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Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 73
Tytuł:
Finansowanie projektów kulturalnych z funduszy Unii Europejskiej na przykładzie programu „Europa dla obywateli
Autorzy:
Majorek, Marta
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/528522.pdf
Data publikacji:
2011
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
European Union
European funds
cultural programs
Opis:
The main purpose of the paper is a presentation of an important aspect of European policy, which actions are concentrated on culture. Nowadays much space is devoted to economic and financial considerations. Attention is highly focused on exchange of goods and capital. However we should not forget that the exchange of ideas and thoughts and the spiritual dimension of integration are equally important areas. The starting point for the European unification is preservation of its common cultural heritage and creating the system of European values. EU decision makers in order to reach these goals, provide various cultural programs, of which one obviously seek to consolidate and specifically, by creating a cultural programs. One of them (Europe for Citizens) and its financial aspects will be the subject of deeper analysis.
Źródło:
Państwo i Społeczeństwo; 2011, 4; 95-107
1643-8299
2451-0858
Pojawia się w:
Państwo i Społeczeństwo
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Proces rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej jako cel operacyjny polskiej prezydencji w Radzie Unii Europejskiej
The European Union enlargement process as an operational objective of the Polish Presidency in the Council of the European Union
Autorzy:
Węc, Janusz Józef
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/506358.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
European Union
European integration
Polish Presidency of the EU Council
The European Union enlargement process
Opis:
On balance the performance of the first Polish EU Council Presidency in the matter of the enlargement process of the European Union seems to be positive. The Polish Presidency effectively implemented the five main functions of a Presidency: the agenda-setting, brokerage, management, coordination and internal representation in the contacts with the governments of member states and the institutions of the European Union. The most important aspect was that it managed to implement almost all the operational objectives typically required for the enlargement process. Despite the objections and doubts expressed by the governments of many member states, conditioned mainly by the debt crisis of the Eurozone and the need for internal and external consolidation of the European Union, the Polish Presidency managed to maintain the concept of enlargement as an important element on the EU’s agenda. On 5 December 2011, on the initiative of the Polish Presidency, the General Affairs Council agreed a new approach to the accession negotiations involving the earliest possible opening of the most contentious negotiation chapters, including fundamental rights and policies pertaining to the area of freedom, security and justice. Employing the agenda-setting function, the Polish Presidency was the co-author of the Group Presidency programme and the author of the country’s Presidency programme and both documents provided the foundation for Poland’s activity in the process of enlargement of the European Union. The most important achievements of the Polish Presidency resulting from the implementation of the brokerage, coordination and management functions concerned Croatia, Iceland, Serbia and Montenegro. The Polish government finalised the work on the text of the accession treaty with Croatia and brought about the signing of the treaty on 9 December 2011. It also accepted the agreements referring to the status of Croatia in the transition period; that is, until the treaty becomes fully effective. The Polish Presidency also gave a significant impetus to the accession negotiations with Iceland, by opening seven negotiation chapters and concluding six. The achievement of the Polish Presidency towards the endeavours of the countries of the Western Balkans to gain accession to the European Union was the opening of procedures leading to Serbia being granted candidate country status, although the formal decision was taken on 28 February 2012 by the General Affairs Council under the chairmanship of the Danish Presidency. In addition, the politically crucial enlargement conclusions of the General Affairs Council for Montenegro, on the basis of which the European Council announced that a decision would be taken on the commencement of accession negotiations in June 2012, were achieved during the Polish Presidency. Taking into account that some member states were critical of the steps taken to normalise relationships between Serbia and Kosovo, the balanced conclusions of the Council, in the part referring to Serbia, should also be taken as a success for the Polish Presidency. Although the Polish Presidency suffered a few failures it is worth emphasising that they resulted mainly from the attitude of other member states such as Greece or the negligence of the third party countries in the enlargement process – in the cases of Turkey, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo. The Polish government, like the others since 2009, failed to overcome the opposition of Greece to the commencement of accession negotiations with Macedonia, although other member states fully supported the concept. The Polish Presidency, like the Belgian and Hungarian Presidencies, was unable to open any new chapter in the accession negotiations with Turkey. However, the reasons were the lack of progress in the implementation of the process of reforms by the Turkish government, the still