Temat: Kodeks - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Sprawozdanie z seminarium „Czy i jak definicja pracy przymusowej powinna być włączona do Kodeksu Karnego?”, 6 czerwca 2019 r., INP PAN
Autorzy:: Włodarczyk-Madejska, Justyna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2104404.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-06-18
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: praca przymusowa
Kodeks karny
forced labour
Criminal Code
Źródło:: Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2019, 26; 176-179
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:: Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: Instytucja tzw. zgody następczej po nowelizacji z 11 marca 2016 r. w świetle standardów konstytucyjnych i konwencyjnych
Autorzy:: Daniluk, Paweł
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788234.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017-03-14
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: zgoda następcza
kodeks postępowania karnego
Code of Criminal Procedure
post-consent
Opis:: The Act of 11 March 2016 amending the Code of Criminal Procedure and some other acts (Official Journal of Laws, item 437 as amended) introduced to the system of law Article 168b of the Code of Criminal Procedure and changed Article 237a of the Code of Criminal Procedure. These rules regulate the institution of the so-called ex post facto consent. The following paper analyzes Article 168b and Article 237a of the Code of Criminal Procedure in the light of standards stemming from the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. This analysis first of all revealed that there are serious doubts as to the compatibility of Article 168b and Article 237a of the Code of Criminal Procedure with Article 47, Article 49, Article 51 (2) in conjunction with Article 31 (3) of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland.
Źródło:: Studia Prawnicze; 2017, 3 (211); 81-100
0039-3312
2719-4302
Pojawia się w:: Studia Prawnicze
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: Dochodzenie alimentów na podstawie art. 60 k.r.o. w razie właściwości prawa obcego do rozwiązania małżeństwa
Autorzy:: Pawliczak, Jakub
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788239.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017-07-11
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: alimenty
kodeks rodzinno-opiekuńczy
rozwód
Family and Guardianship Code
divorce
maintenance
Opis:: The applicable rules on jurisdiction and conflict of laws do not preclude situations in which the law of one country governs dissolution of the marriage, while the law of the other is applicable to the alimony claims between the former spouses. These kinds of rules cause difficulties for courts resolving family disputes, if in a particular legal system the regulation on maintenance between formers spouses is closely linked to the rules governing dissolution of marriage. Further complications occur when the law governing the divorce does not provide for ruling on the matrimonial fault and the maintenance claims are governed by the law, under which, like in the case of article 60 of the Polish Family and Guardianship Code, the existence, extent or duration of the maintenance obligations between former spouses are dependent on the ruling on the fault. The principal aim of the article is to analyse legal issues related to claiming alimony on the basis of article 60 of the Polish Family and Guardianship Code, when the foreign law governs dissolution of the marriage. Due to the complex character of these issues international rules on jurisdiction and conflict of laws, as well as domestic rules of material and procedural character shall be analysed.
Źródło:: Studia Prawnicze; 2017, 4 (212); 123-153
0039-3312
2719-4302
Pojawia się w:: Studia Prawnicze
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: O polityce karnej z perspektywy retrospektywnej
On Criminal Policy in Retrospection
Autorzy:: Pływaczewski, Emil W.
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698744.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2008
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: polityka karna
kodeks karny
analiza retrospektywna
criminal policy
penal code
retrospection
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 617-628
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: System środków penalnych w projekcie kodeksu wykroczeń
The System of Penal Measures in the Draft of the Transgressions Code
Autorzy:: Szumski, Jerzy
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699036.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1994
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: środki penalne
kary
środki karne
kodeks wykroczeń
penal measures
penalties
Transgressions Code
Opis:: This paper discusses and appraises changes in the system of penal measures in the draft of the Transgressions Code, and to some extent also in the draft of the Code of the Execution of Penalties. A great variety of problems are discussed: the author concentrates on a broad definition of a penal measure, treating as such measure each legal reaction to the fact of transgression, made by a competent agency upon identification of the perpetrator. The discussion concentrates on the draft’s division into penalties and penal measures. Also discussed are other reactions included in the code that can be applied to the perpetrator but do not belong to either of the above two categories. The autor carries out a critical analysis of the solutions concerning penalties, penal measures, alternatives to punishment, and the main directives as to the severity of penal measures. Taken into account in the analysis have been, on the one hand, the praiseworthy regulations, most of which result from acceptance by authors of the draft of postulates, made for a long time by the doctrine and aimed toward the rationalization and humanization of Polish law on transgressions. On the other hand, the analysis paints out those solutions which the author finds to be redundant or improperly formulated With respect to reactions that are termed “penalties” the author declares himself a resolved opponent of arrest: in his opinion, that penalty should not be imposed on perpetrators of the pettiest transgressions, the more so as some of the offences specified in the draft code are not threatened with deprivation of liberty at all. Here, the practice of deciding in cases of transgressions is brought to mind where arrest was usually imposed for disturbances of public order or peace committed by intoxicated persons; most of such perpetrators were alcoholics, and their short-term imprisonment was in fact a specific preventive measure. The author also expresses his support of the renouncement of the institution of conditional suspention of the penalty of arrest (should even arrest be preserved in the future code): in practice, instead of limiting the use of arrest, that institution was treated as a self-standing reaction, a substitute for the penal measures not involving deprivation of liberty. On the other hand, the author praises the elimination from the draft of the penalty of limitation of liberty which fails to come up to expectations as an alternative to arrest and only causes serious problems with its execution. As regards, further, the penalty of fines ‒ the basic reaction towards perpetrators of transgressions ‒ the author considers the pros and cons and declarls himself in favor of the system of daily rates. Aware of the controversial nature of this suggestion, he justifies it mainly with the need for the unification of the system of imposition of fines in penal law and the law on transgressions. The author praises the solution where only the court is empowered to impose arrest in default of paying a fine. In principle, he also praises the way this sphere ‒ the main weak point of decisions in cases of transgressions so far ‒ has been regulated in the draft of the Code of the Execution of Penalties. Here, arrest as a substitute for fines is treated as the last resort, and many solutions are Offerd to cause the payment of a fine; fines can even be defanted on if then cannot be paid for reasons beyond the convicted person’s control, and it proves impossible or inexpedient to carry out that penalty in another way. The author believes, however, that some of the solutions suggested in the draft of the Code of the Execution of Penalties have not been formulated with sufficient precision. As far as penal measures are concerned ‒ under the draft of the Transgressions Code, they include with deawal of a driving license, forfeiture of property, and payment to the injured person or for a public purpose ‒ the author criticizes mainly the limited possibilities of their application as self-standing measures: they can only be applied in the case of renouncement of inflicting a punishment. This solution is in fact a preservation of the possibility, criticized by scientific community, of the accumulation of different penal measures, and leads to unnecessary aggravation of punishment. On the other hand, the author praises many other novel solutions related to penal measures, including in particular a considerable mitigation of the statutory application of a most annoying withdrawal of a driving license; in his opinion, however, that ban should be optional and not obligatory. The author also praises the regulation of forfeiture of propesty, mainly because of the ban on its application if the decision to impose it were out of proportion with the seriousness of the transgression. Besides, the author fully approves of the renunciation of the former additional penalty, the “ban on pursuit of definite activity or performance of functions requiring a license”, and also of the labelling measure of publication of the sentence. In the sphere of general directives of the imposition of penal measures, the draft is based on the concept which combines elements of just retribution (proportional to guilt) and special prevention. The former directive is to define the maximum degree of severity of reaction under penal law, while the latter should influence the choice and extent of the penal measure