Benzaide. Then Murcia was incorporated by Castile and Muhammad I met Alphons X in January of 1266, but there he discovered that the Spanish king did not want to keep his promise confirmed in the treaty. Surprisingly, Muhammad I was visited by a big Castilian noble, representing a group of political opposition towards Alphons X, composed mainly of the family of Lara. They started to be for Muhammad I the same arm against Alphons X as the Ashqilula family used to be against himself. Alphons X used to disregard the protests of his nobles and to listen to them only when he needed them. In 1272 the families Lara, de Haro and others put a confederation and they went out to Granada, after gaining by trick some money from Alphons X, then firmed some treaty of cooperation with Muhammad I, who became their feudal senior. The Spanish nobles supported the emir in some military excursion against the Ashqilula, but soon the situation changed. In the next year Muhammad I died, and was supplied by his son, Muhammad II. At the same time, the Castilian king tried to bring the opposition back, with promises and menaces. Alphons X never wanted to leave the Ashqilula alone, in order to let the emir beat them. And he disposed of the great advantage in comparison with Muhammad II, beacause the goods of his collaborators, absents in Castile, were still inside his own country, which made the menaces very real. The time was passing and the Castilian families in Granada started to change their position. The reason they went to Granada was only to press the king in order to give them some economic privileges. In Cordoba in 1274 the nobles, now keeping their king’s side, obliged Muhammad II, by trick, to accept worse conditions of the peace, without any gratification. The emir was very deceived and his reaction for the humiliate situation was the claim for the Moroccan help. The sultan Abu Yusuf came to the Peninsula with some seventeen thousands armed men, in May of 1275. This was the finish of the first scene of the relations between Castile and Granada. The frontier was established by the Muslims which decided to attack their neighbour. It was not an act of aggression, but the opposite. Granada was obliged to defend herself against the aggressive plans of a king whose ambitions were not satisfied in other occasions, like the combat for the imperial crown or, also failed, African excursions. The circumstances did not let Alphons X realize his plan, but he always had an advantage in comparison with emirs, like in the Lara’s case. In spite of this, the emirate’s aspirations was higher than only to be a financial supporter of Castile, so in 1275, when its role was diminishing quickly, its governors exposed once again its existence as the main problem of the political medieval history of the Peninsula.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 2000, 67; 75-106
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Najnowsza historiografia hiszpańska na temat pogranicza chrześcijańsko-muzułmańskiego na Półwyspie Iberyjskim w XIII-XV wieku
Actual Spanish historiography about the Christian-Muslim border in the Peninsula Iberica in the XIII-XV century
Autorzy:
Malinowski, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/18104445.pdf
Data publikacji:
2001
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
The late Middle Ages, which means for Spain the period closed between 1212 (dale of the victory in Las Navas de Tolosa), or 1248 (the conquest of Seville) and the death of Isabel the Catholic (1504) or that of her husband (1516) is one of the most classical epoch in the Spanish history. According to the commonly shared opinion, between XIIIth and XVIth century was born this Spain which exists nowadays. The late Middle Ages created the base for the „hispanity”, whose culmination could be seen during the conquest of America, when the Spanish men used to make famous for all over the world los usos de Castilla y de León. The border between kingdoms of Castille and Aragon and the emirate of Granada was in big part the forge of the Spanish national consciousness. Actual Spanish historiography apports some notes to the description of the people who lived in Iberic frontiere in the late Middle Ages. First, we can see a man whose life is closely united with the war realities. That is, moreover, why we can see almost exclusively men, not women. Presented books and articles show us a man living in permanent tension and fear towards the assault of the Granadian troops. Assault which could finish with his own or his family s death. Very often such events used to be done in order to captive people and animals. Both parts of the border between Castille and Aragon with Granada are today integral part of Spain. Although we are able to define some characteristics of the habitant of Seville, Cordoba or Valencia, by extending some observations to the people from Granada, Malaga or Almeria we would take a big risk. And the reason is that the Spanish historiography dedicate much more space for men from Castille and Aragon that those of the emirate. Apart of some difficulties in the access to sources in Arabic, there are another, and much more important circumstances determining that state of things. According to great part of Spanish historiography, the „hispanity” is European, Christian, and not Muslim. Actual Spain seeks her origins in Castille, Aragon, or Navarra (incorporated in 1512). And it seems very compatible with the ofllcial Spanish policy of today. After all, the alternative would be the necesily of admit that between Spanish relatives there are a place for Marocco, the nearest and perhaps the unique candidate for the heritage of the millenary Islam’s presense on the peninsula. The discussion about the role of the Muslim period for Spain supports the theory of her „occidental” origin. And the Orient must wait...
