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Wyświetlanie 1-6 z 6
Tytuł:
Конфліктний характер взаємовідносин між владою та опозицією в Україні: причини та політичні наслідки
Konfrontacyjny charakter stosunków pomiędzy władzą i opozycją na Ukrainie: przyczyny i skutki polityczne
Autorzy:
Бусленко, Василь
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489454.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
parliamentary opposition,
government,
political competition,
political conflict,
repositioning
Opis:
The article analyzes the dynamics of the relationship between the government and the parliamentary opposition in Ukraine. The causes and consequences of political conflict domination style relationship were clarified by the author. He believes that the distinction between opponents held the simplified line “anti-communism” to the complex and contradictory relationship in the triangle “president-parliament-government.” The political consequences of the conflict nature of interaction between government and opposition were minimizing the use of compromise as a tool to resolve disputes, activation of extra-parliamentary forms of political struggle, the attempt to develop mutual control of some political forces over others, stimulate political competition. Conflicts between the government and the opposition began to acquire signs of conflict between advocates support democracy building and its collapse and conservation. Therefore, in 2004 and 2014 repositioning political forces as changing the status on the powerful opposition, accompanied by the intensification of the democratization process. As a result of political actors started implementing new democratic forms and practices lustration of power, style dialogical relationship between government and society, strengthening the capacity of the third sector to influence the ruling elite. This is a prerequisite for the transition to a compromise model of relations between the authorities and the opposition.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 73-79
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Стосунки уряду та опозиції в Чехословаччині в кінці 80-х – на початку 90-х років XX ст.
Relationship between the Government and the Opposition of Czechoslovakia at the End of 80th Beginning of 90th of XX century
Autorzy:
Бусленко, Василь
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489347.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political opposition
Czechoslovakia
government
authority
competition
Opis:
The study aims to identify of the specific models of cooperation between government and opposition in Czechoslovakia in transition period. In the article the prerequisites of confrontational relationships and their projection on the level of political competition and the formation of new political institutions in terms of democratization are determined. Was proved that the character of the relationship between government and opposition in Czechoslovakia was largely determined by degree of democratization of the regime and the opposition force, it`s goals and strategies. In the late 80th under pressure of the opposition, parties have moved from confrontation to cooperation, what reflected on co-option of the opposition members to the government. However, at the coalition government in fact was no division on pro-government and opposition forces, which made adaptation of opposition to the new socio-political conditions more complicated. A fundamental difference between the relationship of government and opposition in West European countries and Czechoslovakia was noted. In West European countries, the relationship found expression in both legal and political norms. They were characterized by the fact that they are in mutual consent of the parties to act before all in the public interest without going beyond existing law. In Czechoslovakia the main opponents of the ruling forces were communists who had radically different understanding of the main goals of social development. As for the anti-communist opposition, which operated until 1989, its isolation and the virtual disappearance were observed. The elections did not lead to authority post-communist forces, as it were observed in Poland and Hungary. The weakness of the opposition until 1989 gave her little chances at a new political conditions. It was weakened by internal divisions. Against the background of a weak opposition increased level of competition between pro-government parties. This, to some extent, contributed the establishment of new informal rules of electing of the president and prime minister of the federal government. After the first free parliamentary elections, relations between the government and the opposition have changed to a more confrontational with minimal consensus. In Czechoslovakia, in contradistinction to Poland and Hungary, there was no opposition repositioning, i.e. its transformation from outsider of changes of political order to an active participant in the parliament. Post-opposition forces remained weak and separated political entities. In 1991-1992 clear division between progovernment and opposition forces cannot be traced. Blurred boundaries between political opponents were intensified duality of political regime, that combines the features of the previous and democratic, centrifugal tendencies, regionalization of political parties. The competition took the form of real competition within the ruling group, formally differentiated by geographic criteria into two political parties. All this weakens the inter-party competition at the level of «government-parliamentary opposition» at the national level and put the problems of democratization to the second plan, giving priority to processes of formation of independent states of Czech Republic and Slovakia.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 162-168
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Політична урбаністика: концептуалізація предметного поля