applied. Unlike the draft of the Penal Code, the draft of the Transgressions Code does not include the directive of general prevention. The present author praises this omission and supports the opinion, popular in scientific community, that general prevention should be included in the statutory sanctions while its aims can be achieved within the directive of just retribution. With respect to the latter, the author argues that reaction of penal law should be commensurate not only with the guilt but also with the seriousness of the act; he also stresses that compensation for the damages done to the injured person should become an integral part of just retribution, and acquire an important position in the future Transgressions Code. Further discussion concerns alternatives to punishment, that is: (1) renunciaton of inflicting punishment, and (2) refusal to start proceedings before the boards for the adjudication of transgressions where the case is referred to other agencies (e.g. place of employment or school) for application of so-callcd educational measures. Under the draft, renunciation of inflicting punishment may consist both in a complete renunciation of applying any penal measure, and in rcnunciation of imposing a penalty which is combined with the application of another penal measure. In the author’s opinion; this solution has to be modified. The very name of the institution concerned here can hardly be squared with the possibility of applying a penal measure, often one ‒ e.g. withdrawal of a driving license ‒ that is actually more severe than a penalty such as a small fine. For this reason, the author’s suggestion aims at a situation where renunciation of inflicting punishment would consist only in abandonment of the application of any measures whatever. Instead, the possibilities of application of self-standing penal measures should be much extended and regulated by separate provisions. The other of the above-mentioned institutions, whose regulation violates the principle of definiteness of reaction under penal law, should be eliminated altogether. What also speaks for this solution is the fact that the institution concerned is based on a belief in the effectiveness of educational actions which has not been verified empirically; moreover, its application may expose the offender to consequences more severe (e.g. dismissal from work) than those resulting from proceedings before the beards for the adjudication of transgressions. In the final part of the paper, the author comments on the general conception of the Polish reform of broadly conceived penal law. He proclaims himself in favor of the opinion, found in literature, that Polish law has to be amended radically (based on the suggestions contained in the draft), and that the work on its codification have to proceed parallel to its amendment; they must also be given sufficient time to be completed.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1994, XX; 53-78
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Przestępstwa przeciwko rodzinie w kodeksie karnym Hiszpanii
Crime Against Family in the Spanish Penal Code
Autorzy:: Kunicka-Michalska, Barbara
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698738.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2008
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępstwa przeciwko rodzinie
kodeks karny
Hiszpania
crime against family
Spanish Penal Code
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 533-541
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: Penalizacja i jej ograniczenia
Penalization and its limitations
Autorzy:: Gardocki, Lech
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699198.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1985
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: penalizacja
ograniczenia
prawo karne
kodeks karny
społeczeństwo
penalization
limitations
penal law
penal code
society
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1985, XII; 11-16
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: Przybicie w toku egzekucji z nieruchomości
Autorzy:: Świeczkowski, Jarosław
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788214.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019-08-20
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: licytacja
licytacja z nieruchomości
kodeks postępowania cywinego
bailiff
Code of Civil Procedure
estate executions
Opis:: W artykule analizie poddano skutki wydania postanowienia o przybiciu w toku egzekucji z nieruchomości ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem argumentacji za przywróceniem regulacji dotyczących instytucji nadlicytacji obowiązujących w Kodeksie postępowania cywilnego z 1930 r. Cel badania stanowiło wykazanie, że powrót do tych regulacji wyeliminowałby zawieranie nieformalnych porozumień pomiędzy licytantami oraz dałoby potencjalnemu nabywcy więcej czasu na podjęcie decyzji o nabyciu nieruchomości. W artykule podjęto również próbę wykazania, że spełnienie postulatów de lege ferenda przez ustawodawcę w tym zakresie pozwoliłby na uzyskiwanie wyższej ceny za nieruchomość, będącą przedmiotem przetargu.
The article analyzes real estate execution with particular emphasis on the arguments for restoring the regulation of post-litigation institutions in the Civil Procedure Code of 1930. The purpose of the study was to show that a return to these regulations would eliminate informal agreements between bidders and give the potential buyer more time to take decision to purchase real estate. The article also attempts to show that compliance with the postulates by the legislator in this respect would allow obtaining a higher price for the real estate being the subject of the auction.
Źródło:: Studia Prawnicze; 2019, 2 (218); 85-95
0039-3312
2719-4302
Pojawia się w:: Studia Prawnicze
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: Efektywność nadzoru ochronnego (wyniki badań 232 recydywistów poddanych nadzorowi ochronnemu)
The effectiveness of protective supervision (results of a stud of 232 habitual criminals put under protective supersivion)
Autorzy:: Rzeplińska, Irena
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699072.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1983
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: recydywa
nadzór ochronny
recydywista
resocjalizacja
kodeks karny
protective supervision
recidivist
resocialization
Penal Code
recidivism
Opis:: 1.The 1969 Penal Code introduced a new system of sanctions for offences committed by habitual criminals in special circumstances. Two new categories of special recidivism are here introduced: special basic recidivism (Art. 60, § 1 of the Penal Code), and special multi-recidivism (Art. 60, § 2 of the Penal Code). The legal consequences of a conviction under Art. 60, § 1 or § 2 are as follows: 1) longer terms of imprisonment, 2)the application of special measures: protective supervison and commitment to a social readaptation centre, These measures take effect after the prison sentence has been served. Under the protective supervision system, the habitual offender is free, but supervised for a period of 3-5 years. The readaptation centre is a closed institution. The habitual offender is sent there for a minimum period of two years, up to a maximum of five years. After two years the penitentiary court may free the recidivist if it thinks he is unlikely to commit another crime after regaining his freedom. The conditions under which a person is sent to a readaptation centre differ, according to whether he or she was sentenced under Art. 60, §1 or Art. 60, § 2 of the Penal Code. A recidivist may be sent to a readaptation centre by either the criminal court or the penitentiary courts. The decision to apply these measures may be taken at diverse stages of the juridical and penitentiary process: 1) when the sentence is pronounced (by the criminal court), 2) towards the end of the prison sentence (penitentiary court), or 3) during the period of protective supervision (penitentiary court). In the first of the three stages mentioned above, the recidivist senrenced under Art. 60, § 1 of the Penal Code may or may not be put under protective supervison. It is not obligatory. In the case of a person sentenced under § 2 of Art. 60 of the Penal Code, it is obligatory either to put him under protecive supervision or to send him to a social readaptation centre. The decision to send a recidivist to a social readaptation centre (a more severe measure) is taken only if the court is of the opinion that protective supervision would be insufficient io prevent a return to crime. In the second of the three stages mentioned above, towards the end of the recidivists's sentence the penitentiary court takes the following decisions: 1) it may put the habitual criminal under protective supervision if that was not done in the sentence of the criminal court; 2) it may alter the decision of the criminal court and put the offender under a protective supervision order instead of sending him to a social readaptation centre. The third and last stage in which decisions are taken about the application of special measures, is when the offender is actually under the supervision of a Probation Officer. If the supervision is not working out satisfactorily, the recidivist may be sent to a social readaptation centre. 2.The habitual offender is supervised by a Probation Officer after he has served his prison sentence. No person who is under protective supervision may change his place of residence without the consent of the court. He is obliged to appear in court if summoned, and to carry out the court's recommendations (Art. 63 of the Penal Code). The court may order the recidivists: 1. to perform an obligation incumbent on the sentenced person to provide support for another person; 2. to perform specified work for a social purpose; 3. to perform remunerated work, pursuing an education or preparing for an occupation; 4. to refrain from abusing alcohol; 5. to submit to medical treatment; 6. to refrain from frequenting specified surroundings or places; 7. other appropriated behaviour in the period of protective supervision, if it may prevent the commission again of an offense. During the protective supervision period, the court may issue orders, or extend or alter those already given. During the protective supervision period the recidivist comes under the supervision of a Probation Officer appointed by the court, who at the same time is responsible for organizing the resocialization of the person being supervised. Protective supervision ceases: 1 when the appointed period of probation is at an end, and when probation has been successful, 2) Or aerlier, if the person being supervised fails to carry out the orders and obligations placed on him, or if he makes it impossible or difficult for the purpose of the protective supervison order to be attained (e.g. by committing a crime when under supervision, which means that the supervision was unsuccessful, 3) owing to causes which bring supervision to an end (e.g. death of the supervised person). 