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 2001, 72; 27-41
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ze studiów nad rolą protestantów w kształtowaniu krajobrazu kulturowego Łodzi
Study on the role of Protestants in shaping the cultural landscape of Łódź
Autorzy:
Kulesza, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/18797174.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Protestants
cultural landscape
Łódź
city
protestanci
krajobraz kulturowy
miasto
Opis:
Łódź jest miastem, na którego rozwój istotny, a w wielu przypadkach wręcz decydujący, mieli wpływ – obok Polaków – przedstawiciele innych narodowości, religii i kultur. To oni w znacznym stopniu określili specyficzne oblicze miasta. Ważne miejsce w tym procesie zajmowali łódzcy protestanci, głównie niemieckiego pochodzenia, którzy stanowili najbardziej ekspansywny żywioł w rozwijającym się mieście fabrycznym – społeczność najbardziej zorganizowaną, posiadającą własne sprawnie działające instytucje i organizacje oraz prężne ciała społeczne. Musiało to pozostawić ślady we współczesnym krajobrazie miasta. Powszechnie znana jest kariera XIX-wiecznej Łodzi wyrosłej na dynamicznie rozwijającym się przemyśle włókienniczym. Mniej natomiast powszechna jest wiedza o jej obliczu urbanistyczno-architektonicznym oraz o ludziach, którzy je stworzyli i którzy pragnęli, by było ono piękne, wyjątkowe i jedyne w swoim wyrazie. By było „ziemią obiecaną” i „domem rodzinnym”, z którym się utożsamiali.
It has been more than 70 years since Łódź was a multi-ethnic city. But the traces of those days still remain. The characterised objects remind Łódź as it used to be when it was formed by different nations, including Protestants of German descent, who determined its dynamic development, especially after 1914. Today, the most evocative and clear trace of the presence of a multi-ethnic and religiously diverse community are the architectural monuments. They have survived almost intact, except for Jewish temples, which were completely destroyed in 1939–1945. Church buildings, tenement houses, mansions and factories were allowed to arise, as this what the erstwhile Lodzermenschen of different nations and religions wanted. The architecture of Łódź of the 19th and early 20th century shows changing styles, fashions and tendencies, which came here from the artistic centres all over the continent. In the buildings constructed then, we can see an obvious cosmopolitanism, but also unavoidable provincialism. The local bourgeoisie, and the architects they employed, knew and admired the buildings of St. Petersburg, Berlin, Vienna and Wrocław, as well as of the nearby Warsaw. Therefore, they were built according to what was fashionable at the time, what the sponsors liked and what was worth building to make Łódź a fully European city.
Źródło:
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej; 2012, 1; 167-192
2300-0562
2450-0127
Pojawia się w:
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wielkie posiadłości ziemskie w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów i ich wpływ na dzisiejsze środowisko antropogeniczne
Large landed estates in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and its impact on today’s anthropogenic environmental
Autorzy:
Kowalski, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/18797177.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
large landed property
territorialisation of power
the current anthropogenic landscape
the stability of spatial forms
Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodów
wielka własność ziemska
terytorializacja władzy
krajobraz antropogeniczny
trwałość form przestrzennych
Opis:
Artykuł podkreśla znaczenie wielkich posiadłości ziemskich w ramach systemu polityczno-ustrojowego i społeczno-gospodarczego Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów. Zwrócono również uwagę na utrzymujące się przez stulecia antropogeniczne formy przestrzenne, będące efektem szczególnie silnego oddziaływania wielkich posiadłości na kształt życia społeczno-gospodarczego. Wpływ ten można dziś dostrzec w sposobie zagospodarowania przestrzeni oraz w formach i przebiegu licznych zjawiskach o charakterze politycznym, kulturowym i gospodarczym w Polsce oraz u jej wschodnich sąsiadów.
