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Wyświetlanie 1-13 z 13
Tytuł:
Stalking w Polsce. Rozmiary-formy-skutki. Raport z badania nt. uporczywego nękania
Stalking in Poland. Scale,forms, consequences. A report from a survey on stalking
Autorzy:
Siemaszko, Andrzej
Woźniakowska-Fajst, Dagmara
Gruszczyńska, Beata
Marczewski, Marek
Ostaszewski, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698963.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
stalking
przemoc wobec kobiet
criminology
Opis:
The phenomenon of stalking had not been studied extensively and the real scale, its forms, and consequences had remained unknown. For this reason, in December 2009, the Minister of Justice requested the Institute of Justice to conduct a research concerning stalking. It was performed by TNS OBOP in December last year on a representative, random sample of households. Over 10 thousand respondents were questioned in computer assisted telephone interviews. This is ten times more than in typical public opinion polls which undoubtedly increases credibility of the results. Every tenth respondent (9,9%) appeared to have experience stalking. This is more than expected. It these results were to be extrapolated on the whole Polish population over 18 (and there are significant ground for such extrapolation as the sample was representative), it could be estimated that as much as 3 million of adult Poles have experienced stalking. In almost half of the cases, stalking happened repeatedly and 80% of victims experienced stalking within past five years. On the average, stalking lasted for less than a year, most often from a week to three months, but as much as 15% of victims were stalked for at least three years. Every fifth person declared they are still stalked at the moment. The most common methods of stalking were: spreading slander, lies and gossip (70% of responses), getting in touch with the aid of third parties (55%), threats or blackmail and “telephone persecution” (almost half of responses). Every third victim indicated also accosting or threatening family members, physical stalking (persistent following) and unwanted correspondence. It needs to be emphasised that stalking most often appeared in more than one form at a time (e.g. following – phone calls - getting in touch with the aid of third parties). As much as three quarters of victims regarded staling as serious, one third as very serious. These extremely high percentages prove that stalking is a considerable problem – almost a social one. This is confirmed by its effects declared by respondents. Almost 70% of victims experienced negative effects of stalking. More than a half reported psychological problems (depressed mood or depression, anxiety) every fourth physical ones (pains, aches, nausea, eating disorders). Because of these, 45% of the victims sought medical consultation which proves how serious the problems were. One third of the harmed declared financial or general consequences (cost of legal fees, need to change their lifestyle, change of telephone number, sometimes even change of residence). Although as expected most perpetrators were persons known by the victims (a current or ex-partner in every fourth case), a significant number of strangers needs to be reported (one quarter). Almost 40% of stalking victims asked for help, out of which only a half to prosecution organs – this is as little as 20%.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2010, XXXII; 45-80
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kobietobójstwo - kryminologiczna charakterystyka zjawiska
A Criminological Description of Femicide
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698588.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kobietobójstwo
kryminologia feministyczna
przemoc wobec kobiet
femicide
criminology
Opis:
The Polish word for “femicide”, kobietobójstwo, is a composite of two concepts and words, viz. the English word femicide and feminicidio, a term used in the Spanish-speaking world. Femicide was initially a gender-neutral term and essentially referred to the killing of any woman regardless of circumstances, i.e. it did not need to be related to the social and cultural gender role of women or be driven by misogyny or contempt for the female condition. There is an ongoing debate as to whether the term “femicide” denotes any instance of a woman being killed or whether it should be limited to cases where the perpetrator is a man and/or where being a woman is a contributing factor. As the term “femicide” was introduced into academic discourse by feminists in the 20th century, it would seem obvious that the connection between a woman’s death and her sex and status is a fundamental component of the concept of femicide in a given community. Feminists proposed the term as an alternative to the neutral “homicide”, so as to emphasize the hateful and/or misogynistic nature of certain killings of women. Femicide was meant to be an example of a hate crime. Structural inequality and the inferior social standing of women are salient factors in any analysis of the cultural phenomena and practices that can be classified as femicidal. Femicide is not so much a separate manifestation of gender-related violence as an extreme one. It is a reproductive mechanism of the oppression of women and takes the form of various practices. As with all violence against women, femicide is deeply rooted in the historically unequal relations between the sexes and the systematic discrimination against women. Femicide should therefore be defined as the killing of women because they are women, but not necessarily by men. This definition is close to the views that Rashida Manjoo, the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, expressed in her report of May 2012. Manjoo enumerates femicidal practices that she refers to as “gender-related killings of women.” The list includes both intentional (direct) killings of women committed by specific perpetrators and practices that indirectly cause women to die because they are women. These practices stem from the unequal relations between men and women and the oppression of women. Femicide, then, denotes both murder and manslaughter. It could be said that in international and feminist discourse, femicide is regarded as a set of cultural practices with a common denominator around the world, viz. they all cause women to die because they are women. These practices are not limited to voluntary and involuntary killings of women, but include practices that often cause women to die because of their social and cultural conditions.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2014, XXXVI; 75-107
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Prawne możliwości walki ze zjawiskiem stalkingu - czy w prawie polskim konieczna jest penalizacja prześladowania?