3. The study reported here dealt with one of the two special measures mentioned above - protective supervision. The main problem examined is the effectiveness of protective supervision. Protective supervision is a system which has two goals: one is to keep the supervised person from committing another crime (here we may speak of the restraining function of supervision), while the other is to resocialise the person on supervision (in this case we may speak of the resocialising function of probation). The key question asked by anyone who examines the effectiveness of some penal measure is: whether, and to what extent, does it attain its aims? With this definition in mind, the effectiveness of probation was examined in two fields. In the first (narrower) field, the author asked if there had been a juridical improvement in the behaviour of persons put under supervision. In the second (wider) field, success was measured by the extent of the supervised persons resocialisation - that is, an attempt was made to find out how the supervised person functioned in society, that is, whether he kept to the basic social norms that society expects,of its members. In both fields, the moment of time when effectiveness of supervision was assessed was that at which supervision ceased. Those who successfully completed their period of probation were checked again at the end of 38 months, to see whether or not they had reverted to crime. The group studied here consisted of all male recidivists in Warsaw who were put under a protective supervision order in 1971-1972. There were 232 persons in the group. Two research techniques were used. ln the first, the relevant documents were studied (documents concerning previous criminal caces, prison documents, records of the course of protective supervision, data, about previous convictions, as well as about periods spent in penal institutions and in remand). In the second, the recidivist was interviewed on the basis of a questionnaire. 4. Out of the 232 persons investigated, 43.1 % completed the supervision period successfully, 53.3% failed to do so, and in 3.4% of the cases death intervened. In this group of recidivists who had been put under supervision the author differentiated three groups: Group I - taken as having been resocialised during the supervision period, and as having successfully completed their supervision. This group consisted of 57 men (26% of the total number studied). Group II – regarded as not having been resocialised, but that completed the probation period successfully, without ill consequences for themselves. Group II consisted of 43 men (19% of the total). Group III, consisting of men who were not resocialised, and who as a result suffered the additional ill effect of being isolated in the social readaptation centre; this group failed to complete their supervision successfully. In this group were 124 men (55% of the total). Some of the unresocialised men in Group III did not carry out any of the duties or orders given them. Some reverted to crime even although for a time they carried out their duties and orders. Some did not carry out their duties and orders, and reverted to crime. In this group the supervision system failed to fulfil the functions expected of it. With regard to those who did not carry out their obligations and orders it failed in its resocialisation function, while with regard to the others, who committed a crime while under supervision, it failed in both its functions: restraint and resocialisation. The following characteristics were found in Groups I, II and III. Group I consisted mostly of the youngest men (only one-eighth of the group were over 40). They were educated at least up to elementary school standard (approx. age 14-15). During the probation period they carried out work that called for skills. They were physically healthy. In their case the supervision period was one in which their lives were financially more stable (they had paid jobs). They also had stable family lives, and started their own a families. Of all the groups, they had the fewest convictions up to the time the probation period began. They had mainly committed offences against property, but a significant number had been gauilty of crimes of a predominantly aggressive nature. Drunkenness was not noted among them during the supervision period. The men in this group declared that after they had come out of prison and been put under protective supervision they had no special trouble in beginning life again in freedom. They also said they were pleased with life. Group II consisted of men who, judged from the formal point of view, completed their supervision period successfully. But their behaviour during supervision, and above all their heavy drinking, does not justify us in regarding them as having been resocialised. These were habitual criminals who when put under supervision were older (mostly over the age of thirty), as compared witn the men in Group I. As many as a quarter of the men in Group II were habitual criminals aged forty and over. Compared with the men in Group I, they were less well educated, and worse qualified for jobs. Among them various types of physical complaints were found, possibly because they were older, and possibly also because they had a longer career of crime. Fewer of them were married. They seemed to make little effort to achieve financial stability. During the supervision period they frequently changed their job - often because of some infringement of discipline, or because they arbitrarily threw up their job. When they began probation, they had more convictions behind them than the men in Group I. Group II had the lowest number of men who had committed serious crimes against property, or serious aggressive crimes. They were guilty mostly of petty crimes. Above all the habitual criminals in this group are the most awkward ones from the social point of view. They were the ones who mostly said they were dissatisfied with their lives. While on supervision they did not give up heavy drinking. Moreover, although ordered to take a "drying-out" cure , they did not go for treatment at all, or did so irregularly. Before their conviction they had worked irregularly, with gaps in between jobs, but during the whole supervision period they worked. Groups III: protective supervision was a failure with group. As compared with the other groups the men in this one had more previous convictions - the average number of previous convictions being nearly six. More of them, as compared with the men in the other groups, went in mainly for crimes against property; the minority went in for crimes of a predominantly aggressive character and crimes of diverse types. Half of the men in Group II came into the 21-30 age group when ,they began supervision, while the other half were older (moreover, one-seventh were habitual criminals aged over forty). Even at the beginning of supervision the men in this group were in a worse situation than the others - especially as compared with the men in Group II, for they were worse educated, and worse prepared for earning living. The majority of the men in this group were single. Only one in five was married. Their health was noticeably poorer than that of the men in the other groups. Most of the men in this group drank heavilly during the supervision period. The men here confessed that immediately after getting out of prison they had trouble in getting back to a normal life. The main obstacles were lack of money, and the difficulty in finding a job. When questioned they said that on the whole they were not happy about their lives. The majority (72.6%) had reverted to crime while on supervision. The others had been taken out of supervision because they did not carry out their obligations ot the orders or the probation officer. 6. In this study of men put under protective supervision, one in every four is reckoned to have been a success. it was noted that during the supervision period factors that made for success were: setting up a family, having a regular skilled job, and avoidance of heavy drinking. In view of the above, it is the youngest habitual criminals who have the best chance of completing their supervision period successfultry. Age is in their favour, they have a better chance of a stable family life, they are better educated, better fitted for a job, they do not show the symptoms of social degradation associated with alcoholism, Because of these factors they are more likely to be able to return to a normal life. 7. During a period of 38 months from the end of the each man's supervision period, a check was kept on whether or not these men had further convictions. The men covered by this part of the study were those in Groups I and II, that is, those who successfully completed their probation. Thirteen men from Group I and twelve men from Group II (that is, twenty-five men altogether), had subsequent convictions. They constituted 25% of the two groups. It may therefore be stated that the majority (three-quarters) of the men in Groups I and II had no convictions during the thirty-eight months following the end of their supervision period. 