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Tytuł:
Foreigners in Polish prisons. The law and practice of taking into account cultural differences
Autorzy:
Buczkowski, Konrad
Drapała, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788431.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-07-19
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
zakład karny
cudzoziemiec
uwięzienie
program terapeutyczny
prison
foreigner
incarceration
therapeutic program
Opis:
Polskie prawo wykonawcze zapewnia możliwość realizacji zasady indywidualizmu w odbywaniu kary pozbawiania wolności. Kara ta może być odbywana w systemie programowanego oddziaływania, terapeutycznym lub zwykłym. Polskie przepisy w pełni uwzględniają standardy Konwencji w sprawie zakazu stosowania tortur oraz innego okrutnego, nieludzkiego lub poniżającego traktowania lub karania, przyjętej przez Zgromadzenie Ogólne Narodów Zjednoczonych w 1984 roku oraz Europejskich Reguł Więziennych wydanych przez Radę Europy. W polskim ustawodawstwie nie ma przepisów szczególnych, które dotyczyłyby odbywania kary pozbawienia wolności przez cudzoziemców, jednak gwarancje poszanowania ich godności i odrębności kulturowych wynikają wprost z ogólnych zasad wykonywania kary pozbawienia wolności. Liczba cudzoziemców odbywających karę pozbawienia wolności w polskich zakładach karnych jest niewielka. Każdego roku prawomocnie skazywanych w Polsce jest około 7000 cudzoziemców. Z tej grupy przeciętnie 300 odbywa karę pozbawienia wolności. Artykuł przedstawia charakterystykę tej grupy skazanych w oparciu o dostępne dane statystyczne oraz w odniesieniu do obowiązujących w Polsce przepisów.
Polish executive law allows for the possibility of implementing an individualised approach to imprisonment in a system encompassing programmed, therapeutic or normal rehabilitation. Polish laws take into full account the Convention's standards on the prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1984 and the European Prison Rules issued by the Council of Europe. There are no specific provisions in Polish legislation relating to the imprisonment of foreigners, however, the guarantees of respect for dignity and cultural distinctiveness arise directly from the general principles for imprisonment. The number of foreigners incarcerated in Polish prisons is small. Every year, approximately 7,000 foreigners are convicted in Poland. Of this group, on average, 300 are servinga prison sentence. In this article we will outline the characteristics of this group of convicted criminals based on the available statistical data and in relation to the regulations in effect in Poland.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2017, 24; 31-37
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zezwolenia na czasowe opuszczenie zakładu karnego
Permit to temporarily leave prison
Autorzy:
Szumski, Jerzy
Siemaszko, Andrzej
Wójcik, Dobrochna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698692.pdf
Data publikacji:
1998
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
zezwolenie na czasowe opuszczenie
zakład karny
permit to temporarily leave
prison
Opis:
The article is composed of four basic parts. The first one is historical: it discusses the evolution of legal regulation of various forms of permits to temporarily leave prison (except interruption of execution of the penalty of imprisonment) and the practice of granting such permits in the period preceding the adoption of the new punishment execution code [PEC]. Concerned here were: permit granted by way of reward to leave prison for up to 5 days (Art. 55 § 3 PEC); so-called compassionate permit to stay away from prison for up to 5 days (Art. 59 PEC); so called reward permit for 24 hours (§ 62.1 of Instruction on the execution of the penalty of imprisonment before its amendment of 1995); and regulation permit also granted for 24 hours (abolished by the abvementioned amendment of the Instruction). Hence the discussion contained in the first part of the paper proceeds on two different planes. On the one hand, we discuss the legal shape of the permits undergoing legislative changes and at the same time submitted them to critical dogmatic analysis. On the other hand, we strive to demonstrate the functioning of those legal solutions in penitentiary practice basing on the findings of few earlier empirical surveys and on statistical materials gathered by the prison administration since 1985. Our main focus is the practice of the 1990s when systemic transformation and the related humanization of the process of imprisonment led to considerable growth in the number of granted permits to temporarily leave prison, and the relevant legal transformations the effected, that is amendment of PEC and the Instruction on the execution of the penalty of imprisonment. The issue of permits was then broadly covered by the media which - not always competently and objectively - criticized the authorities for too many such permits granted; this led to an animated discussion in the doctrine. Critics considered this policy of penitentiary authorities too liberal; they argued it led to a growth in crime caused by prisoners released on permit thus reducing citizens’ feeling of safety, and also made it possible for prisoners to escape or to stay away from prison longer than permitted. It has not been possible to appraise the discussed policy basing on statistical data only due first of all to the fact that the material we based on contained merely data on the number of permits granted and said nothing about the grantees and their characteristics. From statistical analysis it followed merely that from 1985 till 1993, the number of permits granted went up nine times only to become reduced by 40% during the next two years. Also on a regular decrease (from 6.3 to 2.4 percent) in that period were cases of so-called ,,failure to return” - a category which, for obscure reasons, in the statistics includes both the actual failures to return to the institution and cases of late-coming; the proportions were calculated from the total of permits granted. The number of offenses committed by prisoners while on permit was rather small and ranged from 200 to 600 a year. Part two of the article discusses international penitentiary standards relating to inmates’ contacts with the outer world and contained in the UN Standard Minimum Rules of Treatment of Prisoners of 1955 and European Prison Rules of 1987. Also discussed have been provisions regulating the permits to temporarily leave prison in selected European countries: Germany, France, Belgium, Sweden, Finland, Norway, Denmark, Spain, Holland, Austria, Portugal, Italy, Bulgaria and Hungary. It could be stated basing on the analysis that the Polish regulations of the discussed sphere (even those valid before the adoption of the new punishment execution code) were consistent with international standards and by no means inferior to foreign provisions. The next part of the study discusses the findings of the authors' own research conducted on 15-31 August 1995 (that is, before the above-mentioned of PEC and rules of imprisonment) in 12 prisons and remand prisons. The tool was a questionnaire developed by the Law Enforcement Institute. Examined were the files of all prisoners who in the period from 1 January 1994 till 30 June 1995 applied for a permit to temporarily leave prison, or in whose case the application was field by prison administration, whether the permit was actually granted or refused. The sample was composed of 1,043 persons, and the number of applications was 7,336. The total of 6,524 permits were granted to 970 persons. It was found that a vast majority of permits applied for were actually granted which is to some extent accounted for by the fact that most applications were field by prison administration who subsequently supported them. Permits were granted to 93% of the sample which made as many as 6.7 permits per person on the average. What is more significant though, was that over one-fifth or the sample (22.6%) were granted 10 or more permits within a relatively short period of time which manifests the existence of a privileged group among prisoners. That same conclusion can also be drawn from the fact that, the mean length of time spent away from prison being 43 hours, 11% of the sample were on permit for 1 to 2 months, and 1.5% - for over 2 months. As regards return from permit, the proportion of prisoners who never returned was 8.4%, and over one-fourth of them were on the police wanted list during the survey. This phenomenon is the more dangerous as nearly a half of the sample (49.5% a failed to return in due time on at least one occasion. Instead, the number of offenses committed by the sample while on permit seems relatively small, the proportion of offenders being 4.3%. Offenses committed most often were burglary and robbery. Considering, however, the extremely small detectability rate in Poland, the proportion may well depart greatly from the reality. Even the above findings justify the statement as to a dubious value of appraisals of the correctness of permit granting policy basing on statistical material only. They also confirm the need for inclusion is those materials of data on the number not only of permits granted but also of grantees. Leaving aside a number of formal transgressions found in the course of research, the findings generally justify a conclusion that many permits were granted automatically, so to say. It was difficult as a rule to identify any objective criteria for granting or refusing permits; this means that the permit policy violated the principle of individualized treatment of prisoners. The article ends with general conclusions from the practice followed so far and with postulates de lege ferenda formulated on the grounds of amendments introduced by the new PEC of 6 June 1997. Not going into details of those amendments, it has to be stated that they trend towards extension of the legal possibilities of granting permits and of the length of leave thus granted. In the authors’ opinion, most of the amendments deserve to be praised which is of course not to say that none of them raise any reservations. It has to be stressed, though, that the appraisals are not too categorical as the new provisions (which enter into force on 1 September 1998) leave a considerable freedom of interpretation. The practice of their application should therefore be monitored closely to begin with; the findings will then help to verify pertinence of statutory regulations of the granting of permits to temporarily leave prison.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1998, XXIII-XXIV; 115-165
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Środowisko rodzinne mężczyzn odbywających kary pozbawienia wolności
Autorzy:
Tomczyszyn, Dorota
Romanowicz, Wiesław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788425.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-06-22
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
rodzina
kara pozbawienia wolności
zakład karny
family
the penalty of deprivation of freedom
prison
Opis:
The main objective of this study was to know the family structure, economic and socio-educational situation in the family environment of men serving the penalty of deprivation of freedom. The basic method of data collection was a diagnostic survey. An author's questionnaire was used in order to obtain answers to research questions. Participation in the study was voluntary and anonymous. The study group consisted of 101 adult males. It was conducted in 2015 in the open prison in Zabłocie. Education of prisoners and their parents were in most cases vocational or primary. Every tenth of the questioned persons experienced in their childhood poverty, witnessed parties of addicted to alcohol parents and heard their arguments. In every fifth family came to the disintegration of family life (divorce or separation). The prisoners perceived in the most favourable light the mother, her warmth, her actions taken to secure the material needs of the child and her support in the current situation.