Fight against stalking-legal options. Is there a necessity of stalking penalization in Polish law?
Autorzy:
Woźniakowska-Fajst, Dagmara
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698484.pdf
Data publikacji:
2009
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
stalking
przemoc wobec kobiet
polityka kryminalna
criminalization
crime prevention
Opis:
The article concerns the phenomenon of stalking, or emotional persecution. It also presents legal solutions concerning stalking in the countries where this type of behavior is penalized, and includes a discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of criminalization of stalking in Poland. In contrast with the admiration, stalking is a behavior which a victim does not wish. Stalking is an English verb denoting a quiet human or animal tracking in order to capture or kill. In accordance to the definition of an American psychologist J. Reid Meloy, stalking is a form of malicious and repeated harassing and annoying of another person which increases his or her feeling of threat. Stalking, just like domestic violence, and mobbing are classified as so-called "emotional violence", by which we understand “interference in the psyche of another person directed against his or her emotions, resulting both immediate and delayed negative effects”. Emotional violence is never a single event. Stalking most often exhibits in such behaviors as: calls, silent calls, night calls, wandering in the vicinity of victim's home, making contact through a third party, questioning about the victim in his or her surroundings, persisting at the door / home / work, sending letters, e-mails, text messages, and gifts, placing postal orders in victim's name, tracking and following the victim, slander (distributing false information and rumors), burglary to victims house or car, stealing victim's belongings, harassing victim's family and friends, as well as attacking and assaulting them. The main problem with providing an adequate legal protection to a victim of a stalker lies in the fact that some of these behaviors are criminal, and some are not prohibited by law, nevertheless if repeated, they carry severe consequences for the victim which cannot be counteracted by means of criminal law. The tragedy of stalking victims lies in the fact that a persecutor may intimidate his victims and force them to change habits and plans, to live in constant fear. Stalker often causes huge mental suffering through actions which, under Polish law, are legally indifferent. What is also important is that actions of a stalker do not have to result from his or her wrongful intentions or desire to annoy the victim (in many law systems malicious intention of the stalker is a sine qua non for criminalization of stalking). Sometimes the persecutor acts with good intentions (the desire to win the love of a loved one), nevertheless behavior of the stalker is frightening for the victim. Results of a study taken to estimate the scale of stalking differ between countries where such studies have been conducted. This discrepancy is probably influenced by the definition assumed by researchers, research methodology, sample size and selection, but also by the different temperament of the inhabitants of these countries.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2009, XXXI; 173-208
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obowiązki nakładane na osoby skazane z art. 207 § 1 k.k. w orzecznictwie sądów rejonowych
Duties imposed under 207§1 of Polish Criminal Code in district courts’ judicature
Autorzy:
Wrona, Grzegorz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698985.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przemoc domowa
przemoc wobec kobiet
polityka kryminalna
criminal law
victimization
victim
Opis:
The article contains an analysis of district court sentences which included protective and re-straining orders under article 72§1 of Polish Criminal Code (hereinafter referred to as PCC) on perpetrators of harassment punishable under article 207§1 of PCC. Because of the character of the crime of harassment, the main part of the article concerns orders of refraining from contacts with victims and of leaving the common place of residence. The article contains analysis and conclusions of a research of cases which ended in a decree absolute in 2008 – 2009 and concerned prosecution under article 207§1 of the Code. The research, completed in 2010, was conducted in eleven district courts, all of them subordinate to different courts of appeals. The results of the research show a significant divergence in the manner of sentencing restraining orders throughout the country. One may notice the extremes of the approach, particularly as far as the order of leaving the common place of residence is concerned. As a result, the courts use such opportunity only in a few percent of the cases where such orders can be sentenced. It is hard to speak of any line of sentencing with such a small number of cases. Meanwhile, the legislator amended the Act on Family Violence Prevention with the view on the duties imposed under article 72§1 of PCC. As a result of this