unsolved controversial issues with Cyprus, the growing assertiveness of Turkey in the foreign policy arena and the unfavourable attitude towards the accession of Turkey to the Union by some member states. Nonetheless, the Polish Presidency achieved an agreement with other member states for a positive agenda in the relations between the Union and Turkey, which led to a relatively balanced text relating to Turkey in the conclusions of the General Affairs Council on 5 December 2011. The reason for the lack of achievement in the enlargement process with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo was the limited progress in fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria made by these countries. Therefore, these countries still remain only as states which aspire to be members of the European Union. Balancing all the stated successes and failures it should be emphasised that the Polish Presidency gave new impetus to the enlargement process of the European Union. This was visible in the proposal by the Polish government and its acceptance by the General Affairs Council of a new methodology for conducting future accession negotiations, the significant advancement of the accession negotiations with Iceland, the opening of the procedure for granting candidate country status to Serbia and establishing the political requirements for the commencement of accession negotiations with Montenegro. In addition, the Polish government signed the accession treaty with Croatia and accepted the agreements regarding the country’s status in its relationships with the European Union in the transition period until the accession treaty is fully implemented.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2013, 4; 73-87
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polska i Niemcy wobec wyzwań polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej (na przykładzie unii energetycznej)
Poland and Germany towards the challenges of the EU-Energy Policy (on an example of the Energy Union)
Autorzy:
Molo, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/505172.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Polska
Germany
European Union
energy policy
Energy Union
Opis:
The article presents Poland’s and Germany’s position on the challenges of the EU-Energy Policy on an example of the EU Energy Union. The article includes an evaluation of Poland’s and Germany’s energy balance as an important determinant of the energy policy in both countries. The core tasks of the Polish and German energy policy were discussed as well as the possible support of future key issues of the EU energy policy.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2016, 1; 151-174
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Strategiczny wymiar rywalizacji polityczno-gospodarczej między Unią Europejską a Chinami na obszarze Bliskiego Wschodu w XXI w.
The strategic dimension of political and economic competition between the European Union and China in the Middle East in the twenty-first century.
Autorzy:
Diawoł-Sitko, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/504804.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
European Union
China
neighborhood policy
Middle East
Opis:
Middle East is a natural area of interest, rivalry and cooperation of the most important international players, due to its strategic location at the borders of three continents as well as sources of energy it owns. China’s policy in Middle East has been widely analysed in the recent years and literature of this subject gains newer and newer titles. Context of rivalry in the area relates to U.S. in the majority of studies, especially if comes to period of post-Arab Spring, when internal changes in the region are accompanied with diversification of particular countries’ foreign policy, in favour of closer cooperation with BRICS countries. Position of the EU, the closest neighbour of the Arab World, also changes. Europe loses in this region not only if comes to economy but politics as well. Arab countries noticably increase their interest not only in economic cooperation with China, but also Chinese way of development. The aim of the article is to present and evaluate actions of the EU and China in Middle East region within recent years. It is hypotesized that China’s increasing engagement in cooperation with Middle East countries inevitably leads to political and economical rivalry with the EU, especially if comes to Arabic part of Mediterranean Sea, which is the area where strategic interest of Europe is the most strongly articulated.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2015, 1; 145-158
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Podstawowe założenia, cele i zasady reformy ustrojowej strefy euro. Implikacje dla Polski
The essential assumptions, objectives and principles of the system reform of the euro area. Implications for Poland
Autorzy:
Węc, Janusz Józef
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/505919.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
system reform of the euro area
European Council, Banking Union
European Union
implications for Poland
Opis:
The first part of the article concentrates on the implementation of the system reform in the period since the adoption by the European Council Herman Van Rompuy`s report on 13th/14th December 2012 until the creation of organisational foundations for the Banking Union. The second part has been devoted to the work on the reform after publishing on 22 June 2015 what is know as Five President`s Report. In the third part have been discussed at length the consequences of system changes in the euro area for Poland.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2016, 1; 107-129
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Unia Europejska w polityce bezpieczeństwa USA w XXI w.