Podstawowym celem podjętych badań było poznanie struktury rodziny, sytuacji ekonomicznej i społeczno-wychowawczej środowiska rodzinnego mężczyzn odbywających kary pozbawienia wolności. Podstawową metodą zbierania danych był sondaż diagnostyczny. W celu uzyskania odpowiedzi na pytania badawcze zastosowano autorski kwestionariusz ankiety. Udział w badaniach był dobrowolny i anonimowy. Grupę badawczą stanowiło 101 dorosłych mężczyzn. Badania przeprowadzono w 2015 roku w zakładzie karnym o charakterze otwartym w Zabłociu. Wykształcenie osób osadzonych i ich rodziców najczęściej było zawodowe i podstawowe. Co dziesiąta osoba w dzieciństwie doświadczyła ubóstwa i biedy, obserwowała imprezy alkoholowe rodziców, słyszała ich kłótnie. W co piątej rodzinie doszło do dezintegracji życia rodzinnego (rozwód lub separacja). Wśród członków rodziny najkorzystniej badani postrzegali osobę matki, jej ciepło, jej działania w kierunku zabezpieczenia potrzeb materialnych dziecka i jej wsparcie w sytuacji obecnej. The main objective of this study was to know the family structure, economic and socio-educational situation in the family environment of men serving the penalty of deprivation of freedom. The basic method of data collection was a diagnostic survey. An author's questionnaire was used in order to obtain answers to research questions. Participation in the study was voluntary and anonymous. The study group consisted of 101 adult males. It was conducted in 2015 in the open prison in Zabłocie. Education of prisoners and their parents were in most cases vocational or primary. Every tenth of the questioned persons experienced in their childhood poverty, witnessed parties of addicted to alcohol parents and heard their arguments. In every fifth family came to the disintegration of family life (divorce or separation). The prisoners perceived in the most favourable light the mother, her warmth, her actions taken to secure the material needs of the child and her support in the current situation.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2016, 23; 29-41
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O tzw. dobrych praktykach penitencjarnych. Obraz empiryczny i kilka ogólniejszych refleksji teoretycznych
On the So-called Good Penitentiary Practices. An Empirical Picture and Several More General Theoretical Reflections
Autorzy:
Stępniak, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698769.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
zakład karny
więzienie
praca penitencjarna
dobra praktyka wykonawcza
prison
inmates
penitentiary work
good executive practice
Opis:
The article discusses the issue of good penitentiary practices. It fits into the discussionabout how to work with inmates in prison, what axiological and substantive basis offersan alternative, new logic of interactions against the crisis of penitentiary resocialisation.According to the author, this discussion should be concentrated on the followingquestions: what can be achieved in prison conditions; how to work with prisoners; whatgoals should be present in penitentiary work. One of the ways of working is, therefore,good practice. The author discusses theoretical and methodological aspects of researchon good practices and defines them. He points out that what is usually referred toas a good practice is an action that has brought concrete, positive results, has somepotential for innovation, is durable, repeatable and applicable to similar conditionselsewhere or by other entities.According to the author, the sources of good penitentiary practices can be soughtin various areas of knowledge, experience and legal regulations. Most importantly, heindicates: praxeology and pragmatism, realism (with regard to what can be achievedin a total institution in given organisational, social and economic conditions), wisdomand experience of prison staff (conformism), international prison rules, penitentiarynational law and pedagogical interaction models. All these sources are discussed indetail.In the further part of the article, the results of research on good penitentiarypractices are discussed. They were carried out between January 2015 and September2016 in five largest prisons from the area of the District Inspectorate of the PrisonService in Poznań (prisons in Poznań, Gębarzewo, Krzywaniec, Rawicz andWronki). They were all of a closed type. The study covered a group of 180 convictsand 32 educators. In addition, 100 personal files were analysed for the mannerof penitentiary work described in them.Research shows that employment of convicts was the most desirable activity, es -pecially appreciated by the educators. In their opinion, referral to work organisestime, sets the rhythm and structure of the day. The work environment is also outsideof the cell. The convicts can go out, meet people from outside prison. This is especiallyvaluable in a closed-type penitentiary. Daily performance of professional duties developsa work habit, teaches responsibility, cooperation, understanding and duty.The second type of desirable interventions was organising and facilitating contactswith relatives. The third one was implementation of, and engaging convicts in, variouspenitentiary programmes. The programme offers possibilities for innovation andcan be repeated. It also provides an opportunity to use specialist preparation andinventiveness of its author (prison educator). The author of the article estimates that only the development and use of penitentiary programmes can be considereda good penitentiary practice according to the criteria given in the article. Other typesof influence pointed out by educators and convicts lie simply in the good performanceof duties by the prison staff. Therefore, they do not provide a starting point to proposesome new theoretical concept of penitentiary interactions.Commenting on these findings, the author assesses that the scientific way of defininggood practices is clearly not in line with how they are understood by prison staff.The former is determined by the criteria indicated in the article, the pragmatic realismof the other. It results from the pressure of prison conditions, and it is not enough togeneralise it to the theoretical level.Therefore, in the final part of the article the author poses the question how theobtained results can be used. In response, he states that the actions indicated by therespondents as desirable can be divided into two groups. The first one includes generalpenitent actions (e.g. differentiation of impacts on prisoners into long-term and shorttermones, intensification of interactions aimed at managing the prisoners’ free time,matching interactions according to the sentence execution’s phase), whereas the secondrefers to interactions aimed at intensifying an individual approach to pri soners (e.g. anindividualised plan of serving the sentence, better knowledge of the convicts, payingmore attention to their interests, reacting to their problems).In conclusion, the author of the article states that its findings provide the basis onlyfor formulating a catalogue of methodical, organisational and functional guidelines.He gives examples of such directives as well as the actions indicated as desirable byprison’s educators and inmates.The article ends with the remark that the catalogue of methodical guidelines isa kind of a prison penitentiary code, assuming the use of means and methods that canpotentially be implemented in prison conditions.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2018, XL; 401-430
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sylwetki nieletnich sprawców, wobec których sąd orzekł umieszczenie w młodzieżowym ośrodku wychowawczym lub zakładzie poprawczym
Profiles of Juvenile Offenders Placed in a Youth Care Centre or Youth Correctional Facility by the Court
Autorzy:
Włodarczyk - Madejska, Justyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698680.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nieletni
sylwetki nieletnich
młodzieżowy ośrodek wychowawczy
zakład poprawczy
czynniki ryzyka
czynniki ochronne
czyn karalny
kryminologia
Opis:
The article analyses the profiles of youth offenders with regard to whom courts in 2014 ruled one of the most severe penal measures specified in art. 6 of the Law on juvenile justice of 26 October 1982, i.e. placement in a youth care centre or youth correctional facility. The analysis was carried out using materials collected in the course of research at the National Institute of Justice for the Ministry of Justice within the framework of the project ‘Application of educational measures in the form of placement in youth care facilities and of correctional measures by family and youth courts in light of statistical data and court record research’. The research sample consisted of 397 juveniles (319 boys and 78 girls), who had been brought before a court for criminal offenses (demoralisation was indicated only in 75 of the cases). Information was also collected on 60 other juveniles with regard to whom the court had ruled non-isolation education measures or had discontinued proceedings. Due to the sizable disproportion between the two groups, the latter group was only used for comparative purposes at the stage of compiling the final report. It is not discussed in the article.For the purposes of the study, the notion of ‘juvenile profile’ was defined using the following variables: sex, age, school level, place of residence, problem behaviour at school and outside school, previous interaction with the system of justice, previously applied education measures and the nature of the offense. This ‘profile’ was supplemented by a description of the juvenile’s environment, including family structure, parents’ education and employment status, living conditions and occurring problems. A brief overview of Polish and international literature concerning the risk and protective factors when it comes to youth offenders confirms that it is useful to consider these two elements together. The aim of the analysis was to find out who were the offenders with regard to whom courts had ruled one of the most severe measures under art. 6 of the Juvenile law. Eight detailed research questions were formulated. Most of them came down to determining whether variables such as sex, age, school level, place of residence, negative behaviour in school or outside of school, previous experiences with juvenile courts and problems in the family had any influence on a higher incidence of offending. One of the questions was related to whether certain risk factors in the subjects’ family environment occurred more frequently depending on sex. Correlation between the variables was tested using cross tables and Cramer’s V and Phi statistical measures. Also included is a statistical analysis of juvenile delinquency based on the data of the Polish National Police Headquarters and of the Ministry of Justice.It was found that the juveniles with regard to whom the most severe measures had been ruled in 2014 were mostly boys who had committed criminal offenses, mostly property crimes, at the age of 15-16. They were middle school (gimnazjum) students, living in cities, causing problems both in school and beyond. More than half had previously come into conflict with the law and had previously been sentenced to different education measures. On average, one in two was growing up in a full family (whether biological, adoptive or reconstructed), in which the income did not exceed the national average. The living conditions of around half of them were average, while the family environment was characterised by various problems, ranging from substance abuse, criminality and prison sentences to domestic violence. Although the studied boys and girls presented a similar picture, a more detailed analysis of certain variables made it possible to bring out significant differences. These differences are visible when it comes to the reasons for launching proceedings before a court, the age at which the offense was committed, the problems caused, previous contacts with the law, as well as the type and frequency of previously applied education measures. The risk factors in the family environments of boys and girls were also largely the same. The only difference was the intensity of their occurrence – decidedly higher in the families of juvenile boys. This means that the boys had grown up in worse living conditions, their parents were less educated were rarely employed. The intensity of problems related to substance abuse, a criminal record and domestic violence in their homes was also higher.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2017, XXXIX; 273-314