amendment, two changes were introduced. The first consisted in distinguishing correctional and educational actions in section 6a. The second concerned the order of refraining from contacts with the victim in section 7a of the said article which was extended by adding a restraining order of staying away at a minimum distance from the victim. At the same time the legislator did not take into account the doubts expressed by the doctrine about possibility of successful enforcement of orders under sections 7a and 7b (order to leave the common place of residence). The conclusions of the article concern the necessity of more frequent interpretation of duties under article 72§1 sections 7a and 7b PCC by the courts and, as a consequence, of es-tablishing a uniform and consistent judicature in sentencing such restraining orders. It is sug-gested that this can be achieved if the guidelines by Polish Attorney General on preliminary proceedings in family violence cases include an instruction for the prosecutors to apply to courts for such restraining orders. This way, the courts of law will be obliged to take a stance on such motions and a chance to standardise the manner of sentencing them will arise.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2011, XXXIII; 213-225
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kryminologiczno-epistemologiczne i genderowe aspekty przestępstwa zgwałcenia
Criminological-epistemological and gender aspects of the crime of rape
Autorzy:
Płatek, Monika
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698947.pdf
Data publikacji:
2010
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kryminologia feministyczna
przemoc wobec kobiet
wiktymizacja
zgwałcenie
gender and crime
rape
Opis:
According to government information from November 2010, only 8% of committed sex crimes are reported in Poland. In 90% of cases, the perpetrators remain unpunished. Taking into account the statistics for 2009, 6,700 cases of sexual violence show the scale of the problem. The article tries to investigate the reasons of such situation. How does it happen that in a legal order, which since 1932 is based on extremely modern approach to the crime of rape, it remains in practice so often unpunished? The reasons of this are seen in the accepted procedure of prosecution, on the motion of the injured. This procedure results from the fact that provisions from 1932 have been accepted as they were, without a deeper reflection or analysis of the state of affairs of the time. What was acceptable in the criminological-epistemological and dogmatic perspective then, has been accepted by the legislator at present. This leaves a question why regulations from 1932 are still in force at present, with the detriment to the victims. In seeking an answer to this question, a methodology provided by feminist jurisprudence is assumed. The text also explains the very notion of feminist jurisprudence and gender analysis of law. The method allows to notice the elements earlier neglected by the law and to explain why corruption of the perpetrator reaches the victim. The development of feminist jurisprudence over the past three decades has contributed to significant enrichment of the theory of law in many countries and has led to many reforms of criminal law, including changes to the regulations concerning the rape of crime. Taking feminist criminology and feminist jurisprudence into account allows to consider the causes of placing joint responsibility for rape on a victim. It allows to demonstrate that what is hidden under the euphemism of morals and morality is also supported by laws and does not result from tradition as much as from the influence of contemporary law. The accepted procedure of prosecution of the crime is a significant element of this process. Assuming a gender perspective introduces a perspective of experiences and values essential for women to the analysis of language, evaluation and events, although it is not limited to this. The text, while analysing the determinants of regulations concerning rape, questions the basic axioms of criminal law dogma pertaining to neutrality and objectivity of criminal law. The example of regulations on rape proves that both axioms in fact sustain a loss to the benefit of the interest of the legislator who has a greater tendency to identify with a perpetrator than with a victim. The text analyses various perspectives of justifying accepted norms and indicates that higher arguments at each time serve to justify current interests. Using instruments of gender analysis of law here as well, reader’s attention is drawn to the perspective resulting from the experiences and values presented by women.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2010, XXXII; 345-378
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kulturowa przemoc ze względu na płeć. Przypadek zabójstw na tle honoru
Culture specific gender-based violence. Cases of honour killings
Autorzy:
Gutkowska, Agnieszka
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698555.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przemoc wobec kobiet
przestępstwa kulturowe
