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Wyświetlanie 1-2 z 2
Tytuł:
Polski panslawizm jako idea geopolityczna
Polish Pan-Slavism as a Geopolitical Idea
Autorzy:
Ebrhardt, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/540484.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Geopolityczne
Tematy:
Słowiańszczyzna
Polska
panslawizm
Slavic World
Polska
Pan-Slavism
Opis:
W artykule przedstawiono dokonania polskiego słowianofilstwa i panslawizmu. Była to idea polityczna, która ma w Polsce blisko dwieście lat tradycji. Jego orędownikami byli początkowo wielcy koryfeusze polskiej nauki, tacy jak Stanisław Staszic lub literatury pięknej jak Adam Mickiewicz. W późniejszym czasie koncepcje panslawistyczne były przyjmowane w Polsce z coraz większą nieufnością a nawet wrogością, gdyż widziano w nich ideologie renegacką i moskalofilską. Niemniej panslawiści odegrali istotną rolę w polskiej myśli geopolitycznej. Kwestie te zostały opisane i skomentowane.
The paper presents the history of the Polish Pan-Slavic movement, along with the views of its most important representatives, concerning the position and the geopolitical future of the Polish territories. The supporters of Pan-Slavism aimed at the establishment of the political community of the Slavonic nations. Such a community could have been established only after the normalisation of the Polish- Russian relations, which had a character of a confrontation. That is why the primary task of the Polish Pan-Slavic movement was the assessment of the Polish-Russian relations and the tendency towards its improvement, since this was the condition of the Slavic unity. The beginnings of the Polish Pan-Slavic movement are linked with the first decades of the 19th century, and especially with the political decisions that were taken during the Vienna Congress. It was then that the autonomous Polish Kingdom was established within the confines of the Russian Empire. This had an important influence on the attitudes of the Polish intellectual elite with respect to Russia. They hoped for the more partnership-like Polish-Russian relations and for the extension of the territory of the Polish Kingdom. In the years 1815-1830 numerous projects and programs appeared, in which it was demonstrated that the community of Slavs would bring positive political repercussions and shall contribute to the improvement of the living conditions of the western and southern Slavs. As an example, the views of Stanisław Staszic are presented, whose opinions were shared by many Polish political activists. In the subsequent part of the article the influence is considered of the Polish- Russian war of 1830-1831 and the anti-Russian uprising of 1863 on the ideological evolution of the Polish Pan-Slavic movement. The Polish-Russian antagonism exerted an influence on the attitudes of Poles towards their eastern neighbour. The views of the activists of the Pan-Slavic movement underwent differentiation. Some of them took with respect to Russia an attitude of giving in (like, for instance, Adam Gurowski). At the same time, numerous Polish political activists tried to use the Pan-Slavic argumentation in the development of various political and geopolitical programs. It is in this context that the work of such authors as Henryk Kamieński, Kazimierz Krzywicki, Karol Mikoszewski, as well as that of some others, is presented in the article. The second part of the article refers already to the Pan-Slavic concepts, which developed in the 20th century. At the beginning of the 20th century the Neo-Slavic movement appeared on the Polish territories, attempting to get in close touch with all of the Slavonic nations. To a certain extent this movement had an anti-Russian character. And it did not really play any important political role. It was only during the World War II that an activation of the circles, representing the Pan-Slavic orientation, took place. Aggression of the Germanic Nazi troops called for the unity and solidarity of the Slavs. In this period, both among the Polish emigration in the United Kingdom and on the occupied Polish territories a group of numerous supporters of the Pan-Slavic idea started to actively work, preparing diverse programs calling for the establishment of a Slavonic community, with differentiated proposals for its geographical reach. Of these, the designs of Edmund Romer and Mieczysław Gliszczyński are commented upon in the paper. It should be noted that at the same time, the Soviet Union was heralding the unity of the Slavonic nations, this, however, being an ad hoc, politically motivated manoeuvre. In the final part of the paper the situation is presented in the contemporary Pan- Slavic movement in Poland. This movement reappeared after a long absence after 1989. The opinions and the stances are presented of the so-called Polish Slavic Committee. This body cooperates with similar organisations in other Slavonic countries. Its significance, though, is marginal and political, as well as social influence is very feeble. The summary of the article presents an assessment of the achievements of the Polish Pan-Slavic movements and their significance for the development of the Polish geopolitical thought.