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Stosunek wychowanków zakładów poprawczych do religii
The Attitudes of Wards of Reformatories Towards Religion
Autorzy:
Lorek, Zdzisław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698518.pdf
Data publikacji:
1992
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
nieletni
zakład poprawczy
schronisko dla nieletnich
religia
badania sondażowe
juveniles
youth detention center
religion
survey
Opis:
Religious services were introduced to reformatories and hostels for detained juveniles by force of an ordinance of Minister of Justice of September 10, 1981 on religious practices and services in reformatories and hostels for detained juveniles  (Official Gazette of the Ministry of Justice No 5, item 24). ln 1990, a study of 200 wards of 6 reformatories was carried out which concerned their attitude towards religion. A specially constructed questionnaire was used; besides, the study involved observation and interviews with the wards and staff. The findings show first of all the attitudes towards religion as declared by the respondents. The largest group in the sample of 200 juveniles were those aged 15–19 (86% of the sample). Those going to elementary school constituted 61,5%. Nearly a half of respondents had been confined to a variety of readjustment centers for at least two years. The families of most boys (85%) belonged to working classes. Every second respondent followed the norms of delinquent and prison subculture  (i.e. was member of a group called git-ludzie). The questionnaire survey made it possible to divide the sample into three subgroups: those who declared themselves practising believers (43%); those who stated they were Catholics but not church-goers (42%); and the wards who said they were irreligious (15%). Of the 170 believing wards, 166 (97,6%) were Roman Catholics. Most wards attended the Mass at the reformatory (18% did that regularly, and 62% – occasionally). Yet as few as 15% attended religion classes regularly, and 22,55% occasionally. As for saying prayers, 25,5% did that regularly, and 41,5% – from time to time. Nearly a half of respondents owned religious objects, mainly pictures, the Bible, crosses, prayer books, holy medals, rosaries. The wards reformatories usually consider their friends to be mostly believers but not church-goers. For most respondents (72,5%) the problems of religion do not influence their choice of friends. What is astonishing, though, is the slight proportion of those among the respondents who would like a non-believer for a friend (2,5 %). Over a half of the sample (64%) think that religion can change a person for the better. At the same time, next to  none (2) consider its influence to be negative. Choosing a wife in the future, 5l% of the iuvenile intend to take the question of religion into consideration. The rest of the sample consider their future wife’s religion unimportant. As regards the upbringing of children, as many as 72,5 respondents declare for the Catholic faith. In the sphere of the perception of the others in the categories of religion vs. irreligion, significant  differences were found between practising believers and non-believers. Some social conditions of the declared religious attitudes were investigated. The wards who described themsleves as practising believers were found to come mainly from  the families where also both parents (guardians) as well as siblings were believers. The practising believers used to have mainly believing friends in the past as well.             The question whether the respondents’ parents (guardians) had induced them to perform religious duties was most frequintly answered in the affirmative by the practicising believers. Following placement in the reformatory, the number of practising believers among the juveniles dropped on the whole, and that of believers who do not go to church and of unbelievers went up. The hypothesis that religious wards of reformatories are better-behaved while in those institutions than their irreligious friends could not be confirmed. According to the established practice  and internal regulations, leaves are granted to the well-behaved wards. It was found, though, that most leaves had been granted to believers but not church-goers, while  prictising believers had won that award the least often. It turned out also, against expectations, that the greatest proportion of members of the delinquent subculture could be found among the practising believers, and the smallest one – the group of unbelievers. According to most respondents (83,5%), the wards of Polish reformatories enjoy a full freedom of religious practices. Yet as many as 44% rcspondents would like to be placed in an institution run by the clergy, and 69% – to go out of the reformatory to hear the Mass. The latter, however, were mainly believers but not church-goers. It seems, therefore, that the wish to hear masses said outside the institution not always follows from religious reasons. The controversial question whether the staff should induce the wards to practice religion was asked in the negative by 79% of the sample. The findings of the questionnaire survey show that, in principle, the juvenile wards of reformatories, have religious attitudes similar to those of the whole of young persons in the same age brackets. No relationship was found between the juveniles’ religious attitudes and their behavior in the institution. The respondents stated that the religious services offered by the reformatory generally satisfied the needs in that sphere.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1992, XVIII; 169-182
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prawa osadzonych w praktyce penitencjarnej w świetle ustalonych porządków wewnętrznych jednostek penitencjarnych i ich konfrontacja z orzecznictwem ETPC
Prisoners’ Rights in Penitentiary Practice in the Light of the Internal Orders of Penitentiary Units and ECHR Jurisprudence
Autorzy:
Jaworska-Wieloch, Anna
Sitarz, Olga
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698765.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
prawa skazanych
zakład karny
areszt śledczy
porządki wewnętrzne
rights of convicted persons
prison
detention centre
internal order
Opis:
The present state of scientific knowledge suggests that individuals cannot be deprivedof fundamental human rights. Human dignity must be respected and protected,especially in the case of individuals in difficult circumstances. Prison is certainly notan easy place to be. People in custody can feel lonely, separated from their families,friends or working life. The difficult situation that they are facing can lead to loneliness,susceptibility to diseases, an increased risk of aggression and severance of family ties.People in such a situation can easily fall victim of assaults on human dignity. That iswhy the ruling elites should make every effort to ensure their rights.In those circumstances, prisoners’ rights must be guaranteed by law. In accordancewith the principle of proportionality enshrined in Article 31 section 3 of the Constitutionof the Republic of Poland, the rights and duties of persons remanded in custodyhave to be regulated by legislation, mainly by the Executive Penal Code. In addition,according to the rules laid down in Article 4 section 2 of the Executive Penal Code,imprisoned persons retain their civil rights, and any restrictions on their rights maybe justified only if they are stipulated by law and valid decisions based on statutorygrounds. However, it should not be overlooked that the final shape of the rights ofpersons remanded in custody is influenced by secondary legislation and even de cisionsof the director of a penitentiary unit or other officers. By way of example, prisoners’visiting rights have to be guaranteed by law. For example, if the relevant legislationensured that the prisoner has the right to visits by the family every month, such visitscould preferably take place at a convenient time, e.g. at weekends.The aim of this paper was to confront the legal acts with statutory and internationalregulations which impact on the situation of prisoners. This situation wascompared with the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights. Internalorders of penitentiary units laid down by their directors were analysed from twoperspectives. Firstly, the authors verified if the directors implemented their internalorders in pursuance of the law. The issue is that any limitation on the vested rights hasto be based on law. Secondly, it is important how selected human rights are respectedin the internal orders and whether any such limitations are justified in the light of the applicable law and ECHR jurisprudence. For example, such issues as waterand bath availability, the right to use electricity, walking conditions, right to visits byfamily and friends, telephone contacts and access to the Internet, practising faith wereexamined during the research. Penitentiary isolation impacts on the prisoners’ freedom,especially in some types of penitentiary units. Therefore, particular attention shouldbe paid to improve the detention conditions. However, it should not be forgotten thatthe deprivation of liberty is punishment in itself. There is no need to cause unnecessarysuffering, especially without legal grounds. By the same token, it is not necessary tomake the burden of isolation heavier. The authors pointed out solutions inserted intopenitentiary, accessing its relevance. Any restriction of the prisoners’ rights musthave a legitimate basis laid down by law. The financial standing of countries, prisonovercrowding and an insufficient number of officers cannot be an excuse for anygovernment. The penitentiary system should be organised in such a way as to ensurefull respect for the rights of all prisoners. T he paper also points to the lack of detailedregulations in individual units, despite the obligation for such regulations to exist. Aswell as other problems, there is also the issue of regulations which became too wideand general, contrary to the principle of legal certainty. In effect, it is difficult to enforcein practice some rights which are not expressly conferred by law.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2018, XL; 459-494
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Podstawowe kierunki rozwoju systemu penitencjarnego w Polsce
The prison system of Poland – main trends of development
Autorzy:
Szymanowski, Teodor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/962259.pdf
Data publikacji:
1986
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
system penitencjarny
więziennictwo
zakład karny
kara więzienia
prawo karne
penitentiary system
penology
penitentiary
criminal law
resocialization
juvenile repeat offenders
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1986, XIII; 173-221
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ramy prawne i instytucjonalne edukacji skazanych cudzoziemców i ich realizacja w praktyce penitencjarnej
Autorzy:
Ornowska, Alicja
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788193.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015-09-01
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
cudzoziemcy
edukacja skazanych
praktyka penitencjarna
zakład karny
skazany
oświata
foreigners
education priosoners
practice of penitentiary institutions
penal institution
convict
education
Opis:
The increase of the number of foreigners in prison population poses growing challenges in the everyday practice of penitentiary institutions. The paper focuses on the most important of all the rehabilitation methods – prison education. It discusses legal regulation and penal practice of educating prisoners. In the paper it is outlined what are the norms of national and international law that govern treatment of foreign prisoners. Polish penitentiary law has adopted a rule of non-discrimination of prisoners on the ground of their nationality. Therefore, there are no differences in regulation on prison education between nationals and foreigners. The rationale for this is controversial, concerning the fact that education of foreign prisoners is especially demanding and that they need to get special assistance in assimilating, communicating and learning the language. All foreign prisoners should be prepared for release in a such a way that facilitates their reintegration into society, whether they are to remain in Poland or are to be transferred or expelled.