zabójstwa honorowe
culture violence
honour killings
Opis:
Crimes related to the offender's cultural background are exceptional, and require special attention in many ways. Firstly, they come as far more shocking than the “typical” offences in a given society, due to their peculiar and infrequent nature. Secondly, as they are so much specific, they pose a serious challenge for law enforcement bodies, and it may seem that they are a significant problem for courts, who must face foreign and often culturally obscure situations and behaviour. This is also an important challenge for researchers, who try their best to define and, most of all, understand the mechanisms leading to such type of crime. The article discusses the specificity of honour killing, characterises the perpetrators and victims, and clarifies the motivational process of perpetrators, who often find themselves entangled in obligations enforced by cultural norms in a degree comparable to what their victims experience. The paper is also an attempt at analysis of the thesis widely found in the literature claiming that abuse towards women (irrespective of their cultural background and creed) stems from the patriarchal social structure, and should not be associated with any particular cultural system . The article claims that in order to properly analyse honour killing cases and create a possibly most effective system of preventing and countering the phenomenon, the expressions and sources of violence against women in different cultures must be precisely and unequivocally defined, and so must be the perpetrators' motivation. This clear division is necessary at the terminological level, to start with. This is why the article introduces the notion of “culture specific gender based violence”. Gender based violence itself is too broad a term to define such polarised cases as economic abuse of a wife by a husband, battering, or even marital rape and honour killing. Classifying honour killings as gender-based violence only, without precise identification of the sources behind such violence, is a dangerous practice, as - in consequence - opinions emerge equalising infringement of women's rights in the western world with those experienced in honour-based cultures or Muslim societies . The claim that women suffer the same violence regardless of culture or creed is not true. There is a dramatic difference between Christian background cultures, which nurture basic human rights, and honour cultures or Muslim communities, in the manner they treat women, and in the extent of socially accepted repression if they infringe the norms. What is even more, without changing the cultural rules or interpretation of religious rules, the position of women who are facing honour killings cannot improve. This is due to the fact that it is the culture and religion, or to be more precise, some elements of those, or instrumental use of those, that are at the source of this type of violence.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2013, XXXV; 137-160
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Europejskie badanie przemocy uwarunkowanej płcią (GBV) – zagadnienia metodologiczne badań pilotażowych
Autorzy:
Gruszczyńska, Beata
Więcek-Durańska, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788456.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-06-18
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przemoc ze względu na płeć
przemoc wobec kobiet
przemoc wobec mężczyzn
mobbing
gender-based violence
violence against women
violence against men
stalking
Opis:
Badania na temat przemocy ze względu na płeć GBV (Gender-Based Violence) są ważnym narzędziem do oceny skali przestępczości, zwłaszcza zjawiska przemocy. Dotychczasowe badania międzynarodowe dotyczyły przede wszystkim przemocy wobec kobiet. Pierwsze z nich, IVAWS (International Violence Against Women Survey), stanowiło wyzwanie dla naukowców, organów ścigania i organizacji pozarządowych. Kolejne europejskie badanie przemocy wobec kobiet zostało przeprowadzone przez Agencję Praw Podstawowych (Fundamental Right Agency – FRA). Obecnie planowane jest przez Eurostat badanie GBV o szerszym zakresie, dotyczącym zarówno przemocy wobec kobiet, jak i mężczyzn. Jest to jednocześnie nowe wyzwanie metodologiczne. Projekt Eurostatu obejmuje różne rodzaje i formy przemocy, od przemocy domowej po przemoc w pracy, w sieci, mobbing itp. Pierwszym etapem był tzw. pretest oraz pilotaż realizowany w kilku państwach UE, w tym także w Polsce. Badanie podstawowe jest planowane na 2022 r. we wszystkich krajach Unii Europejskiej. Podstawowym narzędziem GBV jest kwestionariusz ankiety. Pytania obejmują m.in. intensywność różnych rodzajów i form przemocy wobec kobiet i mężczyzn. W interpretacji wyników, zwłaszcza w perspektywie międzynarodowej, należy zwrócić uwagę na różnice w postrzeganiu przemocy przez ofiary, a także w jej zgłaszaniu. Różnice dotyczą również przyczyn, form i konsekwencji przemocy. Jak właściwie ocenić rozbieżności w rozmiarach i uwarunkowaniu przemocy w ramach płci? W artykule przedstawiono zagadnienia metodologiczne i doświadczenia związane z realizacją badania pilotażowego.