8. In the supervised groups studied here, we took one quarter as having been resocialised by the end of supervision, one-fifth as having at most improved formally, and over a half as not having been resocialised - in their case supervision ended in failure. On the basis of this study it may be stated that the chief criterion on which the man on supervision was judged (and on which the success of the supervision proces was judged) was whether or not he carried out the instruction to have a paid job. This was due to two reasons: in the first place, if the man was in paid employment, it mean that he was fulfilling at least the minimum of the demands made on him during the supervision period (this minimum was: to earn his own living). Secondly, it was easy for both the Probation Officer and for the man he was supervising to check whether this order was being carried out, and how. The implementation of their instructions was treated as being of less importance. The main one was to have paid employment. If the man being supervised was in a job, but failed to carry out other instructions given to him, the Probation Officers did not ask for him to be taken off supervision. At the present moment, when reform of the criminal law in Poland is under discussion, one of the problems being examined is that of the penal liability of people who revert to crime, and the question of what legal penalties should be imposed on them. It has been pointed out during this discussion that the severe legal penalties imposed on habitual criminals during the last ten years have not been effective. Consequently the question still remains open: whether we should not apply the special measures described above - protective supervision or commitment to a social readaptation centre after the prison sentence is served. What we have learned from the use of a closed institution such as a social readaptation centre shows that it is completely ineffective. As for protective supervision, it has been postulated that this way of controlling the behaviour of habitual criminals should be transferred from the sphere of penal measures to the sphere of social security measures. It has been suggested that within the framework of post penitentiary care, specific medsures to help, which would be carried out by the probation officers, would be available to habitual criminals after coming out of prison.
1.The 1969 Penal Code introduced a new system of sanctions for offences committed by habitual criminals in special circumstances. Two new categories of special recidivism are here introduced: special basic recidivism (Art. 60, § 1 of the Penal Code), and special multi-recidivism (Art. 60, § 2 of the Penal Code). The legal consequences of a conviction under Art. 60, § 1 or § 2 are as follows: 1) longer terms of imprisonment, 2)the application of special measures: protective supervison and commitment to a social readaptation centre, These measures take effect after the prison sentence has been served. Under the protective supervision system, the habitual offender is free, but supervised for a period of 3-5 years. The readaptation centre is a closed institution. The habitual offender is sent there for a minimum period of two years, up to a maximum of five years. After two years the penitentiary court may free the recidivist if it thinks he is unlikely to commit another crime after regaining his freedom. The conditions under which a person is sent to a readaptation centre differ, according to whether he or she was sentenced under Art. 60, §1 or Art. 60, § 2 of the Penal Code. A recidivist may be sent to a readaptation centre by either the criminal court or the penitentiary courts. The decision to apply these measures may be taken at diverse stages of the juridical and penitentiary process: 1) when the sentence is pronounced (by the criminal court), 2) towards the end of the prison sentence (penitentiary court), or 3) during the period of protective supervision (penitentiary court). In the first of the three stages mentioned above, the recidivist senrenced under Art. 60, § 1 of the Penal Code may or may not be put under protective supervison. It is not obligatory. In the case of a person sentenced under § 2 of Art. 60 of the Penal Code, it is obligatory either to put him under protecive supervision or to send him to a social readaptation centre. The decision to send a recidivist to a social readaptation centre (a more severe measure) is taken only if the court is of the opinion that protective supervision would be insufficient io prevent a return to crime. In the second of the three stages mentioned above, towards the end of the recidivists's sentence the penitentiary court takes the following decisions: 1) it may put the habitual criminal under protective supervision if that was not done in the sentence of the criminal court; 2) it may alter the decision of the criminal court and put the offender under a protective supervision order instead of sending him to a social readaptation centre. The third and last stage in which decisions are taken about the application of special measures, is when the offender is actually under the supervision of a Probation Officer. If the supervision is not working out satisfactorily, the recidivist may be sent to a social readaptation centre. 2.The habitual offender is supervised by a Probation Officer after he has served his prison sentence. No person who is under protective supervision may change his place of residence without the consent of the court. He is obliged to appear in court if summoned, and to carry out the court's recommendations (Art. 63 of the Penal Code). The court may order the recidivists: 1. to perform an obligation incumbent on the sentenced person to provide support for another person; 2. to perform specified work for a social purpose; 3. to perform remunerated work, pursuing an education or preparing for an occupation; 4. to refrain from abusing alcohol; 5. to submit to medical treatment; 6. to refrain from frequenting specified surroundings or places; 7. other appropriated behaviour in the period of protective supervision, if it may prevent the commission again of an offense. During the protective supervision period, the court may issue orders, or extend or alter those already given. During the protective supervision period the recidivist comes under the supervision of a Probation Officer appointed by the court, who at the same time is responsible for organizing the resocialization of the person being supervised. Protective supervision ceases: 1 when the appointed period of probation is at an end, and when probation has been successful, 2) Or aerlier, if the person being supervised fails to carry out the orders and obligations placed on him, or if he makes it impossible or difficult for the purpose of the protective supervison order to be attained (e.g. by committing a crime when under supervision, which means that the supervision was unsuccessful, 3) owing to causes which bring supervision to an end (e.g. death of the supervised person). 3. The study reported here dealt with one of the two special measures mentioned above - protective supervision. The main problem examined is the effectiveness of protective supervision. Protective supervision is a system which has two goals: one is to keep the supervised person from committing another crime (here we may speak of the restraining function of supervision), while the other is to resocialise the person on supervision (in this case we may speak of the resocialising function of probation). The key question asked by anyone who examines the effectiveness of some penal measure is: whether, and to what extent, does it attain its aims? With this definition in mind, the effectiveness of probation was examined in two fields. In the first (narrower) field, the author asked if there had been a juridical improvement in the behaviour of persons put under supervision. In the second (wider) field, success was measured by the extent of the supervised persons resocialisation - that is, an attempt was made to find out how the supervised person functioned in society, that is, whether he kept to the basic social norms that society expects,of its members. In both fields, the moment of time when effectiveness of supervision was assessed was that at which supervision ceased. Those who successfully completed their period of probation were checked again at the end of 38 months, to see whether or not they had reverted to crime. The group studied here consisted of all male recidivists in Warsaw who were put under a protective supervision order in 1971-1972. There were 232 persons in the group. Two research techniques were used. ln the first, the relevant documents were studied (documents concerning previous criminal caces, prison documents, records of the course of protective supervision, data, about previous convictions, as well as about periods spent in penal institutions and in remand). In the second, the recidivist was interviewed on the basis of a questionnaire. 