The European Union in US security policy in the twenty-first century
Autorzy:
Zając, Justyna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/505849.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
European Union
USA
security
international order
CSDP
NATO
Opis:
For the past decade the focus of the U.S. security policy has been changing. After a period of global American hegemony, which took place at the end of the Cold War, the international position of the country is declining; countries such as China, India, Brazil, Russia are moving alongside the United States and Europe as centres of power. Focusing U.S. interest on Asia and the Pacific (“Asia Pacific pivot”) causes a reduction of its interests in Europe. Given these trends U.S and EU policymakers face the challenge to redefine their security and defence cooperation. This applies both to the acquisition by European allies more responsibility for their own safety as well as to develop new mechanisms for cooperation on the line US-NATO-EU relations. The article aims to answer about the current situation and perspectives of EU’s place and role in U.S. security policy in the context of redistribution of power in the world politics. The analysis is carried out in the neorealistic paradigm.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2014, 4; 29-40
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Ochrona praw człowieka w Unii Europejskiej w aspekcie społecznej odpowiedzialności przedsiębiorstw – wybrane zagadnienia
Protection of human rights in European Union in the aspect of corporate social responsibility – selected issues
Autorzy:
Bogucka, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/506774.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
human rights
European Union
Corporate Social Responsibility
CSR
Opis:
The modern definition and catalogue of human rights were formalized after the World War II. One of the legal documents is Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 which states that all people are free and equal under the law, dignity and rights regardless a race, color, sex, language, religion, political and other views, nationality, social status and so on. All economic, social and cultural rights are also protected. An economic growth and common globalization require legal regulations on observations of human rights in business relations. Since 2001 European Union has been creating such regulations, admittedly not mandatory, but establishing corporate social responsibility (CSR). It means that an entrepreneur should consider in his economic strategy environmental and social aspects although accepting all those methods is entirely voluntarily. On February 6th, 2013, European Parliament accepted two resolutions on CSR: 1) Accountable, transparent and responsible business behavior and sustainable growth (2012/2098 (INI)); 2) Promoting society’s interests and a route to sustainable and inclusive recovery (2012/2097 (INI)). Resolutions include a new definition introduced by Commission, understood as “corporate responsibility for its influence on society”. The aims of both resolutions is to create mechanisms allowing to workout common values for enterprises owners, interested third parties and society and recognize, prevent and mitigate negative effects of destructing activity of enterprise. The involvement of small and medium-sized enterprises (MSP) sector in corporate social responsibility adjusting the methods of CSR to company size and character of activity is postulated. It is also seen that human rights in third countries, in which union companies have their shares and from which providers within chain of supplies originally come, need to be protected.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2013, 2; 89-101
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kryzys migracyjny zagrożeniem dla realizacji projektu zjednoczonej Europy
Immigration crisis as a threat to the United Europe project
Autorzy:
Tendera-Właszczuk, Helena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/506541.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Unia Europejska
kryzys imigracyjny
suwerenność państw członkowskich
kryzys Unii Europejskiej
European Union
migration crisis
Member States’ sovereignty
European Union crisis
Opis:
Liczba nielegalnych imigrantów napływających do Unii Europejskiej od kilku lat gwałtownie wzrasta. Stanowiska państw członkowskich UE, podobnie jak ich polityka dotycząca akceptowania (lub nie) napływu nielegalnych imigrantów znacznie się różnią. Podstawowe wartości Unii Europejskiej: pokój, demokracja, prawa człowieka, tolerancja i solidarność, wydają się zagrożone. Niektóre państwa UE podają w wątpliwość pozytywne czynniki związane z napływem imigrantów z powodu tego, iż nie przestrzegają oni podstawowych praw obywateli Unii Europejskiej. Są to nie tylko kwestie związane z bezpieczeństwem. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie wyzwań stojących przed instytucjami unijnymi, które muszą podjąć odpowiednie kroki w celu przezwyciężenia kryzysu migracyjnego, i związanych z tym możliwych przyszłych scenariuszy rozwoju projektu europejskiego.