Research on gender-based violence (GBV) is an important tool for assessing the scale of crime, especially the phenomenon of violence. International studies to date have focused primarily on violence against women. The first of these, IVAWS (International Violence Against Women Survey), was intended as a challenge to scientists, law enforcement agencies and NGOs. Another European study on violence against women was conducted by the FRA (Fundamental Right Agency). Eurostat is currently planning a new GBV study, which is more comprehensive because violence against women and men will be considered. This study faces new methodological challenges. The GBV project covers various forms of violence, from domestic violence to violence at work, online, mobbing, etc. The first stage is the so-called pre-test, and the pilot was implemented in several EU countries, including Poland. Basic research is planned for 2022 in all European Union countries. The basic GBV research tool is a questionnaire whose questions include the intensity of various types and forms of violence against women and men. In the interpretation of the results, especially in an international perspective, attention should be paid to the differences in the perception of violence by victims, as well as in the scale of reporting violence. The differences also concern the causes, forms and consequences of violence. How can discrepancies in the size and conditioning of gender-based violence be assessed? This article presents methodological issues and experiences related to the implementation of these pilot studies.
Źródło:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2019, 26; 32-38
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:
Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Profil sprawcy, profil ofary. Przestępstwo współżycia z osobą małoletnią poniżej 15. roku życia
Offender's profile, victim's profile. The sexual offenses committed against minors up to 15 years old
Autorzy:
Dziewanowska, Małgorzata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699013.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kryminologia feministyczna
przemoc wobec kobiet
wykorzystywanie seksualne małoletnich
wiktymizacja
pedofilia
sexual offences
victim
victimization
perpetrator
crime
Opis:
The purpose of this article is to present results of an examination of judicial records of cases relating to the article 200 of Criminal Code in two judicial districts. It is essential to construct a profile of a perpetrator and a profile of a victim of this offense, particularly in those cases committed by young people. Also, if possible, to answer a question whether the present legal regulation is adequate to control minors’ sexual activity. Interesting issues are the age difference between the perpetrator and the victim, the existence (or not) of some close relation between them, and also the impact of those factors on the decision of a court. Equally important are reasons of reporting the cases to law enforcement, the basis for initiation of criminal proceedings and final sentences. The objective of this study was also to check whether the reduction of age of consent or the introduction of “close in age exception” would reduce the number of convicted young offenders, who were participants of consensual sexual relations with minors under 15 years old. The analysis of data obtained is carried out in the context of socio-cultural acceptance of sexual behavior of youth, legal regulations of protection of their reproductive health, the impact of media and information technologies, as well as the history of childhood and perception of children’s sexuality. Non-criminal-law factors have very significant impact on the knowledge young people have, on the sexual needs they have, and finally implementation of those in everyday life. This study is part of the doctoral thesis analyzing the problem of sexual offenses committed by or against minors, partly illustrating the phenomenon and the problems arising from the criminal law regulations of sexual behavior of young people. This research is not representative for the whole country, because of the limited geographical scope, but allows to draw relevant conclusions and confirm or deny previously constructed hypotheses. It is also possible to prediagnose emerging problems and to present the potential legal solutions, currently existing in other countries, both in Europe and worldwide.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2012, XXXIV; 367-399
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przemoc wobec kobiet i reakcja policji w perspektywie międzynarodowej
Violence against Women and Police Responses in an International Perspective
Autorzy:
Gruszczyńska, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698878.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przemoc wobec kobiet
policja