The heritage of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of Both Nations exerts until today an influence on the shape of the geographical environment of Poland and her eastern neighbours, this fact often not being noticed. A particularly strong imprint on the development of spatial structures results from the existence and functioning of the large feudal property. In the period of the Commonwealth, given the far-reaching decentralisation of authority in the country, such large landed properties enjoyed broad judicial and administrative, as well as economic autonomy. Their position and separate character were in many cases strengthened through the status of principality, entail or county. Under several aspects they reminded of the duchies existing at more or less the same time in the German Reich. Liquidation of the Commonwealth in 1795 brought limitations to the autonomy of the landed estates within the framework of the occupying powers, Russia, Prussia and Austria. They continued, though, to fulfil important administrative, cultural and economic functions. Until peasants were affranchised the landed estates had been the primary organiser of economic life and local administration on rural areas. After the affranchising acts the estates shrunk to the manor farms, employing farmhands, but they still played an essential socio-economic role. Their importance was particularly high under the Prussian occupation, where affranchising had limited dimensions, leaving in the hands of the manor farm owners a significant part of the estate from before (the Prussian way toward the capitalism in farming). In the course of introduction of the socialist system after the World War II, the majority of the landed estates and manor farms were transformed into the state farms, which dominated the landscape of the Polish countryside in many areas of the country. In view of the earlier situation in Prussia, this concerned in a particular manner the western part of the country. At the same time, the peasant family farms functioned, belonging to the successors of the affranchised peasants. Within the framework of the socialist system this sector was subject, as well, to supervision of the state administration and was included in the mechanisms of the socialist economy (e.g. obligatory supplies). Lack of civic tradition, which was especially perceptible on the areas of the former Russian occupation, and was, generally, a far-reaching consequence of the feudal serfdom, was definitely conducive to the introduction of this socialist variety of paternalism. It cannot be excluded that the heritage of feudalism was one of the more important factors facilitating the strengthening of the communist rule in Poland and in the neighbouring countries. The continuity of tradition of the separate socio-economic development of the individual landed estates exerted also influence on the development of characteristic cultural features, leading, in particular, to appearance of the distinct ethnographic groups, and to the development of a separate local and regional awareness. The autonomy of the owners of large estates in terms of religion in the times of the Commonwealth, brought about the differentiated denominational landscape on certain areas. The most striking reflection of these processes is constituted by the community of the Reformed Evangelicals, persisting until today, which developed in the northern part of Lithuania, in the Birże estate of the Protestant line of Radziwiłł family. The administrative separation of the large estates, functioning in many cases in an unchanged territorial form for several centuries, shaped also other elements of the contemporary socio-economic landscape. In the 19th century the landed estates and their internal divisions became the basis for development of the modern territorial administrative division of the country. The traces of these organisational solutions can still be perceived today, first of all in the form of the courses of boundaries of villages, municipalities and counties. Sometimes the existence of the large scale estates (like, e.g., the Zamoyski Entail) influenced the territorial shape of the present-day administrative provinces. The thus described role and significance of the large landed estates allows for considering them as an essential and characteristic element of the political and systemic, as well as socio-economic, order of the Commonwealth, exerting an influence through the consequences of its existence also on the contemporary forms of geographical environment.
Źródło:
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej; 2012, 1; 113-138
2300-0562
2450-0127
Pojawia się w:
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Problematyka społecznej odpowiedzialności w nauczaniu historii biznesu w Harvard Business School
Social Responsibility in Business History Teaching at Harvard Business School
Autorzy:
Jastrząb, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/20311557.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
business history
Harvard Business School
management education
Opis:
Based on case studies prepared at the Harvard Business School, the article analyses the content of university courses on business history. Its aim is to answer the question whether or not business history courses are used for discussing the problems of CSR or moral dilemmas behind strategic decisions made by managers. The article argues that the chance of enhancing the understanding of social problems on the part of the managers and shaping their responsiveness to them, created by the presence of courses on history in the academic curriculum, remains, to a large extent, unrealised. Teaching materials are still influenced by the Chandlerian paradigm and thus focus on changes in organisational structures and strategies of large multinational companies. They pay little attention to the social environment of business, rarely pose questions on the motivations of human actions or value hierarchies and avoid discussions on the social consequences of management decisions.