The illegal immigration flows towards European Union are rapidly growing up over the past few years. The Member States’ opinions and policies differ a lot in the matter of acceptance or not the refuges and illegal immigrants. The basic European values: peace, democracy, human rights, tolerance and solidarity seem to be imperilled. Some Member States are questioning positive assets of the immigrants infl ow because of the fact that the newcomers abuse the fundamental rights of the EU citizens. There are not only the security threats. The paper will address the challenges between European institutions’ actions to solve the immigration crisis and the possible future scenarios of the integration process.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2016, 3; 9-25
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przyszłość stosunków Unii Europejskiej z Iranem – szanse i zagrożenia wynikające z porozumienia nuklearnego
The Future of the European Union’s Relations with Iran – Opportunities and Challenges Arising from the Nuclear Agreement
Autorzy:
Diawoł-Sitko, Anna
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/506312.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Iran
European Union
nuclear program
Unia Europejska
program nuklearny
Opis:
The aim of the article is to analyze the European Union’s cooperation with Iran in the context of a nuclear agreement, including opportunities and threats at the political, economic and security level resulting from its achievement. The article also addresses the assessment of the effectiveness and participation of EU diplomacy in the negotiation process and the Union’s negotiating position against the background of the most important international actors, as well as the implications of the suspension of the nuclear agreement by the US administration for the future of relations with Iran and the role of Europe in maintaining dialogue with that country. The article is divided into 4 parts. The first concerns the importance of Iran in Middle East and for the European Union. The second genesis of the nuclear program and the role of the European Union in reaching 2015 compromise. The third is devoted to the new opening of cooperation with Iran after 2015. The last part evaluates Union’s strategy and actions towards Iran in the context of suspension of the nuclear agreement by the American administration.
Celem artykułu jest analiza współpracy Unii Europejskiej z Iranem w kontekście porozumienia nuklearnego, w tym szans i zagrożeń na poziomie politycznym, ekonomicznym i bezpieczeństwa wynikających z jego osiągnięcia. W artykule podjęto także temat oceny efektywności i udziału dyplomacji unijnej w procesie negocjacji oraz pozycji negocjacyjnej Unii na tle najważniejszych międzynarodowych aktorów, a także implikacji zawieszenia porozumienia nuklearnego przez administrację amerykańską dla przyszłości stosunków z Iranem oraz roli Europy w utrzymaniu dialogu z tym państwem. Artykuł podzielony jest na 4 części. Pierwsza, dotyczy znaczenia Iranu w polityce bliskowschodniej i dla Unii Europejskiej. Druga, genezy programu nuklearnego oraz roli Unii Europejskiej w osiągnięciu kompromisu z 2015 r. Trzecia, nowego otwarcia współpracy z Iranem po roku 2015. Ostatnia, oceny strategii i działań Unii wobec Iranu w kontekście zawieszenia porozumienia nuklearnego przez administrację amerykańską.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2019, 1; 111-132
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Zur Zukunft der Europäischen Union: Deutsche Debatten
Wokół przyszłości Unii Europejskiej. Niemieckie debaty
On the future of the European Union: German debates
Autorzy:
Munketl, Peter
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/506738.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Unia Europejska
Niemcy
kryzysy
SPD
European Union
Germany
crises
Opis:
Artykuł podejmuje zagadnienie przyszłości Unii Europejskiej w kontekście dyskusji prowadzonych w Niemczech przez polityków i wiodące media na temat przyczyn „rozchodzenia się” wspólnoty państw. Zauważa się i poddaje analizie główne przyczyny tego stanu rzeczy: neoliberalną dominację z przede wszystkim ukutą przez niemiecki rząd restrykcyjna polityką fi nansową, obawy związane z globalizacją wzmacniające prawicowo-populistyczne i prawicowo-ekstremistyczne siły, także niepowodzenia socjaldemokracji, jak i zmiany w międzynarodowym porządku. Zaproponowano rozwiązania, które albo dotychczas okazały się nieskuteczne (Europa wielu prędkości, jądro Europy) albo które są zagrożeniem powrotu w czasy zimnej wojny (siła militarna). Niezbędna jest jednak odważna decyzja polityczna, która służyłaby zwalczeniu przyczyn kryzysów w Europie i na świecie.