4. Out of the 232 persons investigated, 43.1 % completed the supervision period successfully, 53.3% failed to do so, and in 3.4% of the cases death intervened. In this group of recidivists who had been put under supervision the author differentiated three groups: Group I - taken as having been resocialised during the supervision period, and as having successfully completed their supervision. This group consisted of 57 men (26% of the total number studied). Group II – regarded as not having been resocialised, but that completed the probation period successfully, without ill consequences for themselves. Group II consisted of 43 men (19% of the total). Group III, consisting of men who were not resocialised, and who as a result suffered the additional ill effect of being isolated in the social readaptation centre; this group failed to complete their supervision successfully. In this group were 124 men (55% of the total). Some of the unresocialised men in Group III did not carry out any of the duties or orders given them. Some reverted to crime even although for a time they carried out their duties and orders. Some did not carry out their duties and orders, and reverted to crime. In this group the supervision system failed to fulfil the functions expected of it. With regard to those who did not carry out their obligations and orders it failed in its resocialisation function, while with regard to the others, who committed a crime while under supervision, it failed in both its functions: restraint and resocialisation. The following characteristics were found in Groups I, II and III. Group I consisted mostly of the youngest men (only one-eighth of the group were over 40). They were educated at least up to elementary school standard (approx. age 14-15). During the probation period they carried out work that called for skills. They were physically healthy. In their case the supervision period was one in which their lives were financially more stable (they had paid jobs). They also had stable family lives, and started their own a families. Of all the groups, they had the fewest convictions up to the time the probation period began. They had mainly committed offences against property, but a significant number had been gauilty of crimes of a predominantly aggressive nature. Drunkenness was not noted among them during the supervision period. The men in this group declared that after they had come out of prison and been put under protective supervision they had no special trouble in beginning life again in freedom. They also said they were pleased with life. Group II consisted of men who, judged from the formal point of view, completed their supervision period successfully. But their behaviour during supervision, and above all their heavy drinking, does not justify us in regarding them as having been resocialised. These were habitual criminals who when put under supervision were older (mostly over the age of thirty), as compared witn the men in Group I. As many as a quarter of the men in Group II were habitual criminals aged forty and over. Compared with the men in Group I, they were less well educated, and worse qualified for jobs. Among them various types of physical complaints were found, possibly because they were older, and possibly also because they had a longer career of crime. Fewer of them were married. They seemed to make little effort to achieve financial stability. During the supervision period they frequently changed their job - often because of some infringement of discipline, or because they arbitrarily threw up their job. When they began probation, they had more convictions behind them than the men in Group I. Group II had the lowest number of men who had committed serious crimes against property, or serious aggressive crimes. They were guilty mostly of petty crimes. Above all the habitual criminals in this group are the most awkward ones from the social point of view. They were the ones who mostly said they were dissatisfied with their lives. While on supervision they did not give up heavy drinking. Moreover, although ordered to take a "drying-out" cure , they did not go for treatment at all, or did so irregularly. Before their conviction they had worked irregularly, with gaps in between jobs, but during the whole supervision period they worked. Groups III: protective supervision was a failure with group. As compared with the other groups the men in this one had more previous convictions - the average number of previous convictions being nearly six. More of them, as compared with the men in the other groups, went in mainly for crimes against property; the minority went in for crimes of a predominantly aggressive character and crimes of diverse types. Half of the men in Group II came into the 21-30 age group when ,they began supervision, while the other half were older (moreover, one-seventh were habitual criminals aged over forty). Even at the beginning of supervision the men in this group were in a worse situation than the others - especially as compared with the men in Group II, for they were worse educated, and worse prepared for earning living. The majority of the men in this group were single. Only one in five was married. Their health was noticeably poorer than that of the men in the other groups. Most of the men in this group drank heavilly during the supervision period. The men here confessed that immediately after getting out of prison they had trouble in getting back to a normal life. The main obstacles were lack of money, and the difficulty in finding a job. When questioned they said that on the whole they were not happy about their lives. The majority (72.6%) had reverted to crime while on supervision. The others had been taken out of supervision because they did not carry out their obligations ot the orders or the probation officer. 6. In this study of men put under protective supervision, one in every four is reckoned to have been a success. it was noted that during the supervision period factors that made for success were: setting up a family, having a regular skilled job, and avoidance of heavy drinking. In view of the above, it is the youngest habitual criminals who have the best chance of completing their supervision period successfultry. Age is in their favour, they have a better chance of a stable family life, they are better educated, better fitted for a job, they do not show the symptoms of social degradation associated with alcoholism, Because of these factors they are more likely to be able to return to a normal life. 7. During a period of 38 months from the end of the each man's supervision period, a check was kept on whether or not these men had further convictions. The men covered by this part of the study were those in Groups I and II, that is, those who successfully completed their probation. Thirteen men from Group I and twelve men from Group II (that is, twenty-five men altogether), had subsequent convictions. They constituted 25% of the two groups. It may therefore be stated that the majority (three-quarters) of the men in Groups I and II had no convictions during the thirty-eight months following the end of their supervision period. 8. In the supervised groups studied here, we took one quarter as having been resocialised by the end of supervision, one-fifth as having at most improved formally, and over a half as not having been resocialised - in their case supervision ended in failure. On the basis of this study it may be stated that the chief criterion on which the man on supervision was judged (and on which the success of the supervision proces was judged) was whether or not he carried out the instruction to have a paid job. This was due to two reasons: in the first place, if the man was in paid employment, it mean that he was fulfilling at least the minimum of the demands made on him during the supervision period (this minimum was: to earn his own living). Secondly, it was easy for both the Probation Officer and for the man he was supervising to check whether this order was being carried out, and how. The implementation of their instructions was treated as being of less importance. The main one was to have paid employment. If the man being supervised was in a job, but failed to carry out other instructions given to him, the Probation Officers did not ask for him to be taken off supervision. At the present moment, when reform of the criminal law in Poland is under discussion, one of the problems being examined is that of the penal liability of people who revert to crime, and the question of what legal penalties should be imposed on them. It has been pointed out during this discussion that the severe legal penalties imposed on habitual criminals during the last ten years have not been effective. Consequently the question still remains open: whether we should not apply the special measures described above - protective supervision or commitment to a social readaptation centre after the prison sentence is served. What we have learned from the use of a closed institution such as a social readaptation centre shows that it is completely ineffective. As for protective supervision, it has been postulated that this way of controlling the behaviour of habitual criminals should be transferred from the sphere of penal measures to the sphere of social security measures. It has been suggested that within the framework of post penitentiary care, specific medsures to help, which would be carried out by the probation officers, would be available to habitual criminals after coming out of prison.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1983, X; 55-85
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Prawnokarne i kryminologiczne aspekty przemocy domowej w Szwajcarii
Criminal and criminological aspects of domestic violence in Switzerland
Autorzy:: Dajnowicz-Piesiecka, Diana
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698812.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2019
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przemoc domowa
Szwajcaria
prawo karne
szwajcarski kodeks karny
domestic violence
Switzerland
the Swiss Criminal Code
Opis:: The article is about domestic violence in Switzerland. The problem of domestic violence is presented from a criminal and criminological perspective. The phenomenon of domestic violence in the Swiss experience has not been studied or described in the Polish literature on criminal law and criminology, so the main aim of the study was to expand the knowledge about crimes related to family violence committed in Switzerland and to present a picture of this type of crime. The dogmatic and statistical methods were used. The first part of the study presents a historical outline of the problem. This section also describes selected criminological theories explaining the causes of violent behaviour and various definitions of domestic violence. The second part of the article contains a description of the crimes from the Swiss Criminal Code which have been registered by the local police as being committed in connection with domestic violence. The third part of the article presents the criminological aspects of domestic violence in Switzerland. This section describes the structure, size and dynamics of crime related to domestic violence. Information on the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator of the crime is also presented in this part. The article also includes information on the proportion of domestic offences in the total number of all violent crimes and information on the perpetrators of crimes of domestic violence (e.g., their age and gender).