Pоlitical Urban Studies: Conceptualization of the Subject Feld
Autorzy:
Хома, Наталія
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489275.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
city
political urban studies
urbanization
government cluster
Opis:
Attention is drawn to the fact that nowadays urbanization is one of the most important trends of modern society development and its consequences should not be underestimated. It is emphasized that the research and forecast of the urbanization processes requires new approaches, which are, in particular, offered by the modern interdisciplinary area of political studies – political urban studies. The need for conceptualizing this new area of political science is substantiated. According to the author, the subjects of political urban studies are: a modern city in the globalized world; a person in the modern metropolis; features of the urban culture formation in the modern society; quality of the urban environment and the political ways of improving it; conflict and risk factors of the modern city’s development; urban political regimes; municipal electoral processes and the forms of urban population’s political activity; socio-political technologies in the city; modern city marketing; analysis of the urban communities as primary subjects of local government; city as the space of socio-political communication etc. Author focuses on the following issues of political urban studies: what is the modern city like (and what it should be like)? Who determines the development of cities nowadays and how to make this process for efficient and transparent? What are the factors that determine the daily life of a city with its historical heritage, which includes layers of different eras nowadays? Where the hidden potential of the city can be found and how to make the city valuable for its residents, as well as recognizable to the international community (branding)? How to organize communication and cooperation between different socio-political actors who are active in the city? Attention is drawn to the issue of cities, urbanonyms and toponyms renaming in the context of implementation of the Law of Ukraine “On the condemnation of communist and national-socialist (Nazi) totalitarian regimes in Ukraine and the prohibition of propaganda of their symbols”. The heuristic potential of political urban studies is illustrated on the example of grouping the administrative structure into government clusters. Functional differences of elements of urban landscape in different historical periods are determined. It is emphasized that modern representative architecture should be directed to the widest social inclusion, provision of new opportunities for interaction of population as well as interaction between «government - society». It is underlined that there is a tendency of uniting within a single building (block) of the highest possible number of state or local governmental authorities for optimization of the management process in view on the inclusion of architecture (so-called governmental clusters). The foreign experience of the cluster approach usage is analysed. The main formats of its application are: 1) separation of governmental cluster in structure of «old» capital, usually by having government buildings outside the historic centre or on the outskirts; 2) transposing the capital to the newly built administrative-territorial units. European experience of governmental clusters organization on the example of successful West-European projects ‒ the government blocks in Oslo and Berlin, as well as the complex of governmental buildings Lombardy in Milan is researched. Practices of Asian cities, including Sejong in South Korea, Putrajaya in Malaysia, Chandigarh in India is studied. Attention is also paid to several projects in the former Soviet Union, including: Astana in Kazakhstan and plans to construct a new Parliamentary Centre in North West Administrative District (Mnevnikovskay plain) in Moscow. It is emphasized that intention of architectural planning is not only compact grouping of administrative buildings, but also the idea of power decentralization (Georgia). The problem of the governmental block transfer from the historical part of Kyiv is also analysed. The cluster approach is defined as the best way of organizing big cities space, especially capitals.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 250-257
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Моделювання відносин «парламентська опозиція-уряд» у Словаччині в 90-ті роки: контекст, інституційні чинники, потенціал та результативність
Modelowanie stosunków „opozycja parlamentarna-rząd” na Słowacji w latach 90.: kontekst, czynniki instytucyjne, potencjał i skuteczność
Autorzy:
Бусленко, Василь
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489255.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
opposition,
the parliamentary opposition, government,
power,
political conflict, democracy,
political competition,
authoritarianism
Opis:
The causes and consequences of the political conflict model formation of relations between the government and the parliamentary opposition in Slovakia in the 90th years of the twentieth century have been analyzed in the article. Internal and external factors that influenced this formation were elucidated. The forms of political opposition institutionalization, the potential and the effectiveness of coalition politic were substantiated. The contradictory nature of the relationships between the government and the opposition are considered in the context of increasing authoritarian tendencies, destabilizing of democracy and weakening of inter-party competition. The weakening of inter-party competition in the early 90s and coming to power of V. Meciar strengthened the authoritarian tendencies and led to minimizing of the parliamentary opposition influence and reducing its control functions. Low