International Violence against Women Survey
IVAWS
perspektywa międzynarodowa
przemoc
violence against women
violence
women
police
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 99-112
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
‘We condemn abusing violence against women’. The criminalization of domestic violence in Poland
„Potępiamy nadużywanie przemocy wobec kobiet”. O kryminalizacji przemocy domowej w Polsce
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375553.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-09-30
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
domestic violence
violence against women
Istanbul Convention
penal law
criminal justice
Polska
przemoc domowa
przemoc wobec kobiet
Polska
prawo karne
konwencja stambulska
Opis:
One can often hear Polish politicians saying there is no violence against women in Poland, since Polish men respect their women and women hold a strong position in Polish culture. The conviction rates for domestic abuse in Poland are indeed low, though the attrition rates are high. Every year, for approximately 75,000 registered cases of domestic violence, there are roughly 10,000 convictions. Most of the prison sentences are conditionally suspended. Protective orders or other punitive measures are seldom handed down. There is a visible reluctance on the part of the criminal justice system to punish and correct domestic abusers. One of the reasons is that domestic abuse provisions in the Polish Penal Code (Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code from 1997) criminalises a very different behaviour than is defined in the Counteracting Family Violence Act from 2005. Another, possibly even greater, reason is the culture of sentencing (both in general and of domestic abuse) within the Polish judiciary and the very strong conservatism of Polish decision-makers and society. The protection of family values by legislators and the judiciary is often enforced at the expense of the victims’ right to life and to a life free from violence. This article discusses the Polish system for preventing domestic violence, which was set up in 2005 and the construction and jurisprudence of crime described in Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code. In particular, the question of culpability raises many problems when it comes to prosecution. First, we must compare Article 207 with the definition of ‘family violence’ specified inthe Counteracting Family Violence Act and the Istanbul Convention. Then, I will explain how such an understanding and interpretation of Article 207 translates into the dynamics of sentencing and penal decision-making and the virtual ineffectiveness of both penal provisions (the lack of deterrent effect) and the system of counteracting family violence designed by lawmakers.
One can often hear Polish politicians saying there is no violence against women in Poland, since Polish men respect their women and women hold a strong position in Polish culture. The conviction rates for domestic abuse in Poland are indeed low, though the attrition rates are high. Every year, for approximately 75,000 registered cases of domestic violence, there are roughly 10,000 convictions. Most of the prison sentences are conditionally suspended. Protective orders or other punitive measures are seldom handed down. There is a visible reluctance on the part of the criminal justice system to punish and correct domestic abusers. One of the reasons is that domestic abuse provisions in the Polish Penal Code (Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code from 1997) criminalises a very different behaviour than is defined in the Counteracting Family Violence Act from 2005. Another, possibly even greater, reason is the culture of sentencing (both in general and of domestic abuse) within the Polish judiciary and the very strong conservatism of Polish decision-makers and society. The protection of family values by legislators and the judiciary is often enforced at the expense of the victims’ right to life and to a life free from violence. This article discusses the Polish system for preventing domestic violence, which was set up in 2005 and the construction and jurisprudence of crime described in Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code. In particular, the question of culpability raises many problems when it comes to prosecution. First, we must compare Article 207 with the definition of ‘family violence’ specified inthe Counteracting Family Violence Act and the Istanbul Convention. Then, I will explain how such an understanding and interpretation of Article 207 translates into the dynamics of sentencing and penal decision-making and the virtual ineffectiveness of both penal provisions (the lack of deterrent effect) and the system of counteracting family violence designed by lawmakers.   