Artykuł dotyczy problemu przemocy domowej w Szwajcarii, który ujęto z perspektywy prawnokarnej i kryminologicznej. Zjawisko przemocy domowej w świetle doświadczeń szwajcarskich nie było dotąd badane i opisywane w polskiej literaturze prawnokarnej i kryminologicznej, więc za główny cel opracowania obrano rozwinięcie wiedzy na temat przestępstw związanych z przemocą w rodzinie popełnianych w Szwajcarii oraz przedstawienie obrazu przestępczości tego rodzaju. W tym celu wykorzystano metodę dogmatyczną i statystyczną. W pierwszej części opracowania przedstawiono skromny rys historyczny przedmiotowego problemu, a także odniesiono się do wybranych teorii kryminologicznych objaśniających przyczyny zachowań przemocowych. Następnie skupiono się na zagadnieniach definicyjnych dotyczących pojęcia „przemocy domowej”. Drugą część artykułu poświęcono prawnokarnym aspektom przemocy w rodzinie. Zaprezentowano w niej przestępstwa ze szwajcarskiego Kodeksu karego, które rejestrowane są przez tamtejszą policję jako popełniane w związku z przemocą domową. Trzecia część opracowania obejmuje kryminologiczne aspekty przemocy domowej, do której dochodzi w Szwajcarii. Zjawisko przedstawiono przez pryzmat jego struktury, rozmiarów i dynamiki. Zaprezentowano także informacje dotyczące charakteru relacji między ofiarą a sprawcą przestępstwa oraz dane dotyczące udziału przestępstw domowych w ogólnej liczbie wszystkich przestępstw popełnianych z użyciem przemocy oraz wiadomości o sprawcach przestępstw przemocy domowej.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2019, XLI/2; 287-334
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Zasada in dubio pro libertate w przepisach kodeksu postępowania administracyjnego
Autorzy:: Smarż, Joanna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788242.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2017-03-13
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: kodeks postępowania administracyjnego
zasada in dubio
pro libertate
principle in dubio
Code of Administrative Procedure
Opis:: The provisions of the Act of 7 April 2017 amending the Act - Administrative Procedure Code and some other acts, made significant changes to the Act on the Administrative Procedure Code. The purpose of this amendment was to change the perception of the administration from a position of power to a more friendly interest, to implement the principle of citizens’ trust to the state authorities. Important practical significance in this scope is to meet the new general principle of ,,friendly interpretation of law” (in dubio pro libertate) introduced in the added Article 7a of Administrative Procedure Code and a new rule for resolving doubts in favor of the party added in Art. 81a of Administrative Procedure Code, which relates to evidence. Both principles are to protect the individual from the imperious ruling authority, which in case of doubt, their weight and consequences often throws them at the side, as the weakest subject of the administrative relationship. In the light of both regulations, in case of doubts as to whether the provisions are properly interpreted or factual, the authority is obliged to resolve the dispute in favor of party to the administrative proceedings.
Źródło:: Studia Prawnicze; 2017, 4 (212); 57-73
0039-3312
2719-4302
Pojawia się w:: Studia Prawnicze
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: The practice of applying the provision of Article 297 of the Polish Penal Code
Autorzy:: Gutbier, Katarzyna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788439.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-06-24
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: oszustwo kredytowe
polski kodeks karny
wyroki
orzecznictwo
case law
credit fraud
Polish Penal Code
judgements
Opis:: The aim of the publication is to present the results of research on the issue of the application of the provision of Article 297 of Polish Penal Code in practice and an attempt to evaluate them and an attempt to formulate conclusions. The features characterizing the oﬀense under Article 297 § 1 of Polish Penal Code, which reads as follows: who, in order to obtain for himself or someone else, from a bank or organizational unit conducting similar economic activity under the Act or from an authority or institution with public funds - credit, monetary loan, surety, guarantee, letter of credit, subsidy, subsidy, conﬁrmation by the bank of a liability arising from a surety or a guarantee or similar cash payment for a speciﬁc business purpose, payment instrument or public contract, submit counterfeit, converted, attesting untruth or unreliable document or unreliable written statement regarding circumstances of signiﬁcant importance in order to obtain the mentioned ﬁnancial support, payment instrument or order, it is punishable by imprisonment up from 3 months to 5 years. Discussed are also the indications of committing an act consisting in abandoning the notiﬁcation in Article 297 § 2 of Polish Penal Code, worded as follows: who, in breach of a binding obligation, does not notify the relevant entity of the situation that may aﬀect the cessation or limitation of the ﬁnancial support referred to in § 1 or the public order or the possibility of further use of the electronic payment instrument. Next, the methodology of the research was described in detail. The research was of an ﬁles nature and concerned ﬁnal judgments issued by courts of second instance. The time period of researches was from 2012 to 2016. A purposeful selection was also made due to the legal qualiﬁcation of the deed on the basis of which the conviction was handed down in the ﬁrst instance, i.e. the oﬀenses under Article 297 of Polish Penal Code. Then the results of the research were presented and an attempt was made to comment on the results obtained. The conclusions from the research indicated, among others, the cases of lack of correct understanding of the provision, confusion of concepts, unnecessary automatic cumulative classiﬁcation of the deed, narrowing the use of the instruments mentioned in the provision to credits, loans and subsidies, and many more cases.