Źródło:
Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym; 2013, 16; 63-74
1899-2226
2353-4869
Pojawia się w:
Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Demonstracja wojskowa w Dafne w 166 r. p.n.e. a wyprawa Antiocha IV Epifanesa na Wschód
Démonstration militaire à Daphné en 166 av. J.C. et expédition d’Antiochos IV Ephiphane à l’Est
Autorzy:
Mielczarek, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/16538458.pdf
Data publikacji:
1992
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
Les relations antiques étant tendcncieuses, l’évaluation des activités d’Antiochos IV Ephiphanes’ avère très difficile. Cela se rapporte également aux cérémonies organisées par Antiochos IV à Daphné en 166 av. J.C. jugées par Polibius comme la réponse du roi syrien face aux jeux d’Emilius Paulus à Amphipolis. Tout de même il faudrait prendre également en considération la suggestion que cette démonstration de la puissance des Seleucides concernait l’éxpedition d’Antiochos IV à l’Est au début de 165 av. J.C. La parade à Daphné a été initiée par la revue des unités militaires. L’information communiquée par Polibius concernant leur nombre et composition n’a pas pourtant été la base de l'interprétation des entreprises d’Antiochos IV en 166 av. J.C. L’année présentée à Daphné était différente par rapport à la structure de l’armée d’Antiochos III. L’analyse des differences en question permet de suggérer que le choix de l'infanterie dominée par les unités lourdes et la composition de la cavalerie ont été fait dans un but bien précis. Les corps participant aux riches cérémonies à Daphné se préparaient à partir vers l’Est.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 1992, 44; 3-12
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wybrane aspekty współczesnej sprawozdawczości podatkowej
Selected aspects of modern tax reporting
Autorzy:
Macudziński, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/24987655.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
tax reporting
declarations
information
data transmission
reporting
ICT systems
monitoring
sealing the tax system
sprawozdawczość podatkowa
deklaracje
informacje
transmisja danych
raportowanie
systemy teleinformatyczne
monitorowanie
uszczelnianie systemu podatkowego
Opis:
Artykuł podejmuje tematykę obowiązku sprawozdawczości i przekazywania informacji administracji skarbowej o zdarzeniach mających wpływ na zidentyfikowanie zobowiązania podatkowego. Autor stara się również wykazać, że współczesne obowiązki podatkowe w zakresie przesyłania różnych danych o aktywności w obszarze podatkowym i gospodarczym wychodzą zdecydowanie poza standardowe utarte schematy i relacje deklaracja – organ podatkowy.
The article deals with the subject of the obligation to report and provide information to the tax administration about events affecting the identification of a tax liability. The author also tries to show that modern tax obligations in the field of sending various data on activity in the tax and economic area go far beyond the standard clichés and relations declaration – tax authority.
Źródło:
Kwartalnik Prawa Podatkowego; 2023, 3; 37-66
1509-877X
Pojawia się w:
Kwartalnik Prawa Podatkowego
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Dwuetniczność międzywojennej Warszawy w świetle wyników wyborów
Two ethnic groups in interwar Warsaw in the light of the results of the elections
Autorzy:
Kowalski, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/684357.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Warszawa
okres międzywojenny
Polacy
Żydzi
zachowania wyborcze
Warsaw
interwar period
Poles
Jews
electoral behaviour
Opis:
The results of the elections, including their spatial diversity, are very often influenced by the cultural diversity of voters. This is clearly visible in Poland during the interwar period (1918-1939). This shows, among other, the study of J. Kopstein and J. Wittenberg (2000). Poles voted for nationwide parties with different ideological features. Members of ethnic minorities choosing parties emphasizing their ethnicity. The only grouping that fully broke the ethnic divide were the Communists, who were voted on by both Polish and Jewish voters. This is also confirmed in the case of election results in Warsaw, a city inhabited by Poles (70%) and Jews (30%). It was a rule that about 75-80% of Warsaw voters voted for the nationwide parties and the remaining 20-25% for the Jewish parties. However, the analysis of the Warsaw elections does not confirm the thesis of J. Kopstein and J. Wittenberg (2000) that the Poles voted ideologically, while the Jews voted for the parties representing the Jews as a minority. Jewish parties also had a differentiated ideological image with the Left, the Right and the Center. Taking into account this diversity, it makes possible to see that Jewish voters expressed greater