Źródło:
Przegląd Geopolityczny; 2014, 7; 61-84
2080-8836
2392-067X
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Geopolityczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Koncepcja Rzeszy Słowiańskiej według Karela Kramara
The concept of the Slavonic Realm according to Karel Kramář
Autorzy:
Eberhardt, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/540377.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Geopolityczne
Tematy:
Słowiańszczyzna
Czechosłowacja
Rosja
panslawizm
Slavonic realm
Czechoslovakia
Russia
panslavism
Opis:
Przedstawiono w artykule propozycję geopolityczną opracowaną w 1914 r. przez wybitnego polityka czeskiego Karela Kramářa mającą na celu zjednoczenie wszystkich narodów słowiańskich w jednym wspólnym państwie, tzw. Rzeszy Słowiańskiej. Miało to się odbyć pod egidą imperatora rosyjskiego. Przed skomentowaniem tej koncepcji przedstawiono biografię, działalność polityczną i dokonania twórcze tego wybitnego męża stanu i pierwszego premiera Czechosłowacji. Reprezentował on poglądy panslawistyczne i filorosyjskie. Starano się również zrozumieć i wyjaśnić jego postawę wobec Polski i Polaków.
The paper presents the geopolitical proposal, elaborated by the outstanding Czech politician, Karel Kramář (1860-1937), and made public in 1914. The doctrinal intention of this proposal was the unification of all the Slavonic nations in one common statehood, the so-called “Slavonic Realm”. This would take place under the auspices of the Russian emperor, after he tsarist Russia would have defeated the German Empire and the Austrian-Hungarian Empire in the approaching war. In the introductory part of the article the political biography of the statesman and the advocate of the alliance of the Slavic countries is outlined. Kramář represented the pan-Slavic and the philo-Russian views. He visited many times Russia, where he got acquainted with the intellectual elite, including the personal encounter with Lev Tolstoy (1890). Before the outbreak of the World War I he demanded federalisation of Austria-Hungary, and granting of the civil, as well as national freedoms to the Czechs. During the period of war he was condemned to death for his patriotic activity, but after a year in prison he was acquitted. After Czechoslovakia gained sovereignty, to which he also contributed in a certain degree, he took the position of the Prime Minister. Then, he participated in the Paris Conference, in Versailles, as the leader of the Czech delegation. He was the author of numerous books and articles, in which he would touch upon the historical, political, geopolitical, social and legal issues. In the further course of the paper the design for the creation of the Slavonic Realm, mentioned before, and the principles of its functioning, are presented. This would consist in the incorporation into the Russian Empire of five autonomous provinces, namely: Poland, Czechia, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro. Each of the five countries would enjoy the autonomy in the domain of national language and culture. Each of these provinces would be headed by the viceroy, nominated by the Emperor of Russia. The geographical boundaries of these five provinces were delineated, and the design for the constitution was presented and commented upon, developed by Kramář, meant to become the foundation for the future basic law for the territory of the Slavonic community and its constituent parts. The subsequent portion of the article is devoted to the position of Kramář’s regarding Poles and to his attempts, aiming at normalising the Polish-Russian relations. The Czech politician was aware of the fact that without the participation of Poles the entire geopolitical design may end up as failure. Despite numerous efforts, the attempts of Kramář’s were not bringing the expected results in this domain. This was, additionally, due to the fact that the political events, associated with the defeat of tsarist Russia in World War I, made the federalist design obsolete. In the concluding section the author evaluates the concept, forwarded by Kramář, from the point of view of its pragmatism and the capacity of implementation. It is also noted that the communist block, which took shape after World War II, even though pronouncing different principles and ideological doctrine, reminded in territorial terms the area delineated by Kramář and communicated by him in May 1914 to the Russian authorities.
Źródło:
Przegląd Geopolityczny; 2016, 18; 19-37
2080-8836
2392-067X
Pojawia się w:
Przegląd Geopolityczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-2 z 2

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