Źródło:
Studia Prawnicze; 2015, 1 (201); 127-149
0039-3312
2719-4302
Pojawia się w:
Studia Prawnicze
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zakład karny i wykonanie kary pozbawienia wolności w opinii społeczności lokalnej
Prison and Imprisonment in the Opinion of Local Community
Autorzy:
Mościskier, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699182.pdf
Data publikacji:
1984
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
zakład karny
wykonanie kary
kara
pozbawienie wolności
opinia społeczna
społeczność lokalna
penitentiary
execution of a sentence
imprisonment
public opinion
local community
Opis:
Basically, the study concers three  problems. Firstly, an attempt was made to explain the mechanism which led to the results obtained by other authors. They found a supposedly most rigorous attitude of the Polish society towards law breakers, which was to become manifest in the demands for relentless and severe punishment of such persons. This highly rigorous attitude has been confirmed in the present study too, yet only in answers to questions drawn up as generally as those put by the mentioned authors. As the level of abstractness of the questions is lowered, the rigorous attitude diminishes, which finds expression, among others, in the disapproval of a number of penalties applied by regulation during the execution of imprisonment.       Secondly  the attitude of the local community was presented not only towards prisoners, but also towards prison einployees. As compared with many other occupations, the prestige of prison employees is rather low, yet in spite of a certain social isolation, their general opinion is not negative. It is also worthy of attention that the sense of social distance between prisoners and community was les marked than expected.       Thirdly, the attitude was described towards prison as a physical object and an institution in the local community. This problem was studies by means of questions about the opinion on the very fact of existence of such an object in twon, the possible impact the prison has on economy, supplies, etc., an  the citizens’  feeling of safety. In this formulation, the results fail to point to the existence of markedly negative attitudes, though some socio-demographic features of the examined persons tend  to differentiate their answers.       The study was realized from 1979 till 1981. In spite of the considerable interval and the differences in the country's respective social situations, the answers given by the examined persons from both groups were nearly parallel to each other.      In 1979, random samples of adults were examined, inhabitants of two towns, about 25 thousand inhabitants each, in which there were prisons. In one of these towns, the prison had been established over 20 years before, while in the second one, it was only a few years old. In each town, 200 persons were examined by means of a questionnaire, which makes the total of 400 examined persons.        In 1981, 462 persons were examined by means of the same questionnaire, who were selected with the use of "Quota Sampling" from the population of 10 towns of 11 to 95 thousand of inhabitants, in which there were prisons.        The study was intentionally realized in towns of medium population. The aim was to examine communities large enough for the prison not to dominate them on the one hand, and on the other hand, small enough to enable an assumption that a majority of inhabitants have a certain knowledge and opinions about the prison acquired through observation and nin-institutionalized flow of information.       As regards the opinion on imprisonment, it should first of all be stressed that over  50 per cent of the examined persons are of opinion that the essential aim oi this type of penalty should be the resocialization of prisoners. About 23 per cent of answers concerning this problem referred to the idea of individual prevention; 12-18 per cent of the examined persons were of opinion that imprisonment should serve to protect the society from the criminal by isolating him for a certain period of time; about 6 per cent of answers pointed to retribution as the aim of punishment, while  as few as 2-3 per cent considered the aim to be general prevention.        However, to find out if the attitude of the examined persons was rigorous or tolerant, answers to other questions were more significant, that is those concerning the mothods of execution of imprisonment, i.e., the penalties and rewards applied  towards  prisoners and the rights they enjoy. Here, a significant trend appeared to turn from rigorous to tolerant  attitudes as the level of generality of questions lowered. It seems that questions about certain abstract principles, which in the mind of an average man have no connection with any actual situation or person,  provoked answers which hinted at a rigorous attitude; yet whenever the same respondent had to answer a question which allowed him to realize the details of a given situation or the position of a given persons in such circumstances, the tolerant attitude prevailed.       Thus, for instance, as many as over 70 per cent of the examined persons approved of the most  general  statement that  „in prison, strict discipline should reign”.  When another question was asked, this time less generally formulated,  if „all amenities of life and attractive activities should be reduced to a minimum”, the numbers of approving and disapproving answers were more or less equal, which points to the lowering of the level of rigorism. The answers to further questions concerning definite cases frankly contradict  those given  to the former questions and point to a markedly tolerant attitude. Thus, for example, the question if „a prisoner should have free access to newspapers, radio, and TV in his leisure time”, was answered in the affirmative by over 75 per cent of the examined persons.       Also the questions about definite penalties and rewards applied towards prisoners were answered in a way which seems to point to the prevalence of tolerant attitudes over rigorism. The majority of the examined persons are for abolition or limitation of penalties provided by prison regulations and for granting the prisoners with a number of rights, such as unlimited receipt of parcels, letters, and visitors from the outside (prison regulations limit the number of such prisoners' contacts with the outside world and treat any extension of these contacts as a special reward). The examined  persons were also for alegal regulation of the sphere of prisoners' work, pointing to the need for making the working conditions in prison resemble those generally found in State-controlled economy.       Also the rational attitude of the public opinion towards prison should be stressed. The prison is perceived as an institution which could play a greater part than before in the life of the local community, particularly through including prisoners in the borader social unit and increasing their participation in the town’s economic activity. The citizens’ expectations point in this direction, accompanied also by the favourable opinion as to the extending of the prisoners' range of personal liberty outside the prison walls. In this connection, also the attitude of fear of the prisoners was much less marked than had been expected, as well as the bias against them, both of which appear in principle only as regards a small group of dangerous criminals.       The attitude of the local community towards prison employees is a completely separate problem. It is characterized by a peculiar ambivalence: on the one hand, prison employees enjoy a good reputation as persons and members of the local community, their financial status perceived as decidedly higher than that of an average citizen. On the other hand, however, the social status of a prison employee is estimated as very low, as compared with other professions, which is accompanied by a stressed disapproval revealed by the examined persons of the very fact of working in a prison. This may lead to a conclusion that in the social consciousness disfavourable opinion persists as to the human relations in prison and the nature of work of prison employees. This is an additional factor which speaks for changes in the system of execution of the penalty of deprivation of liberty which would modernize it and adjust it to the contemporary progressive trends in the world. The present study has not only confirmed the existence of social support for such changes but it has also revealed the conducive atmosphere to a far-reaching reform in this field.