sympathy for the left-wing parties (Bund, the Communists and Poale Zion) than Poles (Polish Socialist Party, the Communists). At the end of the 1930s, the leftist sympathies were particularly prominent among the Jews. In the elections to the city council of Warsaw in 1938, the left among the Jewish parties won 2/3 votes (the Bund and Poale Zion), while among the national groups only 1/3 (Polish Socialist Party). On the other hand, Kopstein and Wittenberg argue that Jews were not the main source of communist influence in Poland. Support for candidates of this political option in Warsaw, both among Poles as Jews, reached a maximum of 17% (in 1927). Earlier and later support in both communities was lower. At most it may be noted that in the case of Jews before 1927 it was lower than among Poles, while after 1927 higher. Kopstein and Wittenberg are right that the Jews were not the main base of communist influence in Poland. Support for candidates of this political option in Warsaw, both among Poles and Jews, reached a maximum of 17% in 1927. Earlier and later support was lower. In the case of Jews before 1927 it was lower than among Poles, while after 1927 higher.Spatial segregation, both ethnically and socially, has resulted in a strong spatial variation in the results of the elections. The Polish right was dominant in the central districts of the city, the Polish left in the suburbs. The exceptions from this regularity were North Districts (Muranów, Powązki, Grzybów) and part of Praga, where the Jewish parties dominated. The largest concentration of Jewish voters was the Northern District. In its eastern part the Jewish right won, in its western part the Jewish Left and the Communists. Jews were not the main base of influence of Communists in Poland, however, certain circumstances allow to understand why such a stereotype appeared. At least in the case of Warsaw, though perhaps also on a nationwide scale, the Jews showed more sympathy for the left than the Polish voters. In addition, the proportion of Jews among the members of the Communist Party (about 25%), and especially in the authorities of this party (30-50%), was higher than their share in the whole population (10%). Jews also often cooperated with the Polish left to oppose the influence of the nationalist Polish right. For the latter, the identification of the left with the Jews and Jews with the left was a very comfortable argument in the political struggle.
Na wyniki wyborów, w tym ich zróżnicowanie przestrzenne, bardzo często wpływa różnorodność kulturowa wyborców. Widać to wyraźnie w Polsce w okresie międzywojennym. Potwierdzają to również wyniki wyborów w Warszawie – mieście zamieszkiwanym przez Polaków (70%) i Żydów (30%). Polacy głosowali na ogólnopolskie partie o różnych cechach ideologicznych, członkowie mniejszości etnicznych wybierali natomiast partie podkreślające ich pochodzenie. Partie żydowskie miały także zróżnicowany wizerunek ideologiczny, choć można dostrzec, że żydowscy wyborcy wyrażali większą sympatię dla partii lewicowych niż Polacy, aby przeciwstawić się wpływowi nacjonalistycznej prawicy. Jedynym ugrupowaniem, które w pełni przełamało podziały etniczne, byli komuniści. Segregacja przestrzenna, zarówno etniczna, jak i społeczna, spowodowała silne zróżnicowanie wyników wyborów. Polska prawica dominowała w centralnych dzielnicach miasta, polska lewica – na suburbiach. Wyjątkami od tej regularności były dzielnice północne (Muranów, Powązki, Grzybów) i część Pragi, gdzie dominowały partie żydowskie. Największą koncentracją wyborców żydowskich był okręg północny. W jego wschodniej części wygrywała prawica żydowska, w zachodniej części – żydowska lewica i komuniści.
Źródło:
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej; 2018, 7; 71-91
2300-0562
2450-0127
Pojawia się w:
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Morawianie (Morawcy) w Polsce
Moravians (Moravs) in Poland
Autorzy:
Kowalski, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/684405.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Morawianie
dialekt laski
odrębność etniczna
Morawy
Śląsk
Polska
Moravians
Lach dialect
ethnic independence
Moravia
Silesia
Polska
Opis:
The paper aims to characterise the Moravian population (Moravs) who lives within the boundaries of Poland as a result of 20th-century territorial changes. Representatives of this group differ in their language (Lach dialect) and customs yet, unlike the inhabitants of the Czech Republic, do not identify as Moravians or Czechs. They instead consider themselves as Poles, Germans or Silesians, which stems from the national affiliation of the area between 1742 and 2016. The processes of acculturation may soon lead to the disappearance of the last signs of independence of this ethnic group. Moravian origins will only be seen in last names of some of the population.