Celem publikacji jest przedstawienie wyników badań dotyczących problematyki zastosowania przepisu art. 297 k.k. w praktyce oraz podjęcie próby ich oceny i sformułowania wniosków. Opisano znamiona charakteryzujące przestępstwo z art. 297 § 1 k.k., który brzmi następująco: kto, w celu uzyskania dla siebie lub kogo innego, od banku lub jednostki organizacyjnej prowadzącej podobną działalność gospodarczą na podstawie ustawy albo od organu lub instytucji dysponujących środkami publicznymi – kredytu, pożyczki pieniężnej, poręczenia, gwarancji, akredytywy, dotacji, subwencji, potwierdzenia przez bank zobowiązania wynikającego z poręczenia lub z gwarancji lub podobnego świadczenia pieniężnego na określony cel gospodarczy, instrumentu płatniczego lub zamówienia publicznego, przedkłada podrobiony, przerobiony, poświadczający nieprawdę albo nierzetelny dokument albo nierzetelne, pisemne oświadczenie dotyczące okoliczności o istotnym znaczeniu dla uzyskania wymienionego wsparcia fnansowego, instrumentu płatniczego lub zamówienia, podlega karze pozbawienia wolności od 3 miesięcy do lat 5. Omówiono także znamiona popełnienia czynu polegającego na zaniechaniu powiadomienia z art. 297 § 2 k.k., o następującym brzmieniu: kto wbrew ciążącemu obowiązkowi, nie powiadamia właściwego podmiotu o powstaniu sytuacji mogącej mieć wpływ na wstrzymanie albo ograniczenie wysokości udzielonego wsparcia fnansowego, określonego w § 1, lub zamówienia publicznego albo na możliwość dalszego korzystania z instrumentu płatniczego. Następnie została dokładnie opisana metodologia przeprowadzonych badań. Badania miały charakter aktowy i dotyczyły prawomocnych orzeczeń wydanych przez sądy drugiej instancji. Cezurą czasową objęto okres od 2012 do 2016. Dokonano także wyboru celowego ze względu na kwalifkacje prawną czynu na podstawie, którego dokonano skazania w pierwszej instancji, tj. przestępstwa z art. 297 k.k. Następnie przedstawiono wyniki badań oraz podjęto próbę skomentowania otrzymanych rezultatów. Wnioski z badań wskazały, między innymi, na przypadki występowania braku prawidłowego zrozumienia przepisu, mylenie pojęć, niepotrzebnej automatycznej kumulatywnej kwalifkacji czynu, zawężenie stosowania instrumentów wymienionych w przepisie do kredytu, pożyczki oraz dotacji oraz a wiele innych.
Źródło:: Biuletyn Kryminologiczny; 2018, 25; 197-222
2084-5375
Pojawia się w:: Biuletyn Kryminologiczny
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Przestępstwo kradzieży tożsamości po zmianach wprowadzonych ustawą z 31 marca 2020 r. nowelizującej przepisy w sprawie COVID-19
Autorzy:: Budyn-Kulik, Magdalena
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1788166.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-02-27
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: kodeks karny
kradzież tożsamości
wizerunek
dane osobowe
identyfikacja
Criminal Code
identity theft
picture
personal data
identification
Opis:: Ustawa z dnia 31 marca 2020 r. o zmianie ustawy o szczególnych rozwiązaniach związanych z zapobieganiem, przeciwdziałaniem i zwalczaniem COVID-19, innych chorób zakaźnych oraz wywoływanych nimi sytuacji kryzysowych zmieniła m.in. treść przepisu art. 190 a § 2 k.k. W pierwotnym brzmieniu tego przepisu kryminalizowane było zachowanie polegające na podszywanie się pod inną osobę z wykorzystaniem jej wizerunku lub innych danych osobowych w celu wyrządzenia jej szkody majątkowej lub osobistej. Wizerunek jest pojęciem niełatwym do zdefiniowania. Przyjmuje się, że obejmuje obraz człowieka oraz inne cechy postrzegalne zewnętrznie pozwalające na jego identyfikację. Pojęcie danych osobowych zostało zdefiniowane w rozporządzeniu Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady (UE) jako wszelkie informacje o możliwej do zidentyfikowania osobie fizycznej. Obecnie ustawodawca wprowadził dodatkowe znamię – „inne dane, za pomocą których jest ona publicznie identyfikowana”. Zasadność wprowadzenia tego znamienia oraz sposób jego ukształtowania budzi wątpliwości; w szczególności określenia „publicznie” oraz „jest identyfikowana”. Zarówno pojęcie wizerunku, jak i danych osobowych, mieszczą się w znamieniu „innych danych”.
The Act of March 31, 2020 changed, inter alia, the content of the provision of Art. 190 a § 2 of the Polish Criminal Code. In the original wording of this provision, conduct consisting of impersonating another person using his/her image or other personal data in order to inflict material or personal harm on her/ him was criminalized. Image is not an easy concept to define. It is assumed to include the appearance of a person and other externally perceptible features that allow for their identification. The concept of personal data has been defined in the Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council (EU) as any information relating to an identifiable natural person. Currently, the legislator has introduced an additional element - 'other data by means of which it is publicly identified'. The legitimacy of introducing this characteristic and the way it was shaped raise doubts; in particular, the terms 'in public' and 'is identified'. Both the concept of image and personal data fall under the term 'other data'.
Źródło:: Studia Prawnicze; 2020, 2(222); 23-38
0039-3312
2719-4302
Pojawia się w:: Studia Prawnicze
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 14.

Tytuł:: Granice nieletniości w polskim prawie karnym
The Statutory Age-Limits of Juvenile Delinquenta in Polish Penal Law
Autorzy:: Rdzanek-Piwowar, Grażyna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698533.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1993
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: nieletni przestępcy
nieletni
polskie prawo karne
kodeks karny
juvenile delinquents
juveniles
polish penal law
penal code
Opis:: The entering into force on 13 May l983 of the Act on the treatment of juveniles of 26 October 1982 ended the period of over fifty years of validity of provisions of the penal code of 1932 (Chapter XI) and code of criminal procedure of 1928 (Chapter II of Book XI) which regulated the principles of responsibility of juvenile perpetrators of “acts prohibited under penalty”. Authors of the pre-war legislation, at the first stage of its preparation in particular, intended to make it specific and educational in nature through omission in the treatment of juveniles of the elements of responsibility and punishment. The finally adopted solution was a compromise: responsibility of juveniles have been related to age, discernment, and type of measures applied. With respect to undiscerning juvenile perpetrators of acts prohibited under penalty under the age of 13, and also to those aged 13–17, only educational measures could be applied (admonition; supervision by the parents, former guardians, or a probation officer; placement in an educational institution) Juveniles aged 13–17 who discerned the meaning of their act were to be placed in a correction al institution; educational measures were to be applied in their cases if the circumstances, the juvenile’s personality or his living conditions made such placement inexpedient. Thus the legislation concerning juveniles remained part of the system of penal law in spite of the special features it started to acquire. That was also the direction, after the war in particular, of interpretation of the legal provisions. As a result, the measures applied to juveniles were given an explicitly educational character. This was done through the relation of those imeasures to the perpetrator’s personality and not to the act, and through abolition of the institution of discernment. Since discernment. Since mid–1950s, the juvenile courts followed instructions which changed the legal status of a juvenile. The age limit of penal responsibility of juveniles was set initially at ten and then at 13 years; younger children were not to be brought before the courts unless the case concerned guardianship. Many changes in the post-war provisions were also introduced by means of statutes. They concerned organization and functioning of the system of treatment of juveniles (strengthening of the role of judge, introduction of the so-called family courts, increased number of probation officers). This way, a socially desirable continuation of the legal tradition was secured by means of reforms which were evolutionary and dictated by the current needs, and without liquidation of the existing structures, tested in the practice of many decades. The new statute adopted many of those changes more or less directly. Setting the upper age limit of juveniles, the post-war penal code of 1969 preserved the principle according to which criminal responsibility is conditioned upon the offender’s age of at least 17 (Art. 9). At the same time, though, Art. 9 made it possible to apply to offenders aged 17 the measures normally designed for juveniles, and to sentence juveniles aged 16 guilty of the most serious crimes to the ordinary but extraordinarily mitigated penalties. The final shape of the Act on the treatment of juveniles of 26 October 