     Basically, the study concers three  problems. Firstly, an attempt was made to explain the mechanism which led to the results obtained by other authors. They found a supposedly most rigorous attitude of the Polish society towards law breakers, which was to become manifest in the demands for relentless and severe punishment of such persons. This highly rigorous attitude has been confirmed in the present study too, yet only in answers to questions drawn up as generally as those put by the mentioned authors. As the level of abstractness of the questions is lowered, the rigorous attitude diminishes, which finds expression, among others, in the disapproval of a number of penalties applied by regulation during the execution of imprisonment.       Secondly  the attitude of the local community was presented not only towards prisoners, but also towards prison einployees. As compared with many other occupations, the prestige of prison employees is rather low, yet in spite of a certain social isolation, their general opinion is not negative. It is also worthy of attention that the sense of social distance between prisoners and community was les marked than expected.       Thirdly, the attitude was described towards prison as a physical object and an institution in the local community. This problem was studies by means of questions about the opinion on the very fact of existence of such an object in twon, the possible impact the prison has on economy, supplies, etc., an  the citizens’  feeling of safety. In this formulation, the results fail to point to the existence of markedly negative attitudes, though some socio-demographic features of the examined persons tend  to differentiate their answers.       The study was realized from 1979 till 1981. In spite of the considerable interval and the differences in the country's respective social situations, the answers given by the examined persons from both groups were nearly parallel to each other.      In 1979, random samples of adults were examined, inhabitants of two towns, about 25 thousand inhabitants each, in which there were prisons. In one of these towns, the prison had been established over 20 years before, while in the second one, it was only a few years old. In each town, 200 persons were examined by means of a questionnaire, which makes the total of 400 examined persons.        In 1981, 462 persons were examined by means of the same questionnaire, who were selected with the use of "Quota Sampling" from the population of 10 towns of 11 to 95 thousand of inhabitants, in which there were prisons.        The study was intentionally realized in towns of medium population. The aim was to examine communities large enough for the prison not to dominate them on the one hand, and on the other hand, small enough to enable an assumption that a majority of inhabitants have a certain knowledge and opinions about the prison acquired through observation and nin-institutionalized flow of information.       As regards the opinion on imprisonment, it should first of all be stressed that over  50 per cent of the examined persons are of opinion that the essential aim oi this type of penalty should be the resocialization of prisoners. About 23 per cent of answers concerning this problem referred to the idea of individual prevention; 12-18 per cent of the examined persons were of opinion that imprisonment should serve to protect the society from the criminal by isolating him for a certain period of time; about 6 per cent of answers pointed to retribution as the aim of punishment, while  as few as 2-3 per cent considered the aim to be general prevention.        However, to find out if the attitude of the examined persons was rigorous or tolerant, answers to other questions were more significant, that is those concerning the mothods of execution of imprisonment, i.e., the penalties and rewards applied  towards  prisoners and the rights they enjoy. Here, a significant trend appeared to turn from rigorous to tolerant  attitudes as the level of generality of questions lowered. It seems that questions about certain abstract principles, which in the mind of an average man have no connection with any actual situation or person,  provoked answers which hinted at a rigorous attitude; yet whenever the same respondent had to answer a question which allowed him to realize the details of a given situation or the position of a given persons in such circumstances, the tolerant attitude prevailed.       Thus, for instance, as many as over 70 per cent of the examined persons approved of the most  general  statement that  „in prison, strict discipline should reign”.  When another question was asked, this time less generally formulated,  if „all amenities of life and attractive activities should be reduced to a minimum”, the numbers of approving and disapproving answers were more or less equal, which points to the lowering of the level of rigorism. The answers to further questions concerning definite cases frankly contradict  those given  to the former questions and point to a markedly tolerant attitude. Thus, for example, the question if „a prisoner should have free access to newspapers, radio, and TV in his leisure time”, was answered in the affirmative by over 75 per cent of the examined persons.       Also the questions about definite penalties and rewards applied towards prisoners were answered in a way which seems to point to the prevalence of tolerant attitudes over rigorism. The majority of the examined persons are for abolition or limitation of penalties provided by prison regulations and for granting the prisoners with a number of rights, such as unlimited receipt of parcels, letters, and visitors from the outside (prison regulations limit the number of such prisoners' contacts with the outside world and treat any extension of these contacts as a special reward). The examined  persons were also for alegal regulation of the sphere of prisoners' work, pointing to the need for making the working conditions in prison resemble those generally found in State-controlled economy.       Also the rational attitude of the public opinion towards prison should be stressed. The prison is perceived as an institution which could play a greater part than before in the life of the local community, particularly through including prisoners in the borader social unit and increasing their participation in the town’s economic activity. The citizens’ expectations point in this direction, accompanied also by the favourable opinion as to the extending of the prisoners' range of personal liberty outside the prison walls. In this connection, also the attitude of fear of the prisoners was much less marked than had been expected, as well as the bias against them, both of which appear in principle only as regards a small group of dangerous criminals.       The attitude of the local community towards prison employees is a completely separate problem. It is characterized by a peculiar ambivalence: on the one hand, prison employees enjoy a good reputation as persons and members of the local community, their financial status perceived as decidedly higher than that of an average citizen. On the other hand, however, the social status of a prison employee is estimated as very low, as compared with other professions, which is accompanied by a stressed disapproval revealed by the examined persons of the very fact of working in a prison. This may lead to a conclusion that in the social consciousness disfavourable opinion persists as to the human relations in prison and the nature of work of prison employees. This is an additional factor which speaks for changes in the system of execution of the penalty of deprivation of liberty which would modernize it and adjust it to the contemporary progressive trends in the world. The present study has not only confirmed the existence of social support for such changes but it has also revealed the conducive atmosphere to a far-reaching reform in this field.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1984, XI; 245-267
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Warunkowe przedterminowe zwolnienie z odbycia reszty kary pozbawienia wolności skazanych młodocianych w orzecznictwie sądu penitencjarnego właściwego dla zakładu karnego we Włocławku
Release on Parole of Young Adults in the Rulings of the Penitentiary Court Competent for the Penitentiary Facility in Włocławek
Autorzy:
Wiktorska, Paulina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698799.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
warunkowe przedterminowe zwolnienie
kara pozbawienia wolności
skazani młodociani
Zakład Karny we Włocławku
badania aktowe
release on parole
Penitentiary Facility in Włocławek
imprisonment
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 763-775
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość nieletnich w Polsce w latach 1961-1967 (rozmiary, struktura przestępczości, orzeczone środki)
Juvenile delinquency in Poland 1961-1967 (extent, structure, adjudicated means)
Autorzy:
Jerzy, Jasiński
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698896.pdf
Data publikacji:
1969
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość
recydywa
kara pozbawienia wolności
młodociani
alkoholizm
nieprzystosowanie społeczne
agresja
zakład poprawczy
crime
recidivism
imprisonment
juvenile
alcoholism
social maladjustment
aggression
juvenile detention center
Opis:
1. Problems related to juvenile delinquency have always been a subject of vivid interest of both scientific circles and the community at large. Consequently, juvenile delinquency has probably become a criminological problem given a most profound consideration and any studies which concern that type of delinquency get a vivid response also outside a nanow expert community. Among such studies, modest though and certainly not foreground place is occupied by analyses of statistical materials. Since the results of the analyses mentioned “grow old” much quicker than do the results of individual, more advanced studies, it seems purposeful, therefore, to make efforts in the direction of bringing them more up-to-date. At least one problem seems to demand such up-dating most specificaliy, i.e., the problem of the assessment of the general data obtained from the police and judicary statistics since such data can be one of juvenile the bases for determining the extent of delinquency. Having considered that within the meaning of the criminal law juveniles and adults are, in an arbitrary manner, demarcated merely by age limit (before or after 17 years of age at the moment an offence was committed) whose artificiality is somehow shocking from the criminological point of view, it seemed also advisable to-include in this study other questions related to the extent of delinquency of young adults as well as to consider its situation against the background of the adult population. Another group of questions discussed is connected with the structure of delinquency; also special attention has been paid to questions of place the suspects or those found guilty (and young adults, too) herd among the total numbers of suspected or convicted adults. Finally, there is the third group of questions given special consideration in this study, namely the educative and correctional means adjudicated upon juveniles. Although there is a good deal of information on that particular topic as well as more or less detailed papers concerning the analysis of these kind of data nevertheless the material in question has not so far been analysed in terms of an adequately long period of time which would permit to seize certain clearly-cut tendencies in adjudication of particular kinds of means, especially against the background of various fluctuations of numbers of juveniles appearing in the court. In that chapter of this essay, the studies have been considerably extended to include 1951-1967 instead of 1961-1967 as in the remaining ones. 2. 