W artykule podjęto charakterystykę ludności morawskiej (Morawców), która na skutek dwudziestowiecznych zmian terytorialnych zamieszkuje w granicach państwa polskiego. Przedstawiciele tej grupy wyróżniają się swym językiem (dialekt laski) i zwyczajami, jednak w odróżnieniu od mieszkańców Republiki Czeskiej, nie utożsamiają się z narodem morawskim lub czeskim. Uważają się za Polaków, Niemców lub Ślązaków, co wynika z przynależności państwowej tych ziem w latach 1742–2016. Procesy akulturacji sprawiają, że już niedługo mogą zniknąć ostatnie znamiona odrębności tej grupy etnicznej. O morawskim pochodzeniu będą świadczyły jedynie nazwiska, noszone przez część jej przedstawicieli.
Źródło:
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej; 2016, 5; 115-131
2300-0562
2450-0127
Pojawia się w:
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Doryforos w pancerzu – czyli o wizerunku Augusta z Prima Porta słów kilka
Doryphoros in breastplate – a few words about the image of Augustus from Prima Porta
Autorzy:
Kwaśny, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/681755.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Cesarstwo Rzymskie
posąg Augusta
zbroja cesarza
Roman Empire
statue of Augustus
armor of Emperor
Opis:
Images of emperors of Julio-Claudian dynasty and especially the most famous representation of Octavian Augustus of Prima Porta, became the prototype representation of emperors-officers for the representatives of the next dynasty wielding Roman Empire. Statue of Augustus, no doubt modeled on Doryphoros – a statue made by Polykleitos (sculptor-foundry of classical Greek era) is an example of the propaganda image of the emperor. Statua loricata – a statue of Octavian in the breastplate – presents emperor during adlocutio – speech addressed to the army. Models of classical Greek sculpture exhibit at the statue of the emperor by using position called contrapposto and deification of the emperor by showing him barefoot. Among other things, lack of shoes indicates that the statue of Octavian was made after the death of the ruler. The divine pedigree of the emperor was also marked by the attributes that are on his right leg – Cupid and dolphin. Head of Augustus was also performed on the model Doryphoros, and its distinctive hairstyle is defined as a „Primaporta” type. The most important element of the Prima Porta statue of the emperor is his breastplate. Armor classified as a torso cuirass is here as long type – with the downward extension, meant to protect the lower abdominal part. Armor probably originally made of leather, on the statue of Octavian is very richly decorated with historical and mythological reliefs. In the central part of the armor was shown a scene that shows the Parthians transferring military signs (signum militare) that have been lost by Marcus Crassus in 53 BC. On both sides of middle scene, were placed two women – personifications of lands conquered by Rome. The whole presentation is observed by the images of deities: Tellus Mater – Mother of Earth, Apollo, Diana, the god of the Sun – Sol, goddess of the moon – Luna and the God of heaven – Caelus. Statue of Augustus from Prima Porta combines classical designs of sculptures of Polykleitos period and contemporary elements of the propaganda of the imperial policy of the Augustus principate. Sculpture showing the first emperor of the Roman Empire, dressed in breastplate has become an example image of the rulers shown as the leaders of the army but also showing the immense power of propaganda policy.
-
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Archaeologica; 2015, 30; 69-81
0208-6034
2449-8300
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Archaeologica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Personenbezeichnungen in deutschen Einwortidiomen und ihre polnischen Äquivalente
Autorzy:
Frąckowiak, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1032463.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-12-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
Der Beitrag präsentiert eine Analyse 113 deutscher als Personenbezeichnungen fungierender Einwortphraseologismen sowie ihrer polnischen Äquivalente. Die Untersuchung basiert auf lexikographischem Material aus ein- und zweisprachigen Wörterbüchern (darunter aus dem Internet). Der Text hat zum Ziel, die Typologie der monolexikalen Einheiten darzustellen. In der kontrastiven Analyse wird auf zwei Schlüsselfragen eingegangen: Welche semantischen Felder werden von ausgewählten deutschen Einwort-phrasemen vertreten und wie werden jene Einwortphraseologismen ins Polnische übersetzt? Die aus einem theoretischen und empirischen Teil zusammengesetzten Betrachtungen schließen mit der Darstellung der Motivationsquellen für die Entstehung der Einwortidiome.
Niniejszy artykuł prezentuje analizę 113 niemieckich złożeń nominalnych stanowiących określenia osób oraz polskich odpowiedników owych rzeczowników złożonych. Badanie oparte jest na materiale leksykograficznym wyekscerpowanym z jedno- i dwujęzycznych słowników oraz ze źródeł internetowych. Tekst ma na celu przedstawienie typologii jednostek monoleksykalnych. W analizie kontrastywnej zostają podjęte dwie kluczowe kwestie: Jakie pola semantyczne reprezentują wybrane niemieckie wyrazy złożone oraz w jaki sposób tłumaczone są owe złożenia nominale na język polski? Rozważania, które składają się z części teoretycznej i empirycznej, kończą się przedstawieniem źródeł motywacji powstawania compositów.