1982 was influenced both by the intent to preserve the developed and tested solutions, and by the discussion that preceded its introduction when optional conceptions of the treatment of juveniles were submitted. The following stages of the thirty-two years’ period of legislative works can be distinguished: – the years 1950–1956; long works on a new penal code were in progress and attempts were made at aggravating the responsibility of juveniles through the introduction of penalties (according to a draft of 1950, penalties were to be imposed on juveniles starting from the age of 12); – the years 1956–1960; in 1956, it was decided to work on a separate statute on juvenil and not within the preparation of a new penal code; a special team of the Codification Commission failed to agree upon a draft of the statute; – the years 1961–65; no legislative works were formally in progres but two different conceptions were discussed: of inclusion of prevention in the act (which would thus apply to the socially maladjusted juveniles as well) and of introduction of social courts; – the years 1966–1971; attempts were made at partly realizing those conceptions in a succession of draft statutes; – the years 1972–76; the works were conducted by the Ministry of Education which tried to include the problems of prevention of juvenile delinquency and treatment of juveniles in a broader statute called the young generation code; – the years 1977–82 when the works on a statute were again taken over by the Ministry of Justice and a succession of versions of the draft were prepared. The Act of 26 October 1982 on the treatment of juveniles changed the scope of the notion of “juvenile”. According to the statutory definition, juveniles are: 1) persons with respect to whom provisions of the act apply in the sphere of prevention and control of demoralization; the upper age limit in this category is 18 years, and the lower limit is not specified; 2) persons with respect to whom provisions of the statute apply in the sphere of proceedings in cases of punishable acts; such proceedings can be instituted towards persons who have been aged over 13 but under 17 while committing a punishable act; 3) persons with respect to whom provisions of the statute apply in connection with the carrying out of educational or corrective measures; the upper age limit of this category is 21 years. Tlerefore, the statute goes beyond the sphere traditionally reserved for penal law. The aim at making the statute educational in nature is manifested above all by the principle that the commission by a juvenile of a punishable act is not the only condition of the institution of proceedings in the case of that juvenile. The statute sanctions the need for intervention in the early stage of social maladjustment not only in cases where that maladjustment manifests itself in a punishable act. If a juvenile does commit an act of this kind, his offence is not examined in the categories of guilt and responsibility. This is manifested by the abolition of the criteria of discernment, by the term “punishable act” used to designate an offence committed by a juvenile, and by the absence of the term “responsibility of juveniles” in the name and provisions of the statute discussed. The statute bases on the assumption of education; its basic notion is demoralization. In its first meaning in which it has been used by the legislator, “demoralization'” is treated as a prerequisite of initiation of proceedings. Were the educational assumptions adopted to the full, commission of a punishable act could and should be treated as one of the symptoms of demoralization, not different in any way from the other symptoms. Assumed in the statute, however, is a special treatment of the juveniles with respecr to whom provisions of the statute apply in the sphere of prevention of demoralization, and in the sphere of control of demoralization. With respect to the latter, provisions of the statute on proceedings in cases of punishable acts apply, and with respect to the former – provisions on civil proceedings. The differentiation introduced by the statute (which is not consistent for that matter) results from a specific compromise: a combination of the ideas of prevention and education with the approach typical of penal law where the legal response is conditioned upon the gravity of the act. A conflict of the tendencies which clash nowadays all over the world – to preserve the model of treatment of juveniles within the institutions of penal law on the one hand, and to give the statute an educational character on the other hand – can be noticed in other provisions of the statute discussed as well. In the classical system, the age limits of juveniles were clear and had just as clearly defined functions – they marked out the age of the so-called conditional criminal responsibility, provided discernment could be ascertained. Today, the upper limit of the age of juveniles is usually also the limit of full criminal responsibility, although many legislations provide for an exceptional possibility of imposition of penalties upon the oldest juveniles who commit a crime or a serious offence. The problem of the lower limit is more entangled , the modern legislations adopting several age limits here which results usually from the need to determine different scopes of intervention of the legal provisions in the sphere of juvenile law. Therefore, what still remains an important issue is for the juvenile law to define an age limit below which provisions of penal law never apply, not even as auxiliaries.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1993, XIX; 191-231
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 15.

Tytuł:: The emergence of community control sanctions in the Romanian sanctioning system
Wdrożenie kar probacyjnych do systemu kar w Rumunii
Autorzy:: Oancea, Gabriel
Micle, Mihai Ioan
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375562.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020-04-24
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: Romania
probation system
community control sanctions
Penal Code
prisons
Rumunia
system probacyjny
kary probacyjne
Kodeks karny
więzienia
Opis:: This article presents the context that led to the establishment of the probation system in Romania, on the background of undertaking of some reforms of the criminal sanctions system. The necessity of achieving them was represented by the difficulties faced by the penitentiary system before and after 1989, but also by the need to align the administration of penalties to the requirements imposed by the country‘s accession to the Council of Europe and the European Union. Eighteen years after the creation of the probation system within the Ministry of Justice, it can be stated that, this endeavor constitutes a success, but it is absolutely necessary to continue the efforts towards its consolidation. In addition, these measures have to be accompanied by a change of vision in relation to how other community members can be involved in the process of social reintegration of persons in conflict with the criminal law.
This article presents the context that led to the establishment of the probation system in Romania in relation to some reforms of the criminal sanctioning system. These reforms were necessary because of the difficulties faced by the penitentiary system before and after 1989, as well as the need to align the administration of penalties with the requirements imposed by the country’s accession to the Council of Europe and the European Union. Eighteen years after the creation of the probation system within the Ministry of Justice, it can be stated that this endeavour constitutes a success, but it is absolutely necessary to continue the efforts towards consolidating it. In addition, these measures have to be accompanied by a change of vision in relation to how other community members can be involved in the process of social reintegration of individuals who have broken the law. W artykule został przedstawiony proces wdrożenia systemu probacyjnego w Rumunii w kontekście reform dotyczących zmian systemu sankcji karnych. Z uwagi na trudności, z jakimi borykał się system penitencjarny w Rumunii przed rokiem 1989 i po tym roku, wprowadzenie takich zmian było konieczne. Przemawiała za tym także potrzeba dostosowania systemu karnego do wymogów nałożonych na państwa członkowskie przez Radę Europy i Unię Europejską. Z perspektywy 18 lat od wdrożenia systemu probacyjnego w ramach Ministerstwa Sprawiedliwości przedsięwzięcie to jest uznawane za sukces. Konieczne wydaje się jednak kontynuowanie dotychczasowego wysiłku, by system ten dodatkowo umocnić. Wykonywaniu środków probacyjnych musi bowiem towarzyszyć zmiana co do postrzegania przez członków społeczeństwa konieczności ich zaangażowania w proces reintegracji społecznej osób, które weszły w konflikt z prawem.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2020, XLII/1; 207-224
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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