Powszechnie przyjmuje się, że art. 207 kodeksu karnego kryminalizujący znęcanie się nad najbliższymi osobami jest formą kryminalizacji przemocy domowej w polskim ustawodawstwie karnym. Jednak czy tak jest w istocie? Gdy Polska ratyfikowała konwencję stambulską (Konwencja Rady Europy ws. zwalczania przemocy domowej i przemocy wobec kobiet, CETS 210) w 2015 r. uznano, że nasze ustawodawstwo odnośnie do przemocy domowej spełnia wymogi konwencji, jeśli chodzi o zintegrowane, kompleksowe i skoordynowane ogólnokrajowe strategie obejmujące środki mające na celu zapobieganie wszelkim formom przemocy objętych zakresem konwencji. Pod względem ścigania aktów przemocy domowej uznano, że art. 207 jest wystarczającym instrumentem prawnokarnym, by zadośćuczynić wymogom konwencji. W artykule przedstawię polski system przeciwdziałania przemocy w rodzinie ustanowiony w ustawie z 2005 r. oraz zarysuję wzajemne relacje między systemem z ustawy o przeciwdziałaniu przemocy w rodzinie a regulacjami prawnokarnymi, a dokładnie to, czy zachowanie stypizowane w art. 207 k.k. pokrywa się z ustawową definicją przemocy w rodzinie. Te relacje bardzo wyraźnie obrazują liczby, które pokazują, że państwo polskie nie jest specjalnie responsywne na przemoc domową, a owa niska responsywność tylko po części wynika z niedoskonałych przepisów prawa, a w ogromnej części z pewnej inercji podmiotów stosujących prawo, archaicznej wykładni znamion omawianego przestępstwa i braku woli politycznej.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2020, XLII/1; 163-183
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Równość płci i przemoc wobec kobiet. Próba wyjaśnienia tzw. paradoksu nordyckiego
Gender Equality and Violence Against Women. Understanding the So-called Nordic Paradox
Autorzy:
Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698786.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przemoc wobec kobiet
równość płci
„paradoks nordycki”
badania wiktymizacyjne
hegemoniczne męskości
odmiany patriarchatu
Bourdieu
violence against women
gender equality
“Nordic paradox”
victimisation survey
hegemonic masculinities
varieties of patriarchy
Opis:
According to the prevailing assumption, the main cause of violence against women isa structural inequality between men and women. That idea is common in internationalhuman rights discourse, widely accepted on political level and enforced by severalscientific studies. The structural nature of violence against women means that it isgender-based violence and one of the crucial social mechanisms by which womenare forced into a subordinate position compared with men. It is a manifestationof historically unequal power relations between men and women which have led todomination over, and discrimination against, women by men, and have prevented fulladvancement of women.Logically thinking, achieving gender equality would lead to the elimination ofviolence against women. Respectively, in societies with greater gender equality, wherewomen enjoy better rights, have a better footing towards men, greater legal protectionand access to power, they also should be less vulnerable to violence based on theirgender. The most gender-equal countries in the world are Scandinavian countries –Sweden, Norway, Iceland, Denmark and Finland.Yet, the recent EU-wide victimisation survey on violence against women (FundamentalRights Agency 2014) produced startling results. It turned out that the highestrates of violence against women (in almost every single aspect, intimate partner violenceand non-partner violence) were reported in the Nordic countries, particularly in Sweden,whereas countries considered traditional and conservative, e.g. the Mediterraneancountries or Poland, revealed a lower prevalence of violence against women. The FRAresults on Scandinavian countries were coined the “Nordic paradox”.The main problem is this: is really gender equality a factor reducing or increasingthe likelihood of violence against women’s victimisation? Is the subordinate positionof women typical of more conservative societies a protective factor against violenceagainst women? And are actually the FRA study results sufficiently reliable to drawsuch conclusions?The first section of the paper discusses the FRA results regarding the Scandinaviancountries and presents it against a larger picture of gender equality indicators. Thenext section examines the possible explanations for differences between countriesoffered by the authors, which are mainly methodological and contextual ones, such as:cultural acceptability to talk with other people about experiences of violence againstwomen, higher levels of disclosure about violence against women in more gender-equalsocieties, patterns of employment or lifestyle or levels of urbanisation, differencesbetween countries in the overall levels of violent crime and drinking habits in particularsocieties.The third section reviews the previous research