This paper presents an analysis of 113 German nominal compounds defining attributes of people and Polish counterparts of these compound nouns. The research is based on a lexicographical material excerpt from mono- and bilingual dictionaries as well as internet sources. The text aims to present a typology of monolexical units. Two key issues are subject to contrastive analysis: which semantic fields do selected German com pound words represent and how are these nominal compounds translated into Polish? The discussion which consists of a theoretical and empirical part ends with conclusions dealing primarily with a source of motivation of composites’ formation.
Źródło:
Convivium. Germanistisches Jahrbuch Polen; 2015; 99-117
2196-8403
Pojawia się w:
Convivium. Germanistisches Jahrbuch Polen
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Hidden properties of city plans: A case study of Łódź
Autorzy:
Lamprecht, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1019364.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-12-30
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
historic urban core
urban morphology
space syntax
city centre
centrality measures Łódź
Opis:
The article analyses the transformations and the internal diversity of the oldest urban structures of central Łódź, one of the biggest Polish cities. 19th-century Łódź was one of the greatest centres of the textile industry in Europe. Currently, the city faces major challenges, including a dramatic population decrease, population ageing as well as a vast revitalisation of urban structures aimed at reinforcing the new idea of the city’s inward development. The research on the layout of Łódź is based on the modern image of the city as well as four images preserved in historical plans. The subsequent, chronological models are analysed in terms of topological features with the use of space syntax methods. The conducted research made it possible to identify the internal, configurational diversity of the historic urban core of Łódź. A seemingly monotonous, orthogonal urban layout is, from a topological perspective, highly diversified. Due to the actions undertaken in Łódź and aimed at restoring urban structures in the broad sense, the study not only has a cognitive goal, but it also carries a practical context.
Źródło:
European Spatial Research and Policy; 2020, 27, 2; 199-220
1231-1952
1896-1525
Pojawia się w:
European Spatial Research and Policy
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestrzenne zróżnicowanie wyników wyborów do Sejmu z 1957 roku
Spatial differentiation of results of the Polish parliamentary elections 1957
Autorzy:
Kowalski, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/965518.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
election 1957
the spatial diversity
sustainability of electoral behavior
Polish United Workers Party
constituencies
wybory z 1957 roku
przestrzenne zróżnicowanie
trwałość zachowań wyborczych
pzpr
okręgi wyborcze
Opis:
Z wyborów organizowanych w czasach PRL na uwagę zasługują przede wszystkim te z 1957 roku. Przeprowadzono je w okresie popaździernikowej odwilży, a władze nie miały specjalnych powodów, by je fałszować. Liberalna atmosfera sprzyjała wyborczej konkurencji, a oficjalne wyniki wyborów uwidoczniły znaczące zróżnicowanie polskiego społeczeństwa w ujęciu przestrzennym.
When comparing the spatial differentiation of results of elections from the inter-war period (1918–1939) and the post-communist period (1989–2015), one sees a very clear similarity between the two (Kowalski, 2014). In the north-western part of the country the electoral preferences are with the left or the liberals, while in the south-eastern part – with the right. Given the persistence of this spatial setting, a supposition arises that the spatial differentiation of the political attitudes existed also during the times of the socialist People’s Poland. Lack of political freedom and electoral falsifications, performed by the communists, make the verification of this proposition quite difficult. Of the elections, organised in the socialist period, it is the ones, carried out in 1957, that deserve consideration, first of all. These elections were carried out in the short period of liberalisation after 1956, in conditions of an enthusiastic support for the new governing administration. The organisers of the elections could be fairly certain as to the outcome. That is why, side by side with the candidates, who were closely connected with the ruling establishment, also more independent persons, frequently enjoying high popularity in the society, were allowed to stand as candidates in these elections. In order to guarantee the victorious outcome, the authorities allowed for the formation of just a single list of candidates. The authorities lanced the appeal to vote for the candidates from the first places on the list, since it was on these places that the persons most convenient from the point of view of the establishment were listed. The few independent candidates were located at far-off positions. There was also an appeal for the possibly highest turnout at the elections, since this would constitute a signal of support for the new administration. These appeals were also shared by the Catholic Church in Poland. Despite the limitations and constraints mentioned, the relatively liberal atmosphere was conducive to the electoral competition within the framework of the candidate lists approved. This was yet enhanced by the fact that candidates represented, formally at least, various political organisms (communists, peasant activists, democratic party, non-aligned candidates) and communities, and, as indicated, the lists also included, even though on far-off places, persons of independent orientations. In addition, the liberal atmosphere and the conviction of the ruling group that they must win, limited, it appears, the electoral falsifications to the minimum. Owing to the advantageous social atmosphere and the appropriate construction of the lists of candidates, the communists could not lose these elections. Yet, in spite of this, the official results of the elections made visible the significant differentiation of the Polish society, both in global terms, and in space. The latter aspect represented a clear similarity to the spatial differentiation of the results of elections, taking place in other time periods, both the earlier ones (the interwar period) and those carried out later (after 1989).