The article raises the matter of the European Union‘s future in the context of discussions in Germany held by politicians and leading media on the causes of „separation“ of the community of states. The main resons for that situation are noticed and analyzed: neoliberal domination with, fi rst and foremost, restrictive fi nancial policy forged by the German government, fears concerning globalization that strengthen the right populist and the right extremist forces as well as failures of socialdemocrats and the shifts in the international order. The solutions have been offered that either so far proved to be ineffective (Multi-speed Europe or Core Europe) or threatens with the return of the Cold War (military power). Nevertheless, the courageous political decision is essential, which would serve the elimination of the causes of crises in Europe and the world.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2017, 2; 63-76
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Bałtycka „zimna wojna”. Możliwe reakcje NATO i UE na rosyjską aktywność militarną na akwenie bałtyckim.
Baltic „Cold War”. Possible NATO’s and UE responses for Russian military activity at the Baltic Sea.
Autorzy:
Mickiewicz, Piotr
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/505168.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Baltic Sea
Russian national interests
NATO
The European Union
Opis:
Baltic Sea, as an area of strategic importance for Russia’s policy toward Europe, has become a place of showcase of Russia’s military might. Its primary purpose is to show the international community the level of determination Russian authorities express to make national interests of the Federation included in the global politics. The number of incidents which cannot be a ground for military action on a larger scale – even according to Russian conventions – requires a politico-military response by regional supranational organizations. The response should take the form of smart-power strategies and the formula of military involvement must go beyond purely defensive action in response to enemy action. Hence, it is necessary to determine the scope of comprehensive EU and NATO operations (due to the need to protect the territorial sovereignty of Sweden and Finland) to offset the forms of Russian incidental activities in a way that does not elevate political tension in the region. Such a reaction is possible through effective impact on forms of activities on the waters of the Baltic Sea, which are important for Russia, notably shipping. The European Union, and the European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA) in particular, has appropriate instruments to create an effective impact. On the other hand, the role of the North Atlantic Treaty should be to prepare and conduct systematic and comprehensive operations which limit the possibility of encroaching on the treaty territory and protect the member states against Russia applying instruments of hybrid war.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2015, 2; 57-70
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Asymetryczne partnerstwo czy pragmatyczna współpraca? Szansa na polsko-niemiecki sojusz w pogrążonej w kryzysie UE
Asymmetric Partnership or Pragmatic Cooperation? Chance for Polish-German Alliance in the mired in crisis EU
Autorzy:
Stankiewicz, Jakub
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/506772.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
Polish-German Partnership
European Union
euro-crisis
integration circles
Opis:
By 2014, the EU will celebrate the 10th anniversary of the biggest ever expansion of its borders. In 2004, among its members appointed countries of the region, which since the end of World War II have been isolated politically, economically and mentally from benefits of the "Western" integration. The upcoming anniversary is a good time for a broader rethink how Poland uses the existing opportunities that obtained with the accession to the EU. The thesis of the author is the conviction that without the accession to the EU, Poland would not have obtained the current relative stability in the political, economic and social. However, at the same time, author believes the EU would fail without Polish current role in international relations. By analyzing the above issues, author tries to answer the question of whether currently existing opportunity to strengthen the position of the Polish EU, specifically in the first circle of integration by strengthening cooperation with Germany? In addition, the article is subjected to criticism, opinions about the marginal role of Polish in the European structures. Author in the following dissertation is based on extensive literature Polish and foreign, as well as his own thoughts and previous work published in national journals.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2014, 1; 191-208
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityka migracyjna i azylowa w Niemczech i Polsce
Migration and asylum policies of Germany and Poland
Autorzy:
Bojenko-Izdebska, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/505459.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
migrations
refugees
European Union
bilateral relations between Poland and Germany
Opis:
The article compares migration and asylum policies of Poland and Germany with particular attention paid to the events of 2015. Although matters of migration policy do not cause disagreements in bilateral relations, the issue of refugees is potentially controversial. It is not, however, purely a matter of bilateral relations between Poland and Germany, but also those with European Union itself, whose responses to the crisis have been delayed and not very effective. The humanitarian crisis has now become a structural crisis and the solutions proposed by the Commission do not promise to be successful. Moreover, the agreement with Turkey so far has fallen short of expectations.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2016, 2; 43-55
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kilka uwag na temat polskiej polityki migracyjnej w rocznicę 10-lecia członkostwa w UE
Some Notes on Polish Migration Policy on the Tenth Anniversary of EU Membership
Autorzy:
Bojenko-Izdebska, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/505715.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
migration policy
asylum policy
integration of migrants
European Union
Polska
Opis:
This article analyses Polish migration and asylum policies and how they conform to EU legislation. Firstly, it focuses on the most important stages of developing these policies in the EU and their legal and institutional implementation in Poland. Secondly, it discusses the current trends of economic migration to Poland, the challenges of migrant integration, and the attitudes of Polish citizens to migrant workers. Finally, it shows how Polish asylum and visa policies, and ways of combatting illegal immigration are in line with EU requirements. The article also shows that in recent years economic migration has been recognised as positively influencing economic growth and innovation, especially when migration of highly qualified workers is regulated. One of the most important challenges for the future is the development of appropriate integration strategies for migrants coming to Poland.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2014, 1; 81-92
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Współpraca międzyinstytucjonalna UE–NATO – nowe ramy na rzecz wzmocnienia zdolności obronnych UE po roku 2012
EU–NATO inter-institutional cooperation – a new framework for strengthening the EU’s defense capabilities
Autorzy:
Przybylska-Maszner, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/506639.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
Tematy:
European Union
NATO
defense policy
security
Unia Europejska
polityka obronna
bezpieczeństwo
Opis:
The aim of the article is to analyze the factors determining the state of relations between the European Union and NATO in the period 2012–2018. The issue presented in the article was based on the assumption that EU–NATO relations are characterized by significant dynamics leading to the transformation of existing cooperation ties. The principle of correlation, based on supplementing the potential tasks of both organizations, as well as the principle of asymmetry, resulting primarily from the American advantage in the North Atlantic Alliance, are modified. Growing threats to European security, being a consequence of the stabilization disorder in the region of the Eastern and Southern Neighborhood of the European Union, affect the strengthening of interdependence, and coincide with the process of changes in the internal structures of both organizations. Crisis response situations significantly increase the involvement of both strategic partners to strengthen existing links. Defining the determinants affecting mutual cooperation should be emphasized the existing dysfunctionality, which is based on political animosities regarding the role of both entities in the new European political order, as well as European limitations in the real possibilities of influence in the region.
Celem artykułu jest analiza czynników warunkujących stan relacji Unia Europejska – NATO po roku 2012. Przedstawione zostały istniejące struktury powiązań międzyinstytucjonalnych oraz najważniejsze zmiany w relacjach obu organizacji. W artykule oparto się na założeniu, iż w analizowanym okresie relacje UE–NATO cechuje znacząca dynamika prowadząca do przekształcenia istniejących więzi współpracy. Dotychczasowa zasada korelacji zadań oparta na uzupełnianiu potencjału obu organizacji, jak i zasada asymetryczności, wynikająca przede wszystkim z przewagi amerykańskiej w Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckim, ulegają modyfi kacji. Narastanie zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa europejskiego, będące konsekwencją destabilizacji w rejonie wschodniego i południowego sąsiedztwa Unii Europejskiej, wzmocnienia współzależność, a jednocześnie zbiega się z procesem zmian struktur wewnętrznych obu organizacji. Powtarzające się sytuacje wymagające wspólnego reagowania na kryzys znacząco zwiększają zakres zaangażowania obu strategicznych partnerów na rzecz wzmocnienia istniejących powiązań. Określając determinanty wzajemnej współpracy, podkreślić należy istniejącą dysfunkcjonalność, której podłożem są animozje polityczne dotyczące roli obu podmiotów w nowym układzie sił strategicznych, a także europejskie ograniczenia w zakresie realnych możliwości oddziaływania w regionie.
Źródło:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe; 2018, 4; 69-85
1733-2680
2451-0610
Pojawia się w:
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 73

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