findings, looking at the relationshipbetween gender equality or women’s status and violence against women. There are twochief hypotheses tested in the studies: the ameliorative hypothesis (violence againstwomen will fall along with greater gender equality) and the backlash hypothesis (ifwomen remain in their subordinate position, men are less threatened and less likely toresort to violence against them). Overall, the studies showed mixed results, dependingon the used measures. Furthermore, most of the them were conducted on the US data,and their application to the European context is doubtful.The final section presents some theoretical explanations from the critical sociologyfield. The three most relevant theories suitable to explain the “Nordic paradox” andthe relationship between gender equality and relatively high rates of violence againstwomen include the variety of patriarchy theory of G. Hunnicutt, the hegemonic masculinities of R.W. Connell and J. Messerschmidt and the symbolic violence ofP. Bourdieu. All of these theories critically frame the use of violence by men as a meansof upholding their superior position towards women.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2018, XL; 221-261
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Stereotypy dotyczące płci a przemoc wobec kobiet w dorobku prawnomiędzynarodowym. Od identyfikacji do kształtowania instrumentów prawnych
Autorzy:
Sękowska-Kozłowska, Katarzyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788179.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016-09-01
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przemoc wobec kobiet
prawo międzynarodowe
Międzynarodowy Trybunał Praw Człowieka
Konwencja Stambulska
Konwencja o zapobieganiu i zwalczaniu przemocy wobec kobiet i przemocy domowej
regulacje prawne
przemoc
kobiety
płeć
dyskryminacja
violence against women
international law
European Court of Human Rights
Committee on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
regulation by law
violence
women
discrimination
Opis:
The obligation to counteract gender stereotypes resulting in discrimination against women, including violence against women, was anchored in international law by the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women of 1979. The article aims to demonstrate that although the relevant regulations are of a very general nature, the recognition of this issue in international law allowed the particular instruments which may counteract violence against women to be developed. The international output in this matter may be divided into two key stages – a stage of recognition of particular stereotypes in the case law of international human rights bodies and a stage of development of legal instruments aimed to counteract gender stereotyping. Thus the article attempts to link the stereotypes identified in the practice of the Committee on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the European Court of Human Rights with instruments developed in the most comprehensive international treaty concerning the violence against women, i.e. the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence of 2011.
Źródło:
Studia Prawnicze; 2016, 2 (206); 7-29
0039-3312
2719-4302
Pojawia się w:
Studia Prawnicze
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Międzynarodowe badania nad przemocą wobec kobiet (IVAWS). Reakcja policji na zgłoszenia przemocy w Polsce
Violence against Women Survey (IVAWS). Police Response to Reported Acts of Violence in Poland
Autorzy:
Gruszczyńska, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699104.pdf
Data publikacji:
2006
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
Międzynarodowe Badania nad Przemocą wobec Kobiet (IVAWS)
przemoc
kobiety
przemoc fizyczna
przemoc psychiczna
przemoc seksualna
policja
Polska
przemoc domowa
badania kryminologiczne
International Violence against Women Survey (IVAWS)
violence
women
family violence
Police
Polska
research
Opis:
Violence against women, especially in the context of family violence, casts a question whether it is a social or  perhaps a family, private problem. The Police’s reaction to reported acts is currently a fundamental problem. Disregarded reports may cause further humiliating living under violence for wman, while a man becomes strengthened in his heartless and commanding role. In addition,, a conviction appears in victims that the police is ineffective, unreliable; hence it is better to keep the affair ‘within the four walls at home’. What i sit like in Poland? Do women often report the violence practiced by their partners? Ae they satisfied with the Police reaction? The results gained in IVAWS survey in Poland make the content of this paper.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2006, XXVIII; 185-192
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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