level of consensus between the government and opposition parties was observed. This allows to talk about the construction of a conflict model of interaction between the government and the opposition. The relationships between the government and the political opposition was largely depended on the personal factor. Personification of policy in Slovakia clearly seen in the person of V. Meciar. He played a dominant role in politic. The conflicts between him and his main opponents led to the polarization of political life in Slovakia. Curtailment of democratic processes and the slowdown the process of European integration in the country led to the unification of the efforts of the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary forms of political opposition. This resulted to the creation of a new institutional framework. The political opposition has been greatly strengthened by NGOs. Non-party subjects of opposition activities were integrating center for opposition parties. Significant role in increasing of political subjectivity of opposition played the EU. Only since 1998 in Slovakia the practice of democratic change of parties in power was restored. This created the conditions for eliminating the consequences of V. Meciar illiberal regime, implementation of European integration policy and economic reforms.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 145-152
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Взаємодія державної влади та громадянського суспільства в Україні в умовах системних викликів сучасності (кратологічно-управлінський і антропологічний дискурси)
The interaction of government and civil society in Ukraine in conditions of systemic challenges (kratalogical, management analysis and anthropological discourses)
Autorzy:
Бульбенюк, Світлана
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489452.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political power,
government,
civil society,
the state,
the ruling class,
«opinion leaders»,
transformation
Opis:
We consider the issues of interaction between government and civil society in modern Ukraine in terms of system calls through the prism kratological and management analysis and anthropological discourses. These discourses are concentrated in the kratological domain of research, because the issues of power in the domestic space forever are key in the theoretical and practical plane. Nowadays, the kratological discourse is complemented by the problem of studying the network of civil society and the E-state, which causes a qualitatively different view of political power - as a disperse phenomenon, a set of political alternatives known and equal to all rules. The author draws attention to the importance of lighting latent internal mechanisms for the implementation of political and / or power state for a deeper understanding of trends, implications and possible prospects of implementation of the strategy of systemic transformation of the Ukrainian state and society. At the same time, special attention is paid to the formation of a de facto semi-political confrontation between political and social actors of two types - representatives of the establishment and "opinion leaders" of the traditional and networked civil society. If the former are mainly representatives of the domestic political class of the post-Soviet period, then the latter are activists, intellectuals, artists, public, and eventually also potential statesmen (say, the young generation of people's deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the VIII convocation), who came to the political and social advance during or after the revolutionary events of autumn 2013 - the winter of 2014. It is proved that in the conditions of those splits that occur now in Ukraine, the key social and political actors of socio-political shifts should be updated representatives of the ruling class, on the one hand, and «opinion leaders» from among the traditional and the network of civil society, on the other hand. Substantiates the view that the expression of an effective and truly democratic interaction of the state and civil society should be to ensure transparent competitive environment and creating a realm where it becomes possible political dialogue between the government and citizens, which the state is ready to negotiate with its citizens about the important issues of social development. After all, the main problems of the national state building in Ukraine in the last two and a half decades are related precisely to the fact that the domestic ruling class has not managed to conduct a permanent public dialogue with citizens, and those attempts to formulate and put forward relevant projects of social agreements that were carried out by social actors from the civil society, did not find an adequate response from the political actors on the part of the state. Thus, it can be argued that while the attempts to "conventionalisation" Ukrainian political life are a model of "one-gates", when only one side of a potential public-public dialogue and the conclusion of a social contract on its basis is interested in such a process. Moreover, the representatives of the establishment of various ideological and ideological and geopolitical directions, from the conventionally "pro-Moscow" to the conditionally "pro-American" and "pro-European" ones, have shown their disinterest. The basis of such a political dialogue should be symbolic of the conclusion convene social contract between senior representatives of the state and civil society on the basis of a political and social compromise. The importance of achieving a political and social compromise is due not only to the fact that without its achievement it is impossible to speak about the further political and socio-economic progress of our state in the conditions of a long Russian-Ukrainian military conflict and the unsolved numerous splits (intergenerational, value, structural-institutional, geopolitical And others) within the domestic society, but also because in recent decades, under the influence of the deployment and deepening of the processes of informatization and globalization in a substantial way the understanding of political and / or state power has changed - its essence, purpose, features of interaction with society and citizens. A true "conventionalisation" of domestic political life is possible only on condition of recognition of the equality of both subjects in the conclusion of such a symbolic pact - and the leading figures of the political class and civil society actors, with their circle to be expanded as much as possible, including through the involvement of representatives of the network civil society, various communities of so-called "grassroots" public initiatives.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 163-171