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica; 2015, 21
1508-1117
2353-4826
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ludność polska w wieloetnicznych regionach Litwy, Łotwy i Białorusi
The Polish population in multi-ethnic regions of Lithuania, Latvia and Belarus
Autorzy:
Kowalski, Mariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/965549.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Vilnius region
Latgale region
Hrodna region
Polish minority
multiethnic regions
ethnic relations
mniejszość polska
regiony wieloetniczne
stosunki narodowościowe
Wileńszczyzna
Łatgalia
Grodzieńszczyzna
Opis:
The aim of the paper was to compare the situation of the Polish minority in the three bordering countries: Lithuania, Latvia and Belarus. Despite similar historical circumstances contemporary groups of Polish minority in the lands of former Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Polish Livonia living in the different socio-economic and political conditioning. This situation affecting their relations with other ethnic groups and state authorities. All of the researched areas – Vilnius region in Lithuania, Latgale region in Latvia, Hrodna region in Belarus – are multicultural. In all, owing to special circumstances of Eastern Slavic-Baltic ethnic borderland, a compact Polish ethnic area was formed. Despite the deportation and postwar emigration of Poles and despite that areas inhabited by them belong to three different states, the Polish population still represents a significant proportion of the population, affecting the local socio-cultural and political life. The analysis of census data and maps indicates the progressive decrease of the Polish population and retreat of Polish ethnic area. However, recent censuses show the vary – depending on the region – processes. In Lithuania the stabilization of the ethnical structure of the population is observed. Despite the hostile attitude of Lithuanian nationalists and state authorities that often remain under their influence, Polish population takes advantage of the civil rule of law to consolidate its assets. In Belarus further melting of Polish ethnic area is observed, associated with a decrease in the number of Poles, both in absolute and relative terms. This can be combined with both the difficult situation of the Polish population in the Soviet period (no schools and other Polish institutions), and the current socio-political situation in Belarus. Under Lukashenka’s dictatorial rule the Polish minority action is merely tolerated. Government support the policy of the tsarist and Soviet authorities, under which local Poles were considered as regional (Catholic) branch of the Belarusian people. Paradoxically, the relatively best situation concern the Polish population in Latvia, where Polish community is the least numerous, both in absolute and relative terms. The clear revival of Polish socio-cultural, and even increasing participation of Poles in some areas, can be observed. The Latvian authorities are positively oriented to the Polish socio-cultural initiatives, seeing the Polish movement as a counterweight to the demographic dominance of East Slavic population (Russians, Belarusians, and Ukrainians) in the south-eastern part of the country.
Pomimo podobnych uwarunkowań historycznych mniejszość polska, zamieszkująca tereny dawnego Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego i Inflant Polskich, w zależności od miejsca zamieszkania (Litwa, Łotwa, Białoruś) znajduje się w odmiennej sytuacji społeczno-gospodarczej i polityczno- -ustrojowej. Odciska się to na relacjach mniejszości polskiej z innymi grupami etnicznymi oraz władzami państwowymi. Analiza sytuacji sugeruje, iż pod wieloma względami najlepsze warunki dla pielęgnowania swojej odrębności (pomimo niewielkiej liczebności) ma mniejszość polska na Łotwie. Na przeciwległym krańcu, choć najliczniejsza, znajduje się mniejszość polska na Białorusi.
Źródło:
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej; 2013, 2; 205-237
2300-0562
2450-0127
Pojawia się w:
Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł

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