1. In analysing various kinds of contexts in which, particular authors mention the range of juvenile delinquency - especially when they are alarmed by its increase or whenever they are pleased to note its stabilization or decrease - one may easily see that the authors usually have different things in mind. Sometimes their opinions are based on more and sometimes on less founded assumptions or estimations concerning the number of juvenile offenders themselves, sometimes on the number of their offences, the importance of such deeds or their frequency rate, the degree of social depravity in juveniles appearing in courts, and finally, together - on a series of the abovementioned instances (and also on ones not mentioned there). Anyway, always where one or another adequately justified opinion on the extent of juvenile delinquency is found, the reader is able either to know at once or to trace back what in ęach particular case was the measure of the extent in question. The purpose of the present study is to show different ways for the determination of the detected extent of juvenile delinquency and to present certain groups of data which might serve as the most appropriate criteria for the evaluation of the dimensions of delinquency; furthermore, the intention of the present author is to show that at least some of the criteria are by no means of competitive nature but that they rather permit us to grasp different aspects of the problem of juvenile delinquency. It would be difficult therefore to forejudge about the superiority of one criterion over another as they concern different aspects of the samę problem and as such may have a different impact for our analyses, depedent on the line of our research. 2. A relatively large number of juveniles found among the total number of suspected or convicted individuals may sometimes incline us towards making certain far-reaching statements concerning the extent of juvenile delinquency. Some people hold the opinion that whenever juveniles (or sometimes juveniles and young adults) constituted a considerable portion of the total number of offenders, the range of their delinquency should be recognized as significant, if only on account of their share in delinquency. The author is doubtful about the rightfulness of such an opinion if it were only for a specific character of the juvenile delinquency structure, the importance of offences or also for other than in the case of adults, aims of prosecution (in the broadest meaning of that word). It does not mean, however, that it would not be worth while what is the place the known now in Poland juvenile offenders hold among the total number of individuals convicted. In 1961-1967, juveniles under 13 years of age constituted merely 2-3 per cent of the total number of individuals convicted (similar percentage was noted in the last decade 1951-1960). Together with 13-16 year-old offenders, the juveniles constituted only a group of several per cent - and in recent years - a dozen-or-so per cent group. The number of very young and young that had been found guilty (i.e., juveniles and young adults) was bigger but stin did not exceed 1/5-¼ of the total number of the individuals convicted out of which half were almost 30 or older at the time they committed the offences. It is fitting to note at this point that in a number of countries, persons under 21 years of age constitute 1/2 and sometimes 2/3 of the total number of the individuals convicted or suspected. It may then be said that from the point of view of a relative quantity of juveniles found in the total number of the individuals convicted, that juvenile delinquency in poland may still be estimated as a highly moderate one. 3. Out of all the available methods that can be employed for the evaluation of the extent of juvenile delinquency the simplest one is that which bases on the statistical data concerning the number of juveniles found guilty, or more broadly juvenile adjudgments, or even still more broadly - the number of cases in which a juvenile was suspected of an offence. The limitations involved in the use of such a criterion are quite evident since in applying such a criterion we fail to consider any consequences of the fact that the number of adjudgements or findings of guilt is hardly synonymous with the number of juveniles adjudicated or found guilty (which could after all be justified), but - and this is less acceptable - such a number does not bear any relation to the wider population - events or individuals - against whose background it occurs. However, from one point of view this criterion is important, namely it provides relatively accurate information about one of the quantitative aspects of risks faced by the police and the court of law, involved with the conduct of proceedings and with the adjudication upon the offences committed by juveniles. This criterion becomes particularly important whenever we tackle with organizational problems of courts for juveniles, or the needs for staff or institutions. For the last seven years, the total number of adjudgements increased from about 47 thousand to 71 thousand (i.e. by 52 pet cent). As compared with 1951 (abo 26 thousand), the total number of the adjudgements in 1967 was almost threefold. Close to the latter was the number of juveniles suspected by the police of offending the law (for the last four years past, it was 53 to 70 thousand a year). Out of the total number of the adjudgements, the findings of guilt held similar place (54 to 56 per cent) slightly lower than in 1951-1960 when the proportion was about 56 to 61 per cent. In the seven-year period discussed, the proportion of discontinuations of legal proceedings evidently increased: at the present moment, 33 to 34 per cent of juvenile cases are dismissed, in 1951-1960 on the other hand, the proportion having been 20 to 30 per cent. Various categories of juveniles are involved therein. Acquittals are a particular category of adjudgements; the absolute number of acquittals was on an approximate level (2,300-2,800) but owing to the simultaneous increase in the total number of adjudgements, the percentage of acquittals decreased to 4 per cent. Perhaps it is worth while remembering that acquittals were as many as 11 per cent of adjudgements in 1951, but already in 1952 and onwards, the proportion had been stabilized on the 6 to 7 per cent level. The fact that it is so low now should perhaps be recognized as a positive phenomenon; it seems to give evidence that magistrates, who but certainly conduct also preparatory proceedings, do not send cases too hastily for hearing where the juvenile's guilt seems insufficiently made probable to them. It may be asked upon how many juvenile suspects educative-or correctional means are adjudicated following a finding of guilt. A summary of the data obtained from the police or court statistics may supply an answer. As was said before, cases of almost 60 per cent of suspected juveniles end up with a finding of guilt, that proportion being slightly lower in boys than in girls and in lower age groups rather than in older. Very few suspects of 7 to 9 years of age are found guilty (7 per cent). Those proportions increase rapidly already in 10 year-old suspects (47 per cent) and grow up to 13 yearsage-group (62 per cent) showing then a stabilization on a similar level. According to the information mentioned, in 1961-1967 annual numbers of findings of guilt were 27 to 38 thousand. Those numbers included, of course, a majority of findings of guilt by juvenile courts and also sentences of ordinary courts. The latter were concerned with cases when a juvenile was 17 years of age prior to the beginning of the hearing or when he or she acted together with an adult  and when according to the prosecution's decision “for the benefit of the administration of justice” their case should not be transferred to the juvenile court. The proportion of findings of guilt by ordinary courts of law was about 9 to 11 per cent in 1961-1967, having been slightly lower than in 1951-1960 when sometimes it reached even 13 per cent. This is probably connected with some lowering of the mean age of juveniles found guilty for the last few years as compared with that observed in 1951-1960. 4. The number of juveniles upon whom judicial.educative or correctional means had been executed provide information about another side of the quantitative aspect of work facing the juvenile courts. The number of juveniles under court control due to a committed offence increased from 34,520 in 1951 to 58,005 in 1967 and that is by 68 per cent. This seems to be an effect of not only an increase in the number of juveniles found guilty but also of a prolonged average duration of execution of means. That considerable number of juveniles upon whom means were executed should perhaps be further increased. So, for instance, in 1965 45.055 children and youth were placed under juvenile court control, established according to civil proceedings, and under ordinary court control there were another 23,699. As for some portion of the number of such juveniles, court control was certainly connected with manifestations of their social maladjustment, with behavioural disturbances not varying in nature from those for which other juveniles were found guilty. Also in some of those cases, the way of carrying out the control did not differ significantly from the means usually applied, such as supervision order, probation or approved school. 5. Since in the hitherto discussed ways of understanding the range of the detected juvenile delinquency the main stress was laid on absolute numbers, in the present analysis of the standards some attention may be paid to relative numbers resulting from a reference of the number of findings of guilt to some population of individuals concerned or of the number of juveniles found guilty to some broader population of which they were a portion. The objective of such an analysis is to illustrate the degree to which the phenomena of delinquency have been spread throughout the juvenile population. This will lead to quite a different manner of appreciating the juvenile delinquency range. It will not be considered weighty e.g., when the number of findings of guilt will reach some definite level but when the number of juvenile offenders in the juvenile population will be sufficiently high. The most common standard of that kind is represented by delinquency which, if applied for analysing data of court statistics with regard to juvenile delinquency, is represented by the number of findings of guilt as one pro mille of the entire juvenile population. As compared with absolute numbers, the above listed rates give the following picture: between 1961 and 1965, a slight (a few-per-cent) increase in the number of findings of guilt was observed, however, considering that this was accompanied by a much higher increase in the number of i0-16 year-old juveniles, the rates showed a decrease. During the following two years; there was a significant change of that situation, the increase in the number of findings of guilt was then so high that it brought about also an increase in rate values which in 1967 became 15 per cent higher than those in 1961.  The increase in rates was by no means equal in all age groups of juveniles concerned, some were not involved at all. The rates in all age groups of girls were found on similar level as in 1956-1960. Thus, the increase in the number of findings of guilt in girls was proportional to the increase in the total population of 10-16 year-old girls. The annual average was one finding of guilt per 1,000 girls in that particular age group. With boys, the situation was different; here we had to deal with a general increase in rates as compared with that observed in the preceding five-year period. The increase in rates was very high in 14-16 year-old boys (by 19-23 per cent), approximate level was maintained in12-73 year-old boys and a decrease was observed in 10-11 year-old ones (by 5-10 per cent). An average rate of 196l-1967 for the total population of boys was 12,2 and showed that an annual average in the discussed seven-year period was one finding of guilt per 82 boys between 10 and 16 years of age. In our earlier discussion of the rank that the findings of guilt in juveniles held among the total number of such findings in 1961-1967, also young adults were mentioned. There were more findings of guilt in young adults although the latter belong only to four age groups (17, 18, 19 and 20) while the juveniles - to seven age groups at least. The above listed findings show first of all a systematic decrease in numbers of convictions in young adults (1961 -1964) followed, as compared with the 1961 level, by an increase (1965-1967) by 9 per cent in made and by 2 per cent in female offenders. This movement of absolute numbers of convictions in young adults was accompanied by simultaneous but considerable decrease in rates which although failing to increase after 1964, have maintained thę level of that year. Consequently, the relevant rates, as compared with 1961, were in 1967 - 30 per cent lower in men and 33 per cent in women. These changes were caused by a few independent agents whose effects were partially accumulated. Therefore it must be said that the rates in young men and women in 1961-1963 were on an approximate level. Its rapid decrease took place in 1964, which was undoubtedly connected with the Act of Amnesty of 20th July 1964 whose bearing on the number of convictions was certainly felt in 1965, too. At the same time, the effect of another diminishing agent was felt: according to the Decree of 28th March 1963, a certain number of young adults ceased to be subject to ordinary court proceedings since the conscription age limit was lowered to be 19 instead of 20 Years of age. In 1967, a successive agent appeared on the scene to have a bearing on the number of convictions in that category of individuals concerned (as well as of the adult population, too). Namely, in accordance with the provisions of the Decree of 17th June 1967, a series of minor offences were classified as non-indictable offences having at the same time become subject of administrative and not judicial proceedings; minor speculations or theft had been involved. As far as the rates were concerned, an additional element started functioning; it was a process of leaving the young adult age group by individuals born during the war (law quantity year groups) on one hand and of entering into that particular age of very numerous year groups of those born after the war, on the other. Prospectives for an extent of young adult convictions for the next few years to come should perhaps be worth while mentioning now. As a result of a thorough analysis of the young adult conviction rate in 1961-1965, of legislative changes and of foreseen changes in numbers of the total young adult population (which will still be increasing for another few years) - the author had drawn the following conclusion. In 1970, the number of convictions of male young adults will probably be about 38 thousand while the rate will reach about 28.0; the relevant figures for females will be 5.5 thousand and 4.0 respectively. In closing our remarks on an evaluation of juvenile and young adult known delinquency extent, made in terms of rates, it might be said that analogically to earlier rates based on the numbers of convictions, also other ,,rates" might be established, where data on numbers of juveniles on whom educative or correctional means had been executed by juvenile courts, could be utilized. A reference of the number of such juveniles to the total number of 10-16 year old ones would lead to the following findings: in 1961, they were 8.7 pro mille of all juveniles of 10-16 years of age but after 7 years - they were 11.8. Thus, as per 31st December 1967, out of each 86 juveniles of 10-16 years of age group, one was under a juvenile court control a subject of executed educative or correctional means. 6. So far, analyses of a degree, to which known juvenile delinquency had spread among youth, were based on information about findings of guilt, however, there is also a possibility to define it by reference to the number of juveniles found guilty. To do so, one has to know how many juveniles, out of those born during one calendar year were found guilty for offences committed by them at thęir juvenile age, exclusively between 11th and 17th years of age. By making use of the data on findings of guilt in 1950- 1960, one could see that for each year group of juveniles born in 1941, 1942, 1943 or 1944, the number of individuals found guilty were 14.1 to 14.9 thousand; their percentage, related to the total number of those born in the said year groups' was 3.5 to 3.8 per cent (for boys only - 6.3 to 6.8 per cent). Thanks to the fact that complete data on findings of guilt have now been available for 1961-1967, an extention of the analysis with respect to few further year groups could be possible. As it may be seen, the numbers of juveniles found guilty, born in the successive years just after the war, increased rapidly (from about 15 to 28 thousand). That increase, however, took place with a simultaneous considerable increase in general quantities of those particular year groups. In the entire population of those of 17 years old, the percentage of juveniles found guilty was approximately on similar level (on a slightly.higher levęl than in the case of those born during the war). Although such a percentage was low in girls, in boys it grew up as high as 6,7 to 7,5 per cent. This means that approximately every thirteenth - fourteenth young adult of 17 years of age born between 1945 and 1951 had already been found guilty for an offence committed at his juvenile age. Analogical attempts to define the number of found guilty within some longer period of time, where findings of guilt could be referred to not only to one but to a sequency of years - in young adults - are more difficult than in juveniles. It is because of relevant shortage of statistics in Poland. By way of analysing data on convictions in 1951 -1963, I had defined some approximate number of young adults, born in 1939, 1940, 1941 and 1942, covicted, at whatever moment of the entire four-year period when they were young adults (between I7 and 20 years of age). In the population of 21 year-old men (born in the above mentioned years) there were about 15 per cent of those who had once been found guilty at their young adult age. This means that approximately every seventh man at that particular age had been convicted at his young adult age. Should the entire eleven-year period between 10th and 21st year of age be taken into account, one would have to accept that every sixth had been found guilty. The above mentioned figures seem very high, indeed. This calls for a thought to be given as to whether or not the penalization extent in this country is not too much expanded or whether or not penal means are too hastily applied when - without prejudice or even to some purpose - they could be given up. 7. So far, data of twofold nature were used for defining standards of known juvenile delinquency extent: numbers of individuals (found guilty) or numbers of events, such as findings of guilt, adjudgements or cases in which a juvenile was a suspect. Let us mention another type of dates which in its character is approximate to the latter category: numbers of offences where juveniles were suspects. Relevant information is provided for by police statistics. According to data of that kind, numbers of offences where juveniles were suspects were 99,588 in 1956 and 110,892 in 1967. 8. Also various ways of interpretation of known juvenile delinquency extents as well as various standards of such extents were discussed. In dealing with legal order endangered by juveniles, attention will first of all be paid to the numbers of offences where juveniles were suspects, especially, so if that standard would adequately be enriched by data concerning the kind or importance of such offences. If interest is taken in quantitative aspects of tasks facing ouf courts of law, the juvenile delinquency extent will be looked at through a prism of the number of adjudgements (especially - of findings of guilt) as well as of the number of subjects under the juvenile court control due to execution of educative or correctional means adjudicated. In that particular area, the extent of juvenile delinquency for the recent seven-year period considerably increased, what might to a certain degree be related to a general increase of the youth population in this country in that period. If one wants to know the degree to which manifestations of known to the police major juvenile depravity has bęen spread, delinquency rates should be used or - what even allows for a broader look at that problem - the percentage of those found guilty for offences committed at their juvenile age in relation to the young adult population born in particular year groups. The abovementioned rates as well as - though to a minor extent - the percentages seem to show that the known juvenile delinquency in this country increased, especially for the last few years. 3. A definition of the delinquency structure is usually understood to include the elements delinquency is composed of and the numerical ratio of delinquency groups differentiated either from delinquency as a whole or from its particular categories. If so understood, in analysing the delinquency structure it is only natural to use a body of information in which offence is a unity. This may be data on the total number of offences committed in a selected area at a certain definite time, irrespective of the method of its evaluation; this may also be a body of data on known offences, on offences where a suspect had been determined in the course of preparatory proceedings or, finally, a body of information about offences where offenders had lawfully been convicted or found guilty. In most cases no such data are available (except perhaps for the second of the mentioned bodies of information which is a fundamental section of police statistics). However, where interest is taken in the delinquency structure, related to a definite category of offenders - to juveniles, the analyser is as a rule compulsed to search for material of different kind. Such material would usually include data on findings of guilt, enriched as they are with information about the nature of offences concerned. An analysis of such data leads to the following conclusions: A considerable increase in the number of findings of guilt in 1961-1967 failed to produce any substantial changes of the juvenile delinquency structure. It is still offences against property (86 to 89 per cent) which are dominant in juvenile delinquency - mostly including theft of things of minor value. Besides, a somewhat numerous group embraced offences against the person (5 to 7 per cent), in which slight bodily harm (about 1/3 of cases), assault (1/5 of cases) and battery or grievous bodily harm dominated. Annually, there were 5 to 11 juveniles found guilty for murder and 21 to 35 for manslaughter. In 7967,614 juveniles were found guilty for sexual offences (1.7 per cent of the total number of findings of guilt in that very year); rape was found in more than a half of cases, the remaining ones having been fornication with juveniles below 15 years of age. About one per cent of cases included offences against public order officers. Offenders of other categories were few. A higher than average increase in the number of findings of guilt for housebreaking or burglary, for damage done to property, a series of offences against the person and for rape has been noted since 1961. This was accompanied by an increase of the mean age of juveniles found guilty annually - from 13,8 years in 1961 to 14,3 years in 1967. It is no wonder then that first of all an increase in the proportion of offences committed by juveniles of older year groups has been observed. A peculiarity of the.juvenile delinquency structure becomes clearly-cut, indeed, when compared with the young adult and adult delinquency structures. Differentiation of only 4 delinquency groups (against property, against the person, sexual offences and those against public order officers) is sufficient to embrace a) almost the entire juvenile delinquency (93 to 96 per cent), b) a considerable proportion of young adult ddlinquency and c) but only below 60 per cent of adult delinquency. The fact that a great majority of juvenile delinquency are related to offences against property (chiefly theft) of minor importance must by no means stipulate that such a delinquency should be neglected. On the contrary, the effects of commitments of various, often slight, offences turn out too often to be serious. This may not be clear when only single cases are considered but when the developing process of juvenile social depravation is taken into account whose that sort of offerences are but a fragment only. According to findings of individual studies, the extent of juvenile offenders demoralization shows either a slight or no connection with the objectively evaluated specific gravity of offences ascribed to juveniles. 4. The activities of juvenile courts or of ordinary courts of law with regard to the adjudication of educative or correctional means upon juveniles in 1951-1967 was the last question discussed in the study. A salient feature of the adjudication by our courts upon juveniles is their very considerable caution in applying means connected with separation of a juvenile from his or her familial community and sending them to an institution. The percentage of juveniles upon whom approved school or borstal had been adjucated was between 10 and 14 per cent, in recent years having been stabilized as l0 to 11 per cent. From that fact a conclusion can hardly be drawn that it was only every 9th or 10th juvenile upon whom an institutional order was considered necessary. Because it should always be remembered that the adjudication in that particular subject is influenced not only by an evaluation of the degree of juvenile social depravity, of educational valours represented by the juveniles' environment, of needs of the juvenile's himself, but also by the realistic possibility of execution of such an adjudication since there is chronic lack of placements in approved schools and very often felt lack of placements in borstals. With respect to further 15 to 24 per cent of juveniles found guilty, eventual need for applying institutional treatment must have been felt by the courts since executions of relevant adjustications had been suspended and 3/4 of cases were placed on probation. Probation was the most frequently applied means with respect to juveniles. That particular means was applied almost in 1/3 of all juveniles found guilty, the proportion of such adjudications having considerably increased in 1951-1967, i.e from 23.2 per cent to 32.2 per cent, so that the yearly number of juveniles placed on probation augmented threefold. Supervision order is another kind of means which used to be more frequently adjudicated early in the fifties and now it is adjudicated upon every 4th-5th juvenile. Most probably, the observed changes regarding preference of adjudication of probation is caused by development of such services enabling probation of increased numbers of juveniles found guilty. Admonition was a mean whose application seemed to be decreasing (it was adjudicated upon 23 per cent of juveniles in 1951 and only upon 14 per cent in 1967). A rapid decrease in the number of juveniles upon whom the courts were satisfied by applying that particular single act a few years after 1951, was probably due to a simultaneous rapid growth of the mean juvenile defendant age progressing according to a rise of the age limit of juvenile responsibility from 7 to 10 years of age (1954). On the other hand, the recently observed considerable decrease in proportion of such adjudications is undoubtedly closely connected with advising the courts in terms of limitation of means to be adjudicated upon juveniles of younger year groups. The choice of adequate educative or correctional means was no doubt influenced not only by the court having been convinced as to which was the best mean for the juvenile's re-education but also what were the realistic possibilities to get the mean executed. An open question is to what extent the changes of the structure of adjudicated means are a result of changes in categories of juveniles appearing at the courts.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1969, IV; 149-202
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kryminogeneza i sposoby jej badania
Origin of Crime and Methods of Research
Autorzy:
Tyszkiewicz, Leon
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698864.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kryminogeneza
badania kryminologiczne
czyn zabroniony
czynniki kryminogenne
Zakład Kryminologii INP PAN
origin of crime
prohibited act
Department of Criminology of the Institute of Law Studies
criminological research
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 215-225
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Neutralizacja normy „nie kradnij” w genezie przestępczości nieletnich
Neutralization of the Rule „DO NOT STEAL” in the Origin of Juvenile Delinquency
Autorzy:
Stańdo-Kawecka, Barbara
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699040.pdf
Data publikacji:
1994
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
neutralizacja
normy
przestępczość nieletnich
zachowania przestępcze
badania kryminologiczne
przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu
zakład poprawczy
neutralization
rule
juvenile delinquency
delinquent behavior
criminological research
crimes against property
youth detention center
Opis:
The paper discusses the findings of a study aimed at an empirical verification of a well-known criminological concept: the Sykes and Matza concept of neutralization techniques from the classical trend of positivist criminology. What Sykes and Matza see as the factor of juvenile delinquency are mechanisms of justification of one’s own delinquent behavior. Reverting to functionalim, the authors assume a social consensus on the basic values and norms of behavior. Juvenile delinquents generally recognize the same values and norms as non-delinquent youth but, unlike that youth, they grow proficient in neutralizing those norms so as to prevent them from influencing their behavior. According to Sykes and Matza, norms are neutralized through finding and accepting justifications for one’s own deviant behavior. Five types of such neutralization techniques heve been distinguished according to the contents of those justifications: denial of responsibility, denial of injury, denial of the victim, condemnation of the condemners, and appeal to higher loyalties. In their conception of neutralization  techniques, G.M. Sykes and D. Matza mainly describe and classify the ways of excusing one’s own deviant behavior and provide but a perfunctory discussion of the mechanizm of neutralization itself. L. Festinger’s theory of cognitive dissonance proves useful in explaining the psychological mechanizm of neutralization of recognized norms. Assumptions of the conception of neutralization techniques and the theory of cognitive dissonance provided the grounds for hypotheses which were subsequently submitted to empirical verification. The subject was limited to neutralization of the rule “do not steal” interpreted as a ban appropriation on theft and a rule of respect for another person’s property. Criminologists have long questioned the desing of empirical study where achool youth are treated as non-delinquent and examined as a control group oppesed to juvenile delinquents in houses of correction or educational institutions. In the present study, three groups were examined: ‒ juvenile delinquents confined to a reformatory or home for detained juveniles by a judicial decision as perpetrators of offences against property (84 persons); ‒ school youth not involved in acts against another person’s property, called non-delinquent youth (70 persons); ‒ school youth involved in acts againts another person’s property, called actually delinquent (37 persons); The groups of “non-delinquent” and “actually delinquent” persons were distinguished from school youth by means of a self-report survey. Of the original hypotheses, only one was confirmed by the findings. The exemined groups appeared to differ significantly in their approval of the techniques of neutralization of the norm of honesty, the differences trending as expected. The lowest approval of statements expressing various excuses for breaches of another person’s property was found among the non-delinquent youth. The group that most often approves ot such excuses are wards of  reformatories and juvenile homes; however, they do not differ much in this respect from the actually delinquent youth. All of the examined groups have similar priorities as to the separate types of excuses. The type accepted most often is “condemnation of the condemners”. In particular, a statement that “the police and judges are corruptible and malicious”enjoys great popularity. The types  accepted least often, instead, are excuses consisting in “denial of injury” and “appeal to higher loyalties”. What could not be conformed are hypotheses as to absence of differences between the groups with respect to appraisal of one’s own honesty and acceptance of the rule “do not steal”. Non -delinquent youth appraise themselves much higher in terms of honesty than the remaining two groups. Wards of reformatories and juvenile homes, instead, appraise themselves somewhat lower than the actually delinquent youth. The non-delinquent youth show the strongest acceptance of the norm of honesty. The degree of acceptance of that norm among wards of reformatories is similar to that among actual  delinquents, the former showing a somewhat stronger acceptance of the rule “do not steal” than the actually delinquent group. Another hypothesis that was not confirmed concerned a tendency to neutralize the rule “do not steal” once it has been violated; the method used here was projection where the respondents were to complete unfinished stories.  Against expectations, the tendency to neutralize that norm once it has been violated appeared to occur much more often among school youth than among wards of reformatories and juvenile homes. Of the various methods of reducing the anxiety resulting from a breach of another person’s property, both groups of school youth most often suggested neutralization of the norm of honesty. Wards of institutions, instead, much more often mentioned methods other than neutralization of the violated norm: e.g., focus on the derived or potential profit, or focus on the absence of threat with any negative consequences from without. The study questioned the role of delinquent neutralizations as conceived by Sykes and Matza in the origin of juvenile delinquency.  Unforfunately, the findings could not be interpreted explicitly. According to the theoretical assumptions made, a number of possible explanations of the  findings can be suggested which at least party exclude one another. A new empirical study would be necessary to verify those explanations.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1994, XX; 21-51
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zakład Kryminologii INP PAN z perspektywy współczesnej
Department of Criminology of the Institute of Law Studies in a Modern Perspective
Autorzy:
Buczkowski, Konrad
Klaus, Witold
Woźniakowska-Fajst, Dagmara
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698876.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
Instytut Nauk Prawnych Polskiej Akademii Nauk
Zakład Kryminologii INP PAN
Institute of Law Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences
Department of Criminology of the Institute of Law Studies
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 49-63
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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