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Політична репрезентація поляків в Україні на локальному рівні (за результатами досліджень 2015-2016 рр. на Житомирщині)
Political Representation of Poles in Ukraine at the Local Level (Based on the Research Results of 2015–2016 Years in Zhytomyr Region)
Autorzy:
Рудницький, Сергій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489305.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political representation,
Zhytomyr regional local government,
the Polish national minority in Ukraine,
deputies of the Polish origin,
social and political activities of the Polish national minority in Ukraine
Opis:
The issue of representing interests of national minorities in the political sphere is relevant for Ukraine as a multi-ethnic state. The Polish minority stands out among others considering the nature of the Ukrainian-Polish relations in the past and under the current conditions. Therefore, the analysis of the representation of the Polish community in local government of Ukraine, particularly in Zhytomyr region where the largest community of Poles lives, has an essential scientific and practical significance. The research of the political representation of Poles in Zhytomyr region began in September 2015 when prof. Slawomir Lodzinski (Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw) and associate professor Serhii Rudnytskyi (Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State University) launched the international research seminar "Representation of National Minorities at the Local Level – Poles in Ukraine and Ukrainians in Poland". In the 2015-2016 academic year, the participants of the seminar from Ukraine aimed at investigating activities of the Polish minority in selected areas of Zhytomyr region (taking into account the specifics of the socio-psychological faculty) and identifying its psychological determinants. Several locations in Zhytomyr region, where the Polish minority lives and/or which are characterized by activities in social and political life of the given settlement, were chosen for a study The research was related to Poles/persons of Polish origin in local government of the given locality. With regard to the political part of the research of the Ukrainian participants of the seminar, the study of 2015 turned out to have little effect. In the course of the research, the activity of the leaders of the Polish community, as well as the political activity of persons from the Polish national minority, were recorded in all localities under consideration at the level of local government. In the 2016–2017 academic year participants of the seminar changed. Bearing in mind experience of the previous year, the study became of a purely political nature. All works (with the exception of the research related to institutes representing the interests of the Polish minority at the regional level) were focused on revealing deputies of the Polish origin in local government bodies of Zhytomyr region, their links with the local Polish community and its institutions (primarily, with public organizations) and with all-Ukrainian political forces. Attention was drawn to the ties between ethnicity, the election campaign, and canvassing. Two works did not bring any new information on the political representation of the Poles in Zhytomyr region. The first one, which was devoted to associations representing the interests of the Polish national minority in Zhytomyr region, was more like a desk review. The second one, concerning the program documents of the candidates for deputy of the district councils of the Zhytomyr region who have Polish origin, was merely a methodology for studying documents by methods of mathematical statistics and did not include the results of empirical research. Two other works, dedicated to the participants of the local government in Zhytomyr region, provided new information on the political representation of the Polish minority at the local level. S. Chuprina in her work on deputies of the Polish origin of Berdychiv City Council found that some of the deputies of Berdychiv City Council are of Polish origin. The activity of one of the deputies is connected with the Polish social and cultural activities, namely with the Polish-language radio in Berdychiv, popular and scientific activity, the rebirth of the Polish cemetery in the city, and the initiative to create a museum of the Polish culture in Berdychiv. Yu. Vonsovych while studying the connection between the ethnic origin of deputies of Polish origin of Zhytomyr City Council with their electoral programs, found out that some of the deputies have Polish origin, which is understood and referred in various ways ("Polish origin", "Polish nationality", "Polish roots" ). There are also deputies who declare themselves Poles who have participated in projects of the Polish community which were aimed at its development.